--- Page 1 --- --- Page 2 --- You Are All Free in the French Caribbean colony of SaintThe abolitions of slavery France in 1794 were the first Domingue in 1793 and in revolutionary that had shaped the Atlantic dramatic blows against an institution the lives of millions of people. world for three centuries and affected You Are All Free provides the Based on extensive archival research, events that led to these epochal first complete account oft the dramatic the richest city decrees, as well as to the destruction of Cap Français, crisis in the United Caribbean, and to the first refugee in the French accounts that claim that Saint-Domingue's States. Taking issue with that French revolutionaries abolslaves simply freed themselves, or for universal human rights, ished slavery as part of a general campaign result of and often the book shows that abolition was the complex Atlantic that have political struggles on both sides of the paradoxical by earlier scholars. frequently been misunderstood T. Marshall Hahn, Jr., Professor of History at the Jeremy D. Popkin, has written numerous books on the French University of Kentucky, of literaand Haitian revolutions and on the subject autobiographical News: The Press in France, 1789-1799 ture, including Revolutionary (2005), and Facing History, Historians and Autobiography (1990), Accounts of the Haitian Revolution Racial Revolution: Eyewitness professor at the Collège de France (2007). He has been a visiting and held numerous fellowships, (2009) and Brown University (2005) Foundation, the National including awards from the J.S. Guggenheim the National Endowment Humanities Center, the Fulbright Program, Study, and the Newberry for the Humanities, the Institute for Advanced Library. --- Page 3 --- --- Page 4 --- JAN 1 8 2011 You Are All Free The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery JEREMY D. POPKIN University of Kentucky CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS VIRGINIA STATE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY --- Page 5 --- F * .P67 Cambridge, New CAMBRIDGE York, UNIVERSITY PRESS Sao Paulo, Delhi, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Dubai, Tokyo, Mexico City Cambridge University Press 32 Avenue of the Americas, New York, NY 10013-2473, USA www.cambridge.org Information on this title: ecceaeehnitgnouus OJ Jeremy D. Popkin 2010 This publication is in copyright. and to the provisions of relevant Subject to statutory exception no reproduction of any part may collective take licensing agreements, permission of Cambridge place without the written University Press. First published 2010 Printed in the United States of America A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication data You are all free : the Haitian revolution Popkin, Jeremy D., 1948and the abolition of slavery. / Jeremy D. p. cm. Popkin. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN I. Haiti - History - Revolution, 978-0-s21-51722-5 (hardback) 1791-1804. 2. Slavery - Haiti - History. I. Title. FI923.P67 2010 972.94'03-dcz2 ISBN 978-0-s21-51722-5 Hardback ISBN 978-0-521-73194-2 Paperback Cambridge University Press has no for accuracy of URLS for external or responsibility the persistence or this publication and does not third-party Internet Web sites referred to in or will remain, guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, accurate or appropriate. fipnuu HERaVD STA, AlMionir --- Page 6 --- Contents page vii Figures ix Preface Introduction: The Journée of June 2.0, 1793, in Cap Français and the Abolition of Slavery I I A Colony in Revolution 2 Municipal Revolution in a Colonial City 3 French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists Creating Revolutionary Government in the Tropics I2I 5 A Model Republican General I55 6 The Powder Keg Explodes 7 Freedom and Fire 8 The Road to General Emancipation 9 Saint-Domingue in the United States IO The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II II Conclusion Bibliography Index 4II V 1793, in Cap Français and the Abolition of Slavery I I A Colony in Revolution 2 Municipal Revolution in a Colonial City 3 French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists Creating Revolutionary Government in the Tropics I2I 5 A Model Republican General I55 6 The Powder Keg Explodes 7 Freedom and Fire 8 The Road to General Emancipation 9 Saint-Domingue in the United States IO The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II II Conclusion Bibliography Index 4II V --- Page 7 --- --- Page 8 --- Figures (1795) page 27 I.I. The colony of Saint-Domingue I.2. The slave uprising of August 1791 2.I. Le Cap, its harbor and hinterlands side Cap Français viewed from the ocean 2.2. from the land side 2.3. Cap Français et des esclaves" "Costumes des affranchies 2.4. warship ISI 4.I. Model of a French 74-gun 5.I. Model of the Normande 6.1. Title page of the Moniteur Général House 6.2. The Place Montarcher and the Government Refugees from Le Cap 7.1. 7.2. View of the burning city Cap Français after the fire 7-3. 8.1. Sonthonax the Liberator The Jupiter in New York Harbor 9.I. Belley IO.I. Deputy Jean-Baptiste the abolition of slavery IO.2. Celebrating Le in its present state (May 1797) II.I. Map of Cap vii --- Page 9 --- --- Page 10 --- Preface The inspiration for this book can be traced sources: a Sunday morning walk in to two very different one of parks and the experience of the Lexington, Kentucky's, local 2006, I had recently finished presidency of George W. Bush. In midHaitian Revolution, the manuscript of an earlier book on the Facing Racial of the Haitian Revolution: Eyewitness Accounts in Revolution, a project that had drawn on my interests autobiographical writing. In my tions included in that commentaries on the various selecvolume, I had taken pains to guard against the partiality of the texts I put readers on their omissions. I had, SO to speak, kept the included and of their many acquired in the course of literary analyst's hat that I had nearly a decade of writing about phy firmly on my head and put the constructed autobiograthese narratives in the middle of and subjective nature of of my walk - in a park that, like my interpretation of them. In the course what was once farmland much of central Kentucky, occupies in the originally cleared with the of years around 1800, even as slavery help slave labor dismantled in Haiti -I was was being SO spectacularly project. It occurred pondering what to do for my next research to me to wonder how the events described eyewitness documents I had collected, and in the lar episode of the Haitian especially the most - Revolution the spectacuthe French colony of burning of the main city of the first emancipation Saint-Domingue and the simultaneous issuance of would look proclamation in the French empire in iflswitched headgear and wrote from the June 1793 - original discipline of history. I already knew perspective of my archival sources were where most of the relevant located, and I calculated, upcoming two-month stay in Paris would allow optimistically, that an me to go through most ix the lar episode of the Haitian especially the most - Revolution the spectacuthe French colony of burning of the main city of the first emancipation Saint-Domingue and the simultaneous issuance of would look proclamation in the French empire in iflswitched headgear and wrote from the June 1793 - original discipline of history. I already knew perspective of my archival sources were where most of the relevant located, and I calculated, upcoming two-month stay in Paris would allow optimistically, that an me to go through most ix --- Page 11 --- Preface X from walk, I went home and began to work out of them. Refreshed my a research plan. historian also responded, My decision to revert to working as a "pure" which President Bush had however, to some reflections about the way in adventure in Iraq, the outlaunched the United States into the bloody as I write this in the spring of 2010, deeply come of which remains, training in history in the early uncertain. From the start of my graduate events of history were to I had imbibed the lesson that the great 1970S, forces 1 social structures, culbe explained in terms of large impersonal intellectual discourses - and that "traditional" political tural paradigms, short time frames, and continhistory, with its emphasis on individuals, here the United States was, Yet, gent events, was inevitably superficial. down in the third year of a war that seemed in the fall of 2006, bogged inevitable than of decisions less the product of long-term and Whatever processes its ultimate results, the taken by a handful of political leaders. historical event of considwill be remembered as a Iraq war undoubtedly to me that it might be fruitful to take a erable proportions. It occurred in which the first total abolition fresh look at the political circumstances in mind and to ask of slavery came about in 1793 with this perspective factors such as in terms of structural whether it was wholly explainable numerical advantage the cruelty of the plantation system, the enormous and the power of the of the black population over its white oppressors, of the day. moral arguments put forward by the abolitionists career, a to write, for the first time in my professional In attempting history, I soon discovered that this vener- "simple" narrative political at all. In contrast to the sources able genre of scholarship is not simple the official papers, letters, and employed in social or cultural history, history relies may seem to speak published documents on which political careful analysis and interpretafor themselves, but in fact they require concealed behind tion. The motives for human action can be as artfully forms of data or enigmatic a flood ofwords as they can bein quantitative offered here depends on certain behavior. The reconstruction of events the of about human psychology and on dynamics political assumptions document claims about the events conflict; although I have tried to my of Haiti), France, in Saint-Domingue (today's Republic that took place I am under no illusion that and the United States as carefully as possible, or that other scholars I have produced a completely. objective account, cannot interpret the evidence differently. "small" piece of historiIalso originally thought of this project as a more than because Iintended to limit it to a period of no cal researeh, of about human psychology and on dynamics political assumptions document claims about the events conflict; although I have tried to my of Haiti), France, in Saint-Domingue (today's Republic that took place I am under no illusion that and the United States as carefully as possible, or that other scholars I have produced a completely. objective account, cannot interpret the evidence differently. "small" piece of historiIalso originally thought of this project as a more than because Iintended to limit it to a period of no cal researeh, --- Page 12 --- X1 Preface from the arrival in the colony of Saint-Domingue of a year and a half, Sonthonax and Etienne the French civil commissioners Léger-Félicité ofthe National Convention's Polverel in September 1792 to the passage As it has developed, howdecree abolishing slavery in February 1794. of this study may be I have realized that although the scope was ever, are broad. The episode described here narrow, its implications that led, almost a century later, to the a crucial one in the struggle in the Americas. It raises important final abolition of Negro slavery of moral and political ideas and questions about the relative weight about the most radical act of conscious human intentions in bringing I do not intend to deny of abolition in that entire century of struggle. in undermining of the abolitionist critique of slavery the importance the determination with which the black the institution, or to minimize their chains. I do argue, insurgents in Saint-Domingue fought to escape role in determining that circumstances played a much greater have however, than previous historians the outcome of events in Saint-Domingue eventual abolition of slavery was been willing to concede. Certainly the the history of that not the result of a series of accidents. Nevertheless, if the events surrounding abolition would have looked very different taken or had had a violent of June 20, 1793, had not place the journée eventualities that could easily have occurred, different outcome, two would look very different if George W. just as our contemporary world his *war of choice" in the Middle Bush had not decided to embark on East in 2003. different form, and its concluAlthough this book has taken on a very than have come to seem to me to have much greater significance sions embarked on it, I was correct about one thing: the I realized when I covered here are rich and fascinating. sources for the study of the events the <fetishism of the decades, it has been fashionable to decry In recent to historical research. In this archives" associated with older approaches available to the historian are case, however, the documentary has sources been hard to resist the temptation to SO varied and SO vivid that it for doing them to the fullest. There is an additional justification exploit Revolution, when it has not been neglected SO: the history of the Haitian written on the basis of only a handaltogether, has all too often been authors who never looked at the ful of sources, many of them cited by inaccurate or incomoriginal papers and relied instead on sometimes books. Now that versions of key documents found in published their plete in the French colony of Saint-Domingue are assuming the events of modern struggles for freedom, it certainly rightful place in the history them to the fullest. There is an additional justification exploit Revolution, when it has not been neglected SO: the history of the Haitian written on the basis of only a handaltogether, has all too often been authors who never looked at the ful of sources, many of them cited by inaccurate or incomoriginal papers and relied instead on sometimes books. Now that versions of key documents found in published their plete in the French colony of Saint-Domingue are assuming the events of modern struggles for freedom, it certainly rightful place in the history --- Page 13 --- Preface xii who have the opportunity to do SO to use the original behooves scholars sources that are available. the years of the Haitian Like all historians who work on early in series D XXV of Revolution, I have relied heavily on the documents collected by the French the Archives nationales in Paris. These papers, the responsibility parliamentary commission set up in 1795 to determine and form the between 1789 1794, for the "disasters" in Saint-Domingue the first years of the Haitian basis for all serious scholarly research on contents of many of the other Revolution. Unlike the more standardized series D XXV contains an document series in the Archives nationales, official letters, orders, proclaextraordinary hodgepodge of materials: interrogations, capcorrespondence, ships' logs, police mations, private and many other items. I was tured documents from the black insurgents, did thanks to fortunate this gold mine as extensively as I able to exploit around the turn of the millenium, the Archives timing. For several years from the discovery of asbestos nationales was crippled by a crisis resulting research building opened in the contaminating the CARAN, the modern forced to work under 1980s. From the late 1990S to 2006, scholars were Committing difficult conditions in various temporary reading rooms. in the that relied heavily on access to documents oneself to a project of a gamble. Fortunately for me, Archives nationales became something main reading room I embarked on this project just when the Archives's the benefit of its excelfinally reopened. From 2006 to 2009, I enjoyed staff who seemed genuinely environment and of a helpful lent working readers the services that they had not been pleased to be able to offer of troubles." 99 The Archives nationales able to provide during the "time revolution that has allowed researchhas also been at the forefront oft the documents, which can then be ers to use digital cameras to photograph As I write this, however, plans read at leisure on the computer screen. new archival center in under way for the construction of an entirely are of Paris, currently scheduled to open in 20II. One the northeast suburbs of transition from the Archives's historic can only hope that the period of the Marais to their new location home in the atmospheric quarter In any event, I will always have will not be too prolonged or disruptive. the morning, en route to the fond memories of crossing the Seine in early the surprises to enjoying the sights of the city and anticipating Archives, carton from the D XXV series. be found in yet another promising this project has drawn on mateIn addition to the Archives hationales, archives whose assistance I would rials from many other libraries and nationale de France, These include the Bibliothèque like to acknowledge. new location home in the atmospheric quarter In any event, I will always have will not be too prolonged or disruptive. the morning, en route to the fond memories of crossing the Seine in early the surprises to enjoying the sights of the city and anticipating Archives, carton from the D XXV series. be found in yet another promising this project has drawn on mateIn addition to the Archives hationales, archives whose assistance I would rials from many other libraries and nationale de France, These include the Bibliothèque like to acknowledge. --- Page 14 --- Preface xiii the Centre des Archives d'Outre-Mer in des Archives Diplomatiques de Aix-en-Provence, the Centre de terre, the Service Nantes, the Service historique de l'armée the John Carter historique de la marine, the Brown Library, the Newberry Library, the Van Pelt Library Company of Library at the University of Philadelphia, of Congress, the New York Public Pennsylvania, the Library Society, and the University of Library, the New York Historical late comer to the international Kentucky Library. I have been a relatively history of the community of scholars interested in the the abolition of revolutionary era in the Caribbean and the struggle for slavery. Colleagues in this field have been generous in providing encouragement, exceptionally copies of their own research notes. I would bibliographical tips, and often Bandau, Madison Smartt especially like to thank Anja Elizabeth Bell, Yves Bénot, Jean-Charles Colwill, Myriam Cottias, John Benzaken, Marcel Dorigny, Seymour Davies, Daniel Desormeaux, Andrée-Luce Drescher, Laurent Dubois, Carolyn Fourcand, Julia Gaffield, John Fick, Malick Ghachem, Jean Hébrard, Garrigus, David Geggus, Martha Jones, Darrell Laënnec Hurbon, Erica Johnson, Peden, Anne Meadows, Joanne Melish, Claire Payton, Knox Perotin-Dumon, Jennifer Pierce, Dwayn Rogers, Alyssa Sepinwall, Miranda Pruitt, Dominique and Ashli White for their advice Spieler, Aletha Stahl, Jeffery Stanley, the Ecole des Hautes Etudes and assistance. Invitations to lecture at de la Révolution en Sciences Sociales, the Institut d'Histoire Française, and the Collège de France occasions to extend my research. Iam grateful provided valuable Jean-François Revel, Jean-Clément to Christophe Prochasson, and Roger Chartier for these Martin, Pierre Serna, Daniel Roche, opportunities. on the Revolutionary Era, the Audiences at the Consortium American Society for French Historical Society for Bighteenrh-Century Studies, the Association, and at Studies, the Haitian Studies State colloquia on "The French Atlantic" at University, "Paris Croisé" at the Freie Universitât Florida "Républiques en miroir" at the Institut de Berlin in 2007, française in 2008, and "Affranchis P'histoire de la Révolution monde atlantique et descendants d'affranchis dans le cle," in Bordeaux (Europe, in Afrique et Amériques) du XVe au XIXe sièthose who attended 2009 offered helpful criticism of my work, as did Riverside, Reed my presentations at the University of College, the McNeil Center for California, the University of Pennsylvania, the Atlantic History at American History Seminar of the University of Virginia, the Early Rocky Mountain Early American Kentucky Historical Society, and the Seymour Drescher, David History Seminar. Elizabeth Colwill, Geggus, Lynn Hunt, and Joanne Melish read cle," in Bordeaux (Europe, in Afrique et Amériques) du XVe au XIXe sièthose who attended 2009 offered helpful criticism of my work, as did Riverside, Reed my presentations at the University of College, the McNeil Center for California, the University of Pennsylvania, the Atlantic History at American History Seminar of the University of Virginia, the Early Rocky Mountain Early American Kentucky Historical Society, and the Seymour Drescher, David History Seminar. Elizabeth Colwill, Geggus, Lynn Hunt, and Joanne Melish read --- Page 15 --- xiv Preface the manuscript, in whole or in part, in its later ful suggestions for stages and provided helpimprovement. At Cambridge Crahan shared my excitement about this University Press, Eric T. MarshallHahn, Jr., Professor project. Appointment as the ofHistory at the provided welcome funding for University ofH Kentucky the individuals and institutions my research. Although Iam grateful to all without named here for their it saying that the opinions assistance, goes responsibility. Unless otherwise expressed in this book are my own other indicated, translations from sources languages are also my own. in In November 2008, thanks to the Haitian Studies particularly to Aletha Stahl, I was able to make Association and and, in particular, to visit the city of a short trip to Haiti events of June 1793 described in this book Cap Haitien, where the crucial wonderful guide, Harry took place. Together with our I used the Nicholas, Aletha Stahl, Elizabeth 1795 street map reproduced in this book Colwill, and where the future Convention to find the location of the civil commissioners deputy Jean-Baptiste Belley led the defense Sonthonax and Polverel, and the quays where their opponent, General spot on the harbor that marked the end of Galbaud, made the plunge into the white domination as it was, this in the colony. Short trip gave me a glimpse, not only of the difficulties present-day Haitians as they try to build a facing ety, but of the obstacles facing Haitian functioning democratic sociwho would like to study and scholars and teachers of history Even before the transmit the story of their country's past. devastating earthquake that struck try on January I2, 2010, severely much of the countary repositories and its institutions damaging most of Haiti's documenHaitian historian who of higher education, it was the rare could hope to enjoy the well-funded faculty member from possibilities that I, as a benefitted from. One an American research university, have can only hope that the under way will include programs that will reconstruction efforts now country where these vitally give our colleagues from the to study them, important events took place the opportunity This book is dedicated to my mother, Juliet has encouraged my love of reading and Greenstone Popkin, who child. It was her patience and hard writing ever since I was a small work that made it family to accompany my father, Richard H. possible for our a trip that was my Popkin, to Paris in introduction to French culture. In 1952-53, to help my mother to 2008, it fell to me which she prepare move out of the Los and my father had Angeles apartment in in 2005 My spent many happy years before his death father, a prominent historian of philosophy, published Greenstone Popkin, who child. It was her patience and hard writing ever since I was a small work that made it family to accompany my father, Richard H. possible for our a trip that was my Popkin, to Paris in introduction to French culture. In 1952-53, to help my mother to 2008, it fell to me which she prepare move out of the Los and my father had Angeles apartment in in 2005 My spent many happy years before his death father, a prominent historian of philosophy, published --- Page 16 --- Preface XV numerous books, but it was only as I sorted through the piles of paper in mother's apartment that I discovered how much writing she herself my was moved several insightful had done over the years. I especially by autobiographical essays she had written about her own childhood and the she had made with father. The time about some of foreign trips my and effort she put into raising her three children and supporting my father's career held my mother back from becoming a published author father and mother has always been in her own right. Unlike my me, my happier talking to people than sitting at a desk taking notes. Late in life, when my father retired, my mother finally realized her lifelong dream of entering the publishing business by setting up a small literary agency. None of the books she helped shepherd to publication made her rich, but she loved talking to authors and editors, and she took pleasure in facilitating the appearance of a number of books she truly admired, some of which, like Margaret McCord's The Calling of Katie Makanya, the life story of a black woman from South Africa, won literary awards. a for You Are All Free was one of Helping me put together prospectus the last tasks my mother took on before she had to wind up the Julie Popkin Literary Agency. It was an act of faith in her son, but also an act of faith in the importance of books. I hope the final result will justify my mother's confidence, both in her offspring and in the importance of the printed word. --- Page 17 --- --- Page 18 --- Introduction The Journée of June 20, 1793 in Cap and the Abolition of Français Slavery On the afternoon of June 20, 1793, a white the Caribbean trading port of Cap resident hurrying home in scene. Groups of dark-skinned Français witnessed an extraordinary crying loudly to the city's thousands men were running through the streets, The commissioners of black slaves, "You are all free! this whole say you are all free, all whites are now equal to country belongs to us.' PI The men us, not the black slave insurgents whose spreading this message were earlier on the night of August revolt, begun almost two years France's valuable colony of 22-23, 1791, had shaken revolutionary entire Atlantic world. They Saint-Domingue - today's Haiti - and the free people of were members of the colony's color, a group that had been granted population of equality with the whites by the French citizenship rights and hope of creating a common front government in April 1792 in the that strategy had failed. The to fight the slave insurrection. Now forces fighting the slaves and the general sent from France to command the busy harbor were in revolt sailors from the ships in Cap Français's against the two commissioners sent from France in revolutionary national civil the free men of color who 1792 to save the colony, and against sioners and their free colored supported them. Outnumbered, the commisthe slaves, the allies took the drastic step ofappealing to first time in the overwhelming majority of the city's population. For the the 300-year history of colonial settlement in the representatives of a European Americas, that would lead to the abolition of government set themselves on a path slavery, which the French National Extrait d'une lettre, SUT les malbeurs de l'incendie de la ville du Cap Français (Paris: Saint-Domingue Pain, An II en général, et principalement SUT (1793)), 13. I isthe slaves, the allies took the drastic step ofappealing to first time in the overwhelming majority of the city's population. For the the 300-year history of colonial settlement in the representatives of a European Americas, that would lead to the abolition of government set themselves on a path slavery, which the French National Extrait d'une lettre, SUT les malbeurs de l'incendie de la ville du Cap Français (Paris: Saint-Domingue Pain, An II en général, et principalement SUT (1793)), 13. I --- Page 19 --- -You Are All Free Convention decreed of February in Cap 4, 1794 as a direct result of Français a half year earlier. What this the events witnessed in Cap Français on June anonymous chronicler ing point. 20, 1793 was a true historical turnWhen he recorded his experience in ness did not see it as an October 1793, however, this witfor virtually all of the whites inspiring moment of liberation. For him, and June who lived through the 20, 1793 would be forever associated event, the date of ery, but with the violent destruction not with the end of slavEuropean civilization of a major city, a proud in the tropics. The symbol of city of Cap Français on that hot Caribbean fighting that broke out in the three days, a conflagration that morning set off, over the next wealthiest in cost thousands of lives and port the French colonies to ashes. The reduced the Français was bloodier than any of the destruction of Cap lutionary Paris, episodes of urban violence in claiming at least twice as many victims revoAugust IO, 1792 or the September as the journée of the death toll - somewhere massacres of that year in Paris, and most murderous instance of between 3,000 and 10,000 - makes it the Americas. The urban conflict in the entire flames that consumed history of the Cap impact on the overseas trade that Français had a devastating the beginning of the had fueled France's prosperity since France's second eighteenth century. No single event in the overseas empire, not even the history of delivered such a sudden and massive Algerian war of 1954-62, the destruction of Cap jolt to the metropole's prosperity as In Français in 1793. Saint-Domingue itself, the destruction of Cap proclamation offering freedom to Français and the under the orders of the any slaves who would put themselves French formed the struggle that had revolutionary commissioners trans179I and the simultaneous begun with the slave uprising of but separate revolt of August ple of color. Appalled by the the colony's free peoSaint-Domingue who did commissioners' decision, the whites in Britain and not flee the island called on France's Spain, to come to their aid. enemies, the nearby colonies of Invasions were launched from Jamaica and Santo ony into a major front in the Domingo, turning the colrevolutionary war of Europe's monarchies the movement, For against the crisis of June Saint-Domingue's free people of 20, 1793 represented both a color, dented threat. In the fighting for victory and an unprecerepublican commissioners' Cap Français, they had been the French their mhost loyal supporters, but in order opponents, the commissioners and the to defeat had to call on the more numerous free people of color had slave population. These new "citizens front in the Domingo, turning the colrevolutionary war of Europe's monarchies the movement, For against the crisis of June Saint-Domingue's free people of 20, 1793 represented both a color, dented threat. In the fighting for victory and an unprecerepublican commissioners' Cap Français, they had been the French their mhost loyal supporters, but in order opponents, the commissioners and the to defeat had to call on the more numerous free people of color had slave population. These new "citizens --- Page 20 --- Introduction political position the free men threatened the privileged of 20 June" thanks to their alliance with the French of color had hoped to occupy authorities. their offer of freedom to the blacks on June 2.0, When they made expected that it would be the French commissioners certainly had 1793, whose uprising in August 179I welcomed by the black insurgents the reversal of French struck the first blow against slavery. Eventually, the "opening" through policy carried out on June 2.0, 1793 did provide Toussaint of of the insurgent leaders, a certain which the most capable forces under the new name he adopted Bréda, moved to join the French Initially, however, Toussaint just after that event: Toussaint Louverture. the of June 20, leaders saw proclamation and the other insurrectionary defeated faction. Still embittered by 1793 as a desperate gamble by a had conducted against them since the war that the French authorities distrustful of the agents of a government the start of the uprising, and born and remain free and in 1789 that "men are that had proclaimed thousands of troops to defend slavery equal in rights" but that had sent their lot with France's enemies. in its colonies, the black insurgents Toussaint cast would break with the other It would take nearly a year before with the French to create a "colony of black insurgents and ally himself win their independence in citizens" whose population would eventually abandoned its own repubFrance that had a war against a Napoleonic of June 20, 1793, the black insurreclican ideals. Without the events but the fusion of that movement and tion might still have prevailed, in 1794 would not have tradition that took place the French republican black victory would have occurred, and the significance of an eventual been quite different. of Cap Français were not confined to The effects of the destruction valuable colony was a vital France's most France and Saint-Domingue. that defined the Atlantic ofthe vast network of trade and commerce drove thoupart century. The events of June 20, 1793 world of the eighteenth and free people of color - to the sands of survivors whites, blacks, United States, producing the country's shores of the new republic of the the white colonists brought first refugee crisis. The horrifying stories debate about slavery, convincing with them changed the American from title of) Laurent Dubois's book on French 2 Thej phrase "colony of citizens" " comes of Citizens: the Revolution and Slave Emancipation revolutionary colonial policy: A Colony (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina in the French Caribbean, 1787-1804 Press, 2004). - to the sands of survivors whites, blacks, United States, producing the country's shores of the new republic of the the white colonists brought first refugee crisis. The horrifying stories debate about slavery, convincing with them changed the American from title of) Laurent Dubois's book on French 2 Thej phrase "colony of citizens" " comes of Citizens: the Revolution and Slave Emancipation revolutionary colonial policy: A Colony (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina in the French Caribbean, 1787-1804 Press, 2004). --- Page 21 --- You Are All Free needed to be defended in that their "peculiar institution" of color, many of whom setsoutherners terms. The refugees and New York, had their the most intransigent in cities such as Philadelphia brought a new spirit of tled permanently in Saint-Domingue and there. Fear versions of events communities own the African-American in the United self-assertion to growing testimonies might have on slaves legisof the effect that their American panic about foreign subversion; of States led to the first Carolina tried to expel any persons in states such as South The embattled French lators coming from the French islands. for having African descent remembered in history primarily to draw the minister Edmond Genet, leaders by his clumsy attempts more of alienated American political conflict with Britain, actually spent in United States into France's of the events of fJune 2.0, favor 1793 the his time dealing with the consequences other problem. His decision to than with any over their more numerous Sain-Domingue the white refugees vote antislavery faction among the French National Convention's was critical in making opponents revolutionary term, for abolition possible. the journée, to use a French Alchough the crisis, Or had profound effects on the history the 20, 1793 in Cap Français it has never been of June France, and the United States, as it was, of Saint-Domingue, historical study. Dramatic and important crowded focus of a thorough soon receded from public memory, that consumed the burning of Cap Français debates about slavery, the flames of the fiery other events. In with images out by the Antilles" in June 1793 merged of the slave the *Paris of plantations at the beginning of fviolence. destruction of Saint-Domingue create one generalized memory in August 1791 to were overlaid by reports of insurrectioni of the journée of June 1793 white rule in the Later, memories followed Napoleon's effort to reimpose to a second the horrors that which led, among other things, colony in 1802 and 1803, final defeat of the French in November of the city. After the Saine-Domingue became burning of Haitian independence, former colonists who and the proclamation mentioned only by a few unhappy the United States, the a taboo topic, their lost properties. In of the yellow still dreamed of recovering by reports Français were soon overshadowed in and that was often events in Cap the East Coast 1793 fever epidemic that devastated the refugees from Saint-Domingue. said to have been brought by in the 1790S, in Saint-Domingue reactions to the upheavals Toward the Negro, of American Attitudes 3 For an overview White Over Black: American 375-86. see Winthrop D. Jordan, Md.: Pelican Books, 1969 (orig. 1968)), 1550-1812 (Baltimore, by reports Français were soon overshadowed in and that was often events in Cap the East Coast 1793 fever epidemic that devastated the refugees from Saint-Domingue. said to have been brought by in the 1790S, in Saint-Domingue reactions to the upheavals Toward the Negro, of American Attitudes 3 For an overview White Over Black: American 375-86. see Winthrop D. Jordan, Md.: Pelican Books, 1969 (orig. 1968)), 1550-1812 (Baltimore, --- Page 22 --- Introduction the story of what historians have sought to reconstruct given much attenAs modern Revolution, they have rarely recent account we now call the Haitian 20, 1793. The most extensive to the event -is tion to the episode of June that first attracted my attention Bell's - the the one novelist Madison Smartt of journée chapter of the American with the protagonist and the concluding All Souls' Rising, which ends from the burning city powerful novel, mistress making a narrow escape that the story of June 20 his mixed-race hills.* It is no surprise of Homer's Iliad and into the surrounding of fiction. From the time minds of many would attract a writer came to the vision of a whose lines spontancously Français, the Virgil's Aeneid, the burning of Cap horrid but irresistof those who experienced in flames has had a of Français rich city invaded and engulfed of' Troy, the destruction Cap Bell fascination. Like the siege dramas. Madison Smartt ible for memorable human of them into the tale of was the occasion accurate accounts of some the archival docuwove historically characters, but as I have delved this into case, it is fair to say his fictional I have realized that, in than what a novelist ments about the event, was more extraordinary that what really happened details ofthe journée could imagine. much attention to the amount of Ifl historians have not paid because sources are lacking. The to the of June 20, 1793, it is not this episode is eloquent testimony to information available about that historians have only begun of David Geggus's assertion the study of the Haitian Revolution? the accuracy documents available for took months to grasp exploit the politicians in Paris National Convention Although the revolutionary taken place, the French of what had Its investigating committee significance inquiry. Archives eventually ordered an exhaustive all still preserved in the thousands of documents, orders given by the republican gathered Paris: hastily scrawled the in the Cap nationales in by the captains of ships and officials in the city, logs kept written by Toussaint Louverture individuals of Français harbor, correspondence testimonies and depositions by the summer of leaders, from other insurgent American newspapers as are the papers all sorts who were present. the stories told by the refugees, Balimore, are filled with consuls in Norfolk, Genet and of the French of those who survived of the minister and New York. Many Philadelphia, Charleston, Souls' Rising (New York: Penguin, 1995), Haitian 477-500. Revolationary Smartt Bell, All in David Geggus, 4 Madison "Underexploited Sources," 2002), 43-54S David P. Geggus, IN: Indiana University Press, Studies (Bloomington, are the papers all sorts who were present. the stories told by the refugees, Balimore, are filled with consuls in Norfolk, Genet and of the French of those who survived of the minister and New York. Many Philadelphia, Charleston, Souls' Rising (New York: Penguin, 1995), Haitian 477-500. Revolationary Smartt Bell, All in David Geggus, 4 Madison "Underexploited Sources," 2002), 43-54S David P. Geggus, IN: Indiana University Press, Studies (Bloomington, --- Page 23 --- You Are All Free the catastrophe later wrote memoirs.s The journée can be reconstructed from events leading up to the the official republican commissioners and military correspondence of the observed the French commanders who scrupulously government's rules about as from the papers of their record keeping, as well in opponents and from the gazettes Saint-Domingue. It is true that the vast published tell stories seen through the majority of these documents whereas eyes of white we have only scanty participants and witnesses, blacks. This imbalance is testimony from free people of color and regrettable but inevitable: the pants belonged to a culture of records and white particimost of the black population the written word, whereas monopoly was illiterate. Indeed, the over the generation of whites' virtual which a small minority of paper records was one of the means by larger slave European colonists had dominated a much population. As we shall see, by whites at the time of June however, the documents written the behavior of free colored 20, 1793 enable us to say a good deal about and black the fact that these documents participants in these events, and ing perspectives come from individuals with means that the historian is not the widely vary- "white" point of view. prisoner of a single Since the documentation about the abundant, why has this event journée of June 20, 1793 is SO accounts of the Haitian received SO little attention in historical journée do uprising? In part, it is because the not fit the overall frameworks details of the Haitian Revolution and the into which the story of the wider Atlantic world struggle against slavery in France and in are now usually set, the made but deceptive particularly the two "readyalready approaches to emancipation" that Robin Blackburn challenged twenty years ago in his Overthrow of Colonial Slavery. "One of these magisterial work on The on respectable concentrates all attention nourishes metropolitan abolitionism," 22 he while a romantic regard for the wrote, "the other two contrasting narratives of the pristine virtues of rebellion. >7 These assumption that this abolition of slavery share the common and actions of those outcome was the result of the conscious intentions involved. In fact, both the rebellious slaves Domingue and the French abolitionists in Saintsuch as struggles for frequently put other priorities, power among the insurrection's leaders and the 6 For excerpts from some of these Revolution: Eyewitness Accounfs of accounts, the Haitian see Jeremy D. Popkin, Facing Racial Chicago Press, 2007), 180-232. Revolution (Chicago: 7 Robin University of Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial 1988), 530. Slavery, 1776-1848 (London: Verso, . In fact, both the rebellious slaves Domingue and the French abolitionists in Saintsuch as struggles for frequently put other priorities, power among the insurrection's leaders and the 6 For excerpts from some of these Revolution: Eyewitness Accounfs of accounts, the Haitian see Jeremy D. Popkin, Facing Racial Chicago Press, 2007), 180-232. Revolution (Chicago: 7 Robin University of Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial 1988), 530. Slavery, 1776-1848 (London: Verso, --- Page 24 --- Introduction ahead of national interests among the abolitionists, that led to emandefense of French Furthermore, the events from intertheir concern about slavery. and in France often resulted not a major cipation in Saint-Domingue individuals for whom slavery was ventions of groups and abolition of slavery concern. the moment when the immediate of 20, 1793 Alchough it was the journée June been fighting as a emerged practical posibility, who had suddenly by the black insurgents conflict between was not directly provoked The journée began as a The whites since August 1791. to the colony. city's the both of them led by outsiders from the outset, rival white groups, also involved in the struggle its outcome had free men of color were only entered the fray after struggle, but armed black insurgents and the main leaders of the black the journée, already been determined, not only played no part in republiincluding Toussaint Louverture, for help made by the beleaguered role the appeal the important but also rejected Recent research has underlined to broaden their can commissioners. in pushing the commissioners blacks who pressured the of the black population after June 20, 1793, but the insurgents emancipation offer of 1793 were not the veteran belated commissioners in the summer Only Toussaint Louverture's had taken up arms in 1791.3 claim a place in the coalition who in May 1794 enabled him to as its leader. conversion and, eventually, to emerge the conflict on June supporting the Republic who have understood that on the highly Even those historians whites have often relied began as a fight among the French National Convention 20, 1793 of events endorsed by and have thus partisan version abolition decree of February 4, 1794 who devoted only when it passed its involved. C.L. R.James, dismissed mischaracterized the parties to the event, summarily >9 and, in of his classic Black Jacobins a page as Ptoustemerolationane ofthe commissioners Dubois a common the opponents of Citizens, Laurent perpetuates leader of his recent A Colony General François-Thomas Galbaud, role of the black myth when he describes as a "royalist. 9 The the attack on the commissioners, forward by the population in shows the importance of the demands put Fêtes de la liberté": Marriage, 8 Elizabeth Colwill in her article, *Fêtes de Hymen, 39 in David Geggus and Le Cap after June 20,1793 in Revolutionary Saint Revolution Domingue," (Bloomingson, IN: Indiana Manhood, and Emancipation The World of the Haitian Norman Fiering, 2009), eds., 125-55. York: Vintage Books, 1963 (orig. 1938)), of the Haitian 126-7; UniversityPress, The Black Jacobins (New his more detailed history 9 C.L.R.J James, A Colony of Citizens, 155. Story In ofthe Haitian Revolution (Cambridge, Laurent Dubois, ofthe New World: The Revolution, Avengers Revolutionary Saint Revolution Domingue," (Bloomingson, IN: Indiana Manhood, and Emancipation The World of the Haitian Norman Fiering, 2009), eds., 125-55. York: Vintage Books, 1963 (orig. 1938)), of the Haitian 126-7; UniversityPress, The Black Jacobins (New his more detailed history 9 C.L.R.J James, A Colony of Citizens, 155. Story In ofthe Haitian Revolution (Cambridge, Laurent Dubois, ofthe New World: The Revolution, Avengers --- Page 25 --- You Are All Free been misunderstood. In The Making of population has also frequently thousand slaves in Le Cap Haiti, Carolyn Fick writes that "over ten the comin revolt" at the moment when republican were now open decree, although in fact, blacks missioners issued their emancipation violence in the city, and those who played little role in the first day of the authority of entered the fray were fighting to uphold subsequently French not rising against them.o the representatives of the government, Gérard Laurent, author Haitian historian The mid-rwentieth-cenrury Léger-Félicité Sonthonax, of a four-volume study of the commissioner the whites on both sides sinis one of the few to have recognized that of and the believed they were fighting for the cause patriotism cerely each other in the name of the same country, Revolution: *They fought for the same goal." P11 about the Haitian Revolution and The fact that much of the literature has focused on two specific the abolition of slavery in Saint-Domingue Sonthonax, Toussaint Louverture and the French emancipator figures, of the nature and significance ofthe has also worked against a recognition about how involved Toussaint crisis of June 2.0, 1793. Debate continues but there is in the outbreak of the slave uprising in August 1791, was his absence from the drama in Cap Français. Not no argument about but for many months afterward, he only was he not present at the event, for the cause for refused to concede that its outcome had any significance a critical Whether they admire Toussaint or take which he was fighting. make his actions the center of their narratives view of him, scholars who of June 20, 1793.1 Gérard accord only minimal attention to the journée have Sonthonax's American biographer, Laurent and Robert Louis Stein, recent accounts of the written the best-documented and most accurate their books focus but the fact that both events leading up to June 20, 1793, Press, 2004), Dubois gives a more accurate characterization of MA:Harvard University substantial account of the journée of June 2.0, 1793 (pp. 154-9). Galbaud and a more Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below IO Carolyn E. Fick, The Making of of Tennessee Press, 1991), 159. (Knoxville, TN: University Sonthonax à Saint-Domingue. I: Le Lutteur (PortII Gérard Laurent, Le Commissaire One of the better accounts of the details of the au-Prince: La Phalange, 1965), 159. historian Pauléus Sannon's Histoire de Toussaintfighting on June 20 is the Haitian I: 120-5. Louverture, 3 vs. (Port-au-Prince: n.p., 1920-23), of Toussaint Louverture is the best docu12 Pierre Pluchon, whose critical biography dispatches the events of June 20, 1793 in three senmented life of the black leader, Louverture (Paris: Fayard, 1989), 81). The novelist tences (Pierre Pluchon, Toussaintl more admiring of its subject, gives the drama of Cap Madison Smartt Bell's biography, Toussaint Louverture: A Biography (New Français two pages (Madison Smartt Bell, York: Pantheon, 2007), 52-3. Louverture is the best docu12 Pierre Pluchon, whose critical biography dispatches the events of June 20, 1793 in three senmented life of the black leader, Louverture (Paris: Fayard, 1989), 81). The novelist tences (Pierre Pluchon, Toussaintl more admiring of its subject, gives the drama of Cap Madison Smartt Bell's biography, Toussaint Louverture: A Biography (New Français two pages (Madison Smartt Bell, York: Pantheon, 2007), 52-3. --- Page 26 --- Introduction that they give only passing mention to many heavily on Sonthonax means the central role of French sailors in crucial aspects of the crisis, such as of the French conthe assault on the commissioners and the importance 13 The biographic suls and the minister Genet in determining its outcome. appear to be approach also tends to make abolition in Saint-Domingue convictions. A more of one man's pre-existing primarily a consequence circumstances leading to the crisis of June 2.0, careful examination of the of Sonthonax's both the complexities and ambivalences 1793 highlights roles played by many less well-knowri figures actions and the important Etienne Polverel. These include not surrounding him and his colleague, also the free colored leader Charles only the black insurrectionists, but owner Louis Dufay whose Guillaume Castaing, the white plantation in National Convention's vote to abolish slavery speech led to the French Galbaud, the 1794-and, above all, republican general François-Thomas in Haitian memory, has remained attached to the crisis whose name Galbaud." where it is known as "laffaire Revolution has moved from the In the past decade, as the Haitian of the of history to occupy a central place in our understanding and heroic margins it has been presented primarily as a rare revolutionary era, subaltern group. example of successful self-liberation by an oppressed leaders at Bois Caïman The story of the secret meeting ofi finsurrectionary has become, for the people that launched the uprising in August 1791 and Concord is what the tale of the Minutemen at Lexington of Haiti, of the Bastille for the French: one of the for Americans and the storming Despite the troubled moments in the modern struggle for freedom."4] on epic the country's declaration of independence history of modern Haiti, milestone in that history. For the first time, January I, 1804 is another of color overthrew white domination a colonized population of people itself. It is tempting to assume that this and asserted its right to govern result of the courage and detervictory was in some sense the inevitable insurrection, and that mination shown by the authors of the original To suggest was inscribed in its origins. the outcome of the insurrection and 1804 was instead highly continthat the connection between 1791 of a crisis that was not directly gent, that it depended on the outcome Félicité Sonthonax: The Lost Sentinel of the Republic 13 Robèrt Louis Stein, Léger Dickinson University Press, 1985). (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh of Bois Caïman," in Cécile Accilien, Jessica 14 Marc A. Christophe, "The Ceremony Revolutionary Freedoms: A History ofSurvival, Adams, and Elmide Méléance, eds., Creek, FL: Caribbean Studies Press, Strength and Imagination in Haiti (Coconut 2006), 97-100. directly gent, that it depended on the outcome Félicité Sonthonax: The Lost Sentinel of the Republic 13 Robèrt Louis Stein, Léger Dickinson University Press, 1985). (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh of Bois Caïman," in Cécile Accilien, Jessica 14 Marc A. Christophe, "The Ceremony Revolutionary Freedoms: A History ofSurvival, Adams, and Elmide Méléance, eds., Creek, FL: Caribbean Studies Press, Strength and Imagination in Haiti (Coconut 2006), 97-100. --- Page 27 --- IO You Are All Free produced by the insurrection and that might have results, is to challenge deeply held beliefs about had very different ideals and of human the power of libertarian agency. To look at the Haitian Revolution in this events whose outcome was light - as a sequence of the courage of the by no means inevitable - is not to question uprising begun in insurgents who rose up against slavery in 1791. The August 179I was indeed slave revolt in modern significant: it was the largest successful history, and the only one that had outcome. As we will see, however, ultimately a tions about whether the there are important queshad insurgents, prior to the journée ofJ expressed an "unequivocal and June 20, 1793, sal emancipation based unwavering commitment to univerby Nick Nesbitt upon natural human rights," as a recent claims,'s and they had essay demanding certainly not begun to think of independence. It is also far from clear that was on the verge of success at the time of the the insurgency Contrary to the image conveyed in events in Cap Français. ject, the slave insurrection did many publications about the subforce not resemble an ing as it proceeded. As a structured avalanche, steadily gainthe North Province, one of the three movement, it was confined to there, many districts remained divisions of the colony, and even Cap Français and the unaffected until after the destruction of proclamation of general in 1793. Nor was the insurrection's liberty the summer of The insurgent leaders progress a story of unbroken success. in early spent much time quarreling with each 1793, their forces suffered such other, and can commissioners severe defeats that the were able to leave the North Province republiattention to suppressing white dissidence and turn their June 20, the in the rest of the 1793, man who would in the end colony. On tion with realleadership supply the black populawas not yet aware of his yet adopted the name - Toussaint destiny, and he had not become famous. It was Louverture - under which he would became only after the journée of clear that the French June 20, 1793 that it able to defeat the slave insurrection. revolutionary government would not be pected and far from It was in the aftermath of this unextime that inevitable event that it became apparent for the victory for the insurgents be first the French, rather than by might achieved in alliance with In addition struggle against them. to challenging overly determinist narratives Revolution, a close examination of the ofthe Haitian events of June 20, 1793 raises IS Nick Nesbitt, Universal Enlightenment (Charlottesville, Emancipation: VA: The Haitian Revolution and the Radical University of Virginia Press, 2008), I45. It was in the aftermath of this unextime that inevitable event that it became apparent for the victory for the insurgents be first the French, rather than by might achieved in alliance with In addition struggle against them. to challenging overly determinist narratives Revolution, a close examination of the ofthe Haitian events of June 20, 1793 raises IS Nick Nesbitt, Universal Enlightenment (Charlottesville, Emancipation: VA: The Haitian Revolution and the Radical University of Virginia Press, 2008), I45. --- Page 28 --- II Introduction of the Haitian uprising that put their questions about explanations of plantation slavery. The insuremphasis exclusively on the dynamics the slaves of the rural plantarection certainly began as a movement by worked; which the great majority of the colony's population tions on Dubois's Avengers "Fire in the Cane,' 99 the title of the chapter of Laurent evokes World devoted to the outbreak of the insurrection, of the New setting the felds alight with their the image of plantation work gangs drive the whites out of many of the torches. The blacks were able to to the cities, even island's rural areas, but the movement did not spread of black slaves. the majority of their population also consisted though able to retain control of the colony's ports, As long as the whites were forces with resources drawn from they could balance the insurgents' and from the United the outside world: troops from France supplies order that had breakdown of an urban States. It.t took the spectacular to break the stalemate between survived nearly two years ofinsurrection blacks. This points to the importance the French authorities and the of the urban community of Cap of understanding the specific nature 20, 1793. In posing the Français and what made it fall apart on June of other scholars problem this way, this study follows in the footsteps role of colonial cities in whose work has pointed to the importance ofthe the of Caribbean how the Atlantic economy and system understanding differences between urban and slavery functioned, and to the important urban community of Cap rural slavery.e The way in which the complex light on the dynamFrançais shattered on June 2.0, 1793 sheds important remained largely immune ics of colonial cities and the reasons why they to slave insurrection in normal times. notions about the : In addition to forcing us to revise widely accepted of the events of development of the slave insurrection, an examination free peounderlines the importance of Saint-Domingue's June 2.0, 1793 the events of the Haitian Revolution. Wherever ple of color in shaping the of free whites had imported black slaves to Americas, populations concern for had developed, both as a result of white progenitors' slave people descendants and because even the most oppressive their mixed-race Franklin W. Knight and Peggy K. Liss, eds., Atlantic Port 16 See the essays in and Society in the Atlantic World, 1650-1850 (Knoxville, Cities: Economy, Culture, 1991), the monograph of Anne Pérotin-Dumon, TN: University of Tennessee Press, et Pointe-à-Pitre, Guadeloupe, 1650La ville aux iles, la ville dans l'ile. Basse-Terre Rogers, "Les Libres de couleur dans les 1820 (Paris: Karthala, 20oo), and Dominique Mentalités et intégration à la fin de l'ancien capitales de Saint-Domingue: de Fortune, doctorat, Université de Bordeaux III, 1999). régime (1776-1789)" (Thèse Pérotin-Dumon, TN: University of Tennessee Press, et Pointe-à-Pitre, Guadeloupe, 1650La ville aux iles, la ville dans l'ile. Basse-Terre Rogers, "Les Libres de couleur dans les 1820 (Paris: Karthala, 20oo), and Dominique Mentalités et intégration à la fin de l'ancien capitales de Saint-Domingue: de Fortune, doctorat, Université de Bordeaux III, 1999). régime (1776-1789)" (Thèse --- Page 29 --- I2 You Are All Free codes always left open some possibility for manumission of freedom. In most oft the Americas, these free or the purchase in number and constituted at people were relatively few In most an anomaly in the social structure. Saint-Domingue, however, free people of color had be almost as numerous as the whites and to come, by 1791, to own substantial property, including slaves. The French Revolution of amounts of an opportunity to put forward claims for 1789 offered them imagine the possibility of political rights and even to displacing the whites as the group. In historical retrospect, the conflict between colony's dominant slaves appears as the fundamental issue the whites and the until June in the Haitian Revolution, but 20, 1793, it was the question of for the color that dominated equality free people of politics in Saint-Domingue and debates colony in France. about the From the white point of view, the slave quakes and hurricanes that uprising was akin to the earthbut one that would periodically devastated the island: a disaster, eventually be overcome. The notion that ages" or "children of nature" could overthrow white black "savtheir own society was simply unthinkable. rule and establish Until June no conflict on this point between the white 20, 1793, there was and the French colonists of Saint-Domingue rection had revolutionary government: both agreed that the insurto be suppressed and the plantation issue of the free people of color was system restored. The ural" category whose very different. They were not a "natplace in the colonial order fixed: instead, as all parties realized, their appeared essentially subject to alteration. status was a political matter Furthermore, the issue of the free divided the white colonists and the people of color leading revolutionaries metropole. From 1789 onward, many people of color. The outspokenly supported the demands of the free group's self-appointed had the ear of important figures in the lobbyist, Julien Raimond, lutionary assemblies. As Jacobin movement and the revofree we will see, the conflict over the of people of color played a much greater role in position off the gration of June 20, 1793 than did the slave setting the conflaIf the story of June 20, 1793 upsets accepted uprising. historical the nature and logic of events in wisdom about standard historical Saint-Domingue itself, it also disturbs narratives about the French Revolution's toward slavery. Just as there is a temptation to conclude that the policy come of the black insurrection in successful outdramatic beginning in Saint-Domingue was inscribed in its the French National August 1791, there is a temptation to argue that Convention's decree of February 4, slavery was an inevitable consequence of the 1794 abolishing arguments raised against 3 upsets accepted uprising. historical the nature and logic of events in wisdom about standard historical Saint-Domingue itself, it also disturbs narratives about the French Revolution's toward slavery. Just as there is a temptation to conclude that the policy come of the black insurrection in successful outdramatic beginning in Saint-Domingue was inscribed in its the French National August 1791, there is a temptation to argue that Convention's decree of February 4, slavery was an inevitable consequence of the 1794 abolishing arguments raised against --- Page 30 --- Introduction amis des noirs, the reformist group members of the Société des 1788, and of the princislavery by Brissot in February of Man in 1789. How founded by Jacques-Pierre Declaration of the Rights not have laid down in the of the rights of man," ples France, the "country Recent historical could revolutionary end the scandal of slavery? from the outset to revolutionary legislature, intended made it clear that the original overwhelmingly scholarship has of 1789-91, whose members refused even Assembly consistently the Constituent of Rights, nevertheless to the discretion of endorsed the Declaration voting to leave the matter Like the discuss the issue of slavery, in the colonies themselves. to be elected by the whites of 1789 managed assemblies to of 1776, the French legislators century American revolutionaries to our twenty-first to that seem incompatible commitment to reconcile positions States, despite its constitutional minds. Just as the United allow slavery until 1863, revolutionary continued to half slave and half free."7 liberty and equality, constituted itself as a polity Assembly of 1789-91 France initially that the Constituent sometimes argue Historians who recognize of slavery nevertheless the proconfronted the issue been an integral part of never of slavery must have movement of 1793-94, since that abolition and democratic Jacobin their principled of the radical emphasized gram and his supporters constantly and since the French assembly Robespierre natural human rights, in 1792. Unlike commitment to the free people of color political rights to had granted debates about slavery include discussions of the National Assembly's colonies (Paris: La Découverte, 1987), 17 Important recent Révolution française et la fin des Secession during the Constituent Yves Bénot, La Equality, Slavery, and Colonials (Bloomington, IN: Indiana "Racial Studies Noirs dans David Geggus, des in Geggus, Haitian Revolationary Piquet, L'Emancipation de Assembly," 2002), 157-70, Jean-Daniel Florence Gauthier, L'Aristocratie. University Press, (Paris: Karthala, 2002), de Couleur 1789-1791 (Paris: CNRS in la Révolution française combat de la Société des Citoyens Revolution's Other Island," lépiderme: Le and Jeremy D. Popkin, "The French Revolation, 199-222. of Editions, 2007), eds., World of the Haitian was a universalist conception Geggus and Fiering, essence of the French Revolution can really be considered 18 The claim that the those who held such a position in the works of Florence natural rights, and that only has been articulated most du clearlyi droit naturel en Révolution in supporters ofthe Revolution, in her book Triomphe et de mort Paris, 1992).. Jean-Daniel Karthala, Piquet, Gauthier, particularly (Paris: Presses Universitaires française (1789-1799) (Paris: 1739-1783-1803 L'Emancipation des Noirs dans la Révolution by trying to showt thatthe radicall and that Montagnard the revolu2002)has extended Gauthierbargumentk committed to the abolition of slavery, 4, 1794 reflected only a movement of 1793-94 failure was to act on the issue until As February will become apparenti in Chapter of tionary goveramenr's from its principles. reading of much brief "dérapage," s or deviation, with Gauthier's and Piquet's slavery in 1793, of this book, ,Iam not in agreement actions regarding IO concerning the radical revolutionaries' the evidence that Montagnard the revolu2002)has extended Gauthierbargumentk committed to the abolition of slavery, 4, 1794 reflected only a movement of 1793-94 failure was to act on the issue until As February will become apparenti in Chapter of tionary goveramenr's from its principles. reading of much brief "dérapage," s or deviation, with Gauthier's and Piquet's slavery in 1793, of this book, ,Iam not in agreement actions regarding IO concerning the radical revolutionaries' the evidence --- Page 31 --- You Are All Free the 1789 Declaration of Rights, the list of basic constitution approved by the principles included in the Jacobin-dominated on June 24, 1793 - ironically, at the National Convention was going up in flames, although the very moment when Cap Français another two news would not reach France months - explicitly condemned for however, even this argument is slavery. As we will see, not The was never put into effect, and no one convincing. 1793 constitution diate end of slavery in the suggested that it implied the immethe document. The colonies, which were not even mentioned in radical passage of the constitution was a consequence of the Montagnard group's victory over its the journée of May 31-June enemies, the Girondins, in 2, 1793, but the expulsion meant the removal from the Convention of the Girondins of the most identified with opposition to revolutionary politicians slavery and with the rights to the free people of color. policy of granting Girondins Among the charges was the accusation that they had brought against the "under the veil of philanthropy,' destroyed France's colonies, a result, any French by raising the issue of abolition.1 As half of politician who spoke against slavery in the 1793 risked being tarred with the Girondin brush. second colonial lobby worked A pro-slavery feverishly to silence potential abolitionists. Between June 2, 1793, when the Girondins February 4, 1794, the Convention's were defeated, and ing race and most significant decision regardslavery was its decree of July 16, and indictment of the two 1793, ordering the recall Sonthonax and Etienne republican commissioners, Léger-Félicité Polverel, who had issued the 1793 in Cap Français. Only the decree of June 20, 1794 of pro-abolition unexpected arrival in Paris in February deputies from cial report about the journée of Saint-Domingue, bringing an offision ofe events the June 20, 1793 that contradicted the verthe Convention revolutionary, government had previously to reverse itself and endorse the accepted, led cipation decrees. The Convention took this commissioners' emanagement from the famous Committee action without any encourof Public members were even Safety, none of whose present at the debate on mittee members who were in Paris February. 4, 1794. The comthe were, in fact, meeting with representatives of the pro-slavery white privately ger of hasty action regarding colonists to discuss the danSaint-Domingue when they learned what and in particular with their attémpt to make abolition. Robespierre a key figure in the of 19 Report of André Amar, on behalf of the story Security, cited in Piquet, L'Emancipation des committees of Public Safety and General Noirs, 282. tee members who were in Paris February. 4, 1794. The comthe were, in fact, meeting with representatives of the pro-slavery white privately ger of hasty action regarding colonists to discuss the danSaint-Domingue when they learned what and in particular with their attémpt to make abolition. Robespierre a key figure in the of 19 Report of André Amar, on behalf of the story Security, cited in Piquet, L'Emancipation des committees of Public Safety and General Noirs, 282. --- Page 32 --- I5 Introduction done. There was thus nothing in the Convention had about the Convention's abolitheir colleagues predetermined to or inevitable ideologically from Cap Français decree: it took the shock wave emanating tion the of slavery, bring it about. there was no inevitability to abolition the Recognizing that or in France in 1794, highlights deciin 1793 under which the either in Saint-Domingue the circumstances that the of understanding taken. There is no doubt importance toward emancipation were the process sive steps was the event that set emancipation Sonthonax journée of June 2.0, 1793 where the commissioners their inifirst in Saint-Domingue, to expand in motion, quickly found themselves compelled their forces to a general and Polverel who would join and then tial offer of freedom to blacks of the colony, freedom to the entire slave population abolition of slavery grant of that the ultimate France. This is not to suggest chance event in Cap Français in world was the result of a "structural in the western for abolition had important Drescher has in June 1793. The movement sides of the Atlantic," as Seymour the foundations . on both was endemic throughout Black resistance to enslavement it was on a larger shown.:" revolt, although such as Atlantic world; the Saint-Domingue series, some of which, other, was part of a long in treaties recogscale than any and Surinam, had resulted On both the rebellions in Jamaica maroon communities. of autonomous had strength nizing the establishment movement gathered of the sides of the Atlantic, an abolitionist most of the northern states During that decade, took other measures meant in the 1780s. republic passed legislation Or and in 1789, the new American emancipation of their slaves," the slave trade, to lead to the eventual debate about abolishing to that Parliament held a lengthy finally lead to the law British discussions that would stake in the conthe first of many groups with an economic Atlantic. As of effect in 1807.1 Nevertheless, on both sides of the of slavery were powerful in a few of America's tinuation had been successfully challenged only had not been central 1793, slavery >9 regions where the institution "societies with slaves, Archives nationales commissioners Page and Brulley, in 20 Register of the colonial for 16 plu. II. and Antislavery (Cambridge and D XXV 76, entry Abolition: A History of Slavery 21 Seymour Drescher, University Press, 2009), II3. Pope Melish, Disowning New York: Cambridge laws in the New England states, see New Joanne England, 1780-1860 (Ithaca, 11 On the abolition Emancipation and 'Race' in Slavery: Gradual University Press, 1998), 50-79. Bury the Chains: Prophets and NY: Cornell vividly retold in Adam Hochschild, MA: Mariner Books, 2005). 23 This storyhas) been to Free an Empire's Slaves (Boston, Rebels in the Fight ), II3. Pope Melish, Disowning New York: Cambridge laws in the New England states, see New Joanne England, 1780-1860 (Ithaca, 11 On the abolition Emancipation and 'Race' in Slavery: Gradual University Press, 1998), 50-79. Bury the Chains: Prophets and NY: Cornell vividly retold in Adam Hochschild, MA: Mariner Books, 2005). 23 This storyhas) been to Free an Empire's Slaves (Boston, Rebels in the Fight --- Page 33 --- You Are All Free where blacks were a small minority of the populato the economy and for abolition would ever spread to the New tion. Whether the movement was the basis of the "slave societies, 99 those in which slavery World's rivaled or exceeded and in which the slave population whole economy remained unclear. the number of whites, was abolished in a territory in In Saint-Domingue in 1793, slavery of the population and in which blacks were the overwhelming majority institution of an entire society. which servile labor had been the defining of a major slave-holding In France in 1794, the national government was an inherently inadempire declared that slavery and slave-trading Unlike the earlier emancipation acts missible violation of human rights. the abolition of slavery in of the northern American states or in most the emancipation decrees of 1793 and the British colonies after 1833, no compensation for took effect immediately, and they provided full citizens These decrees made the freed slaves the former slave owners. decree of February 4, 1794 was accompaof France: the Convention's black slave (and leading participant in nied by the seating of the former Jean-Baptiste Belley, as a the events of June 2.0, 1793 in Cap Français), Until the decrees of 1793 and voting member of the French legislature. or racial discrimination the prospect of a world without slavery as 1794, after 1794, it could no longer be dismissed was a utopian hypothesis; Whether the French experisomething outside the realm of possibility. retarded the movement accelerated or ment with radical emancipation doubt that it had profound influelsewhere, there is no for abolition world.4 Understanding the ence on debates in the rest of the western occurred in the French empire in circumstances in which emancipation why the larger story of the aboli1793-94 is thus vital to understanding followed the course that it did. tion of slavery of the events of 1793 and their sequel, The detailed examination also helps us understand the Convention's decree of February 4, 1794, of emancipation. There concealed in the question some complexities contemporary scholars, reacting reasons why many ideas are understandable that has emphasized the against two centuries of historiography administrators, white thinkers and the actions of white politicians, of minimizing the impact of the Haitian Revolution on Revolts the aboli- and 24 For a recent argument in the rest of the Americas, see, Joâo Pedro Marques, "Slave in tion of slaveryi trans. Richard Wall, Seymour the Abolition of Slavery: An Overinterpretation." Who Abolished Slavery? Slave Revolts and Drescher and Pieter C. Emmer, eds., Pedro Marques (New York: Berghahn, 2010), Abolitionism. A Debate with Joao I-89. of minimizing the impact of the Haitian Revolution on Revolts the aboli- and 24 For a recent argument in the rest of the Americas, see, Joâo Pedro Marques, "Slave in tion of slaveryi trans. Richard Wall, Seymour the Abolition of Slavery: An Overinterpretation." Who Abolished Slavery? Slave Revolts and Drescher and Pieter C. Emmer, eds., Pedro Marques (New York: Berghahn, 2010), Abolitionism. A Debate with Joao I-89. --- Page 34 --- Introduction have insisted that the the end of with slavery, society, and soldiers in explaining unlike slaves in any other American armed blacks of Saint-Domingue, by freeing themselves through demonstrated their human agency themselves, however, slaves of Saint-Domingue would require struggle. The insurgent of their movement that success the realized from the start from their former masters and from kind of acknowledgment in August 179I was too some The uprising that began society to be seen French government. inflicted too much damage on colonial number of large and had an effort by a limited episode of marronage, could live in isolation. as a large-scale remote area where they to some from slavery slaves to escape collective escapes the In any event, even the most important ended with agreements between World societies had always the escaped in New that usually recognized other marrons and the whites, agreements for their promise not to encourage slaves' freedom in exchange the slaves to join them."5 the black insurgents destroyed imporIn the case of Saint-Domingue, in France's largest and most and richest and most valuable plantations lands they overran were powerful that The whites whose from the start tant colony. and the rebelling slaves anticipated with all its forces influential people, would intervene some France's metropolitan government Their intent was to achieve control of the lost territory. world that would improve to regain settlement with the white the island altogether. kind of negotiated to isolate themselves and the three their situation, not to try asserted that they had risen up to gain had Indeed, when the slaves claimed the king of France free days a week that a pervasive rumor appealing for royal intervention, hopgranted them, they were, in effect, reform on their recalcitrant masters. the that Louis XVI would impose of the insurrection preceding ing manifesto from the period the of human Even the one that explicitly calls for granting document events of June 20, 1793 black population 1 a controversial - concludes by rights to Saint-Domingues been challenged by some scholars and has the blacks' freedom whose authenticity if the whites would recognize the proposing that had in the insurrection, amnesty to those who participated their plantations and resume grant for their part, would return to insurgents, in exchange for a fixed salary. their work, Essai sur la désertion de of Haiti, 55; Yvan Debbasch, "Le Marronnage. 188-9. 25 Fick, Making s Année sociologique, ser. 3 (1962), Nathalie Piquionne, "Lettre de Jeanl'esclave antillais, version of this letter is 3 (1997), 206-10. For 26 The most accessible juillet 1792," Chemins critiques, François, Biassou et Belair, ents, in exchange for a fixed salary. their work, Essai sur la désertion de of Haiti, 55; Yvan Debbasch, "Le Marronnage. 188-9. 25 Fick, Making s Année sociologique, ser. 3 (1962), Nathalie Piquionne, "Lettre de Jeanl'esclave antillais, version of this letter is 3 (1997), 206-10. For 26 The most accessible juillet 1792," Chemins critiques, François, Biassou et Belair, --- Page 35 --- You Are All Free freedom required not just a de The full realization of the blacks' of the foritself, but also recognition facto victory in Saint-Domingue masters and by the French govslaves' new status by their former have mer insurrection begun in 1791 might eventually ernment. The black but the victors would still forced the French out of Saint-Domingue, and the larger western world, have been, in the eyes of the French the rulers ofHaiti discovthan escaped slaves. In fact, as nothing more the freedom of their country ered after their military victory in 1804, France continued to citizens remained precarious as long as and of its territory to be reoccupied when cirregard the colony as a rebellious continued until president Jeana situation that to cumstances permitted, harsh French terms (including compensation Paul Boyer accepted the in 1825.17 The world-historical the former plantation owners) imposed stemmed from the fact that impact of the emancipations of 1793-94 the of the slaves, a revolt against slavery on part they entailed not just ed., Toussaint L'Ouverture: The English translation, see Nick Nesbitt, that the third sigan abridged (London: Verso, 2008), 5-8. (Nesbit's claim Louverture is Haitian Revolution Toussaint of the document, Belair, was actually representing in Paris in 1793, first in unsubstantiated) natory The document was originally conduct published in Saint-Domingue, and then colonel Cambefort's defense of his There is no reference to it in the royalist journalist Milscent's Créole patriote. and none of the by the antislavery emanating from Saint-Domingue in 1792-93, mention the any known document the black insurgent leaders in this period in manuscript letters written by This document and a highly dramatized episode Declaration of the Rights of Man. colonist from the period constitute the only docthe memoirs of an as-yetunidentified Nesbitt and others, that the black insurgents umentary sources for the claim, made Declaration by of Rights of 1789 (Nesbitt, Universal were directly inspired by the French of the black insurgent found to have in his pockEmancipation, 62, 144-5). The story about the Right of Man," printed in France, filled with commonplaces English translaets "pamphlets basis of a partial and not entirely accurate is most often cited on the Althéa de Puech Parham, ed. and trans., My tion of an anonymous colonist's memoir, State University Press, 1959). The full French Odyssey (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana as it richly deserves to be. It is manuscript of "Mon Odyssée" has not been published, to have been inspired by the Haitian certainly the most imaginative work of literature slave-owning family who enjoyed fine Revolution, and its author, a young scion of a personality. Although] I fighting, and occasional cross-dressing, is an engaging in several places in this book, cuisine, drawn on his account oft the events ofJune 20, 1793 that the insurhave nevertheless hesitate to put too much weight on claim his assertion which is not confirmed I would revolutionary propaganda, a gents had access to printed evidence about the insurrection. For a translation by any of the voluminous archival some important errors in the Puech Parham of the passage in question that corrects 79, and for my own analysis of the pasversion, see Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, sage's significance, see 63-4. recognition, see Jean-François Brière, Haiti 27 On the Haitian struggle for international brisé Karthala, 2008). et la France 1804-1848. Le rêve (Paris: gents had access to printed evidence about the insurrection. For a translation by any of the voluminous archival some important errors in the Puech Parham of the passage in question that corrects 79, and for my own analysis of the pasversion, see Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, sage's significance, see 63-4. recognition, see Jean-François Brière, Haiti 27 On the Haitian struggle for international brisé Karthala, 2008). et la France 1804-1848. Le rêve (Paris: --- Page 36 --- Introduction of that revolt on the part of the French governbut also a legitimation in the Atlantic world ment. The story of the first radical emancipation on both sides of story, one that took place is thus truly a trans-Atlantic of of both African and the ocean and that required the actions people European descent. the role of the violence in Cap Français on June 20, Understanding decrees of 1793 and 1794 has 1793 in precipitating the emancipation of in that relevance for thinking about the process emancipation States. special created in the late eighteenth century, the United other republic French revolutionary abolition of slavery Once we recognize that the sometimes like to imply, was not, as French historians and politicians of the Rights of and logical consequence of the Declaration a simple but rather the outcome of a civil war among SaintMan and Citizen, also the curious paralDomingue's free population, we can recognize most the histories of the two countries. The two republics lel between of individual liberty were also the two major identified with notions came about from a clash slave-holding societies in which emancipation by humanitardebate and gradual reform shaped of arms, not from It may seem incongruous to ian principles or from foreign pressure. streetfighting in Cap Français compare the four days of disorganized combat in the American in 1793 with the four long years of large-scale was at work in Civil War, but it can be argued that a similar dynamic of (It is also worth pointing out that the four days fighting both cases. culmination of struggles over the colony's in Cap Français were the with the outbreak of the relationship to the metropole that had begun of a civil war whose French Revolution in 1789, SO that one can speak The events in to the American one.) duration was more comparable like those at Fort Sumter on April 12, Cap Français on June 20, 1793, the of a national 1861, involved an armed assault on representatives who distrusted the by whites claiming to be republicans government In both cases, the resulting government's commitment to defend slavery. and radical abolition of slavconflict brought about a far more sudden conflicts resulted from the than national leaders had foreseen. These ery constitutional guarantees protecting slaveimpossibility of reconciling of slaves' natural rights. We are holders' property rights with assertions based on explicit the possibility that constitutions left to contemplate than the process of abolition, recognitions of rights, rather accelerating violence could break have created situations where only may actually claims generated by the institution the deadlock over the rival rights of slavery. , the resulting government's commitment to defend slavery. and radical abolition of slavconflict brought about a far more sudden conflicts resulted from the than national leaders had foreseen. These ery constitutional guarantees protecting slaveimpossibility of reconciling of slaves' natural rights. We are holders' property rights with assertions based on explicit the possibility that constitutions left to contemplate than the process of abolition, recognitions of rights, rather accelerating violence could break have created situations where only may actually claims generated by the institution the deadlock over the rival rights of slavery. --- Page 37 --- You Are All Free The reconstruction of the events of June 20, in thus more than an antiquarian exercise. 1793 Cap Français is it deserves in the story of the Haitian Giving this episode the place French Revolution's Revolution, in the analysis of the debates about human rights, and in rative of the struggle against slavery in the Atlantic the wider narchanges in our perspectives on all three of these world, will require Not only were the dramatic events of June fundamental events. turning point in the Haitian 20, 1793 in Cap Français a Revolution, but that crisis to happen and could easily have had a very nearly failed we will see, it took a unique and completely different outcome. As unforeseeable set of bring about the explosion that destroyed circumstances to sudden Cap Français and led to the emancipation of its slaves. The individuals who set the June 20, 1793 in motion were not black events of or white colonists insurgents fighting for freedom, from outside the defending their privileged positions, but white sailors island and a white general who he ing the interests of thought was defendfought revolutionary France. On the other side, those who against them were not the city's oppressed main combatants were free men of who slaves; instead, the they had just gained in color, saw the political equality danger of disappearing. The tion proclamations of 1793 in historic emancipaConvention's decree of Saint-Domingue and the French National efforts of slave 1794 came about, not through the systematic insurgents in Saint-Domingue, nor in organized campaign for abolition in response to an of a crisis that had little to do with revolutionary France, but as a result slavery. Not only did slave emancipation in the French an unexpected clash between empire result from ing about such groups that had no intention of a result, but the two organized that bringbeen expected to welcome the groups might have the insurgent slaves in proclamation of slave emancipation - Saint-Domingue and the radical legislators in France - both initially rejected the revolutionary commissioners Sonthonax and measures taken by the the of Polverel in the summer of point view of the black insurgents, the 1793. From emancipation commissioners' offer of appeared as a concession granted under duress and circumstances that made its value seem in many of the blacks thought their interests questionable. As we will see, alliance with would be better served by an revolutionary France's enemy, the Spanish France, where the news of the crisis of June monarchy. In arrived as the embattled 20, 1793 and its aftermath invasion, domestic revolutionary government was facing foreign uprisings, and economic tion was initially collapse, slave emanciparegarded as a traitorous blow against the national appeared as a concession granted under duress and circumstances that made its value seem in many of the blacks thought their interests questionable. As we will see, alliance with would be better served by an revolutionary France's enemy, the Spanish France, where the news of the crisis of June monarchy. In arrived as the embattled 20, 1793 and its aftermath invasion, domestic revolutionary government was facing foreign uprisings, and economic tion was initially collapse, slave emanciparegarded as a traitorous blow against the national --- Page 38 --- Introduction faction, whose members of the Girondin woes. The succarried out by agents domestic interest, blamed for many of the country's depended not only were also and Polverel's emergency decrees Toussaint Louverture, cess of Sonthonax's "volte-face," or turnabout, of celebrated article," on the eventual Geggus has analyzed in a justly the whose causes David reversal of policy by Montagnard but also on an equally startling National Convention. of the events of June 20, their a detailed reconstruction nearly succeeded in Furthermore, sailors and the general very A single musshows that the and Polverel and their supporters. the following day attack on. Sonthonax and a moment of panic those historiket ball on June 20, 1793 once, but twice. Without turned the tide of battle, not just there would have been any emancipation there iti is doubtful that that proclamation, cal accidents, and without abolishing in Saine-Domingue, the National Convention proclamation been no decree from States. The ex-slave would have arrival of refugees in the United in the slavery and no mass have ended his career as an officer de Bréda could well leaders of the black insurrecToussaint of the other would have Spanish royal army, as several of the struggle against slavery the Saintand the entire history attributed to tion did, course. Given the significance decree of 16 pluviôse taken a different and the National Convention's bound to be disturbing to Domingue uprising histories of that struggle, it is in the sequence Ilin all general element of contingency the profound have to recognize them. of events that led up to as a crime against humanity, underslavery is universally recognized to Today, leap of historical imagination and it requires a considerable as a normal social arrangement. world in which it was accepted that led to the emancistand a series of events were not simply In retracing the complicated and in showing that they or of pations of 1793 and 1794, of slaves' desires for freedom not consequences of man, I am certainly the straighrforward devotion to the rights institution, OI French revolutionaries' for a cruel and oppressive was an attempting to offer an apology in the Atlantic world who benefited from it. Slavery If we want to understand for those but it was a human creation. we have to look inhuman system, it was SO hard to destroy, and why owners, and would-be how it functioned involved in it - slaves, slave how the human beings thus can we understand at all their Only - in complexity. reformers Haitian Louverture," in Geggus, *The Volte-Face' of Toussaint 18 David Geggus, Studies, II9-36. Revolutiomary --- Page 39 --- You Are All Free difficult it was to break out of the system of beliefs that made slavery tolerable or inevitable, and to define what we now regard as the seem of human freedom. The purpose of this book is to obvious principles that and to show the bring to life one of the crucial episodes in process, obstacles that had to be overcome before the epoch-making steps many of the Atlantic in 1793 and 1794 could be taken. taken on the two sides misunderstandIt is a story full of heroism, but also of human folly, of and unintended consequences. In short, it is a story of real people, ings with their limitations and contradictions, who found themof all races, circumstances. If its lessons are sometimes less selves in extraordinary would that perhaps, a reminder that clear-cut than some readers like, is, history is not a simple morality play. stacles that had to be overcome before the epoch-making steps many of the Atlantic in 1793 and 1794 could be taken. taken on the two sides misunderstandIt is a story full of heroism, but also of human folly, of and unintended consequences. In short, it is a story of real people, ings with their limitations and contradictions, who found themof all races, circumstances. If its lessons are sometimes less selves in extraordinary would that perhaps, a reminder that clear-cut than some readers like, is, history is not a simple morality play. --- Page 40 --- I A Colony in Revolution The news spread rapidly through the city of pal port of the French Caribbean Cap Français, the princiger boat dispatched by the island's colony of Saint-Domingue: a messenwas September I3, new rulers had arrived. The date revolution in France 1792, had some three years since the first news of the the slaves in the colony's reached the island and more than a year since had risen up in insurrection. North Province surrounding Cap After Français ernment in revolutionary France had seemingly endless delays, the govsecure its control of its most valuable finally taken measures meant to slave uprising. Approaching the island overseas colony and to end the ship America with three National was a fleet led by the 74-gun warappointed Governor General Civil Commissioners and a fresh on board; newly troops from the metropole, accompanying them were 6,000 army France had sent to aid the an expeditionary force larger than the dence. Throughout the Americans in their war for colony, everyone knew that the indepenDomingue was about to change dramatically. situation in SaintAlthough the local newspaper announced that imminent arrival had generated the news of the fleet's universal missioners - three little-known enthusiasm, the civil comany prior acquaintance with the Frenchmen, only one of whom had were about to take charge of colonies - were well aware that on this score, the first letter a society in crisis. If they had any doubts they reachedthe city dispelled them. dispatched to them after their It was from the messenger island, a royal appointee with the aristocratic outgoing governor of the Rouxel de Blanchelande, and it warned name of Philibert-François take extreme measures to control "a them that they would need to people who, for three years, has --- Page 41 --- You Are All Free Strange as it now accustomed to live in the most absolute anarchy." the anarbeen to the insurgent slaves: Blanchelande was not referring the whites. seems, describe had been fomented by colony's chy he proceeded to when they first Blanchelande told the new commissioners awaited To be sure, welcomed and received; you are landed, "you will be perfectly because each faction in the deities." But this was only side and use like protecting over to its own colony hoped to win the commissioners Blanchelande's advice to the them to defeat its enemies. In consequence, when their ship anchored in Cap to replace him was that sort, men coming should "prevent any delegation, of whatever Français's harbor, they risked being seen as the allies of whatever from coming on board"; they Blanchelande, a loyal managed to get their ear first. Ironically, blamed for his chronic group of the monarchy and a man universally a revoluservant to the commissioners truly indecisiveness, went on to suggest immediately suspend all the program. They should, he urged, by the whites tionary assembly elected of local government- - the colonial local and the organs island in 1791, the North Province's assembly, and of the whole ban the of all newspapers Français city council - and printing that your arrival Cap "You will forestall the dangerous agitation If they encountered pamphlets. monarchy and a man universally a revoluservant to the commissioners truly indecisiveness, went on to suggest immediately suspend all the program. They should, he urged, by the whites tionary assembly elected of local government- - the colonial local and the organs island in 1791, the North Province's assembly, and of the whole ban the of all newspapers Français city council - and printing that your arrival Cap "You will forestall the dangerous agitation If they encountered pamphlets. of Le told them. might cause in the city Cap,"he use the threat of force to compel resistance, they should not hesitate to obedience." too well how chaotic conditions Governor Blanchelande knew only of the revolution in since the outbreak had become in Saint-Domingue without success to impose France: for nearly two years, he had struggled and to defeat the slave insuron the colony's free population in France his authority reflected the breakdown of legitimacy rection. His problems Blanchelande had been appointed to itself and in the colony. Although of the Revolution in France, supporthis post over a year after the start sides of the Atlantic were deeply suspiers of that movement on both who had devoted his life to the cious of him: was he not a nobleman before the news of the storming of the service of the king? In 1789, even the whites there had followed the Bastille had reached Saint-Domingue, and begun demanding of their fellow citizens in the metropole when Blanchelande example themselves. By October 1790, the right to govern of a military governor in any part arrived in the colony, the appointment To the colonists, the France would have been unimaginable. movement on both who had devoted his life to the cious of him: was he not a nobleman before the news of the storming of the service of the king? In 1789, even the whites there had followed the Bastille had reached Saint-Domingue, and begun demanding of their fellow citizens in the metropole when Blanchelande example themselves. By October 1790, the right to govern of a military governor in any part arrived in the colony, the appointment To the colonists, the France would have been unimaginable. of European September IS, 1792, in Archives nationales (hereafI Blanchelande to civil commissioners, ter AN) D XXV II, d. 103. --- Page 42 --- A Colony in Revolution from the old monarchy was proof continuation of this practice inherited On March 4, 1791, white *patriagainst their freedom. arrived French troops who of a conspiracy supported by newly Thomas-Antoine ots" in Fort-au-Prince, officers, lynched Colonel had turned against their own the royal troops in the colony, demonstrat- the the commander of that pervaded Mauduit, of distrust of the king's government ing the depth a broken man, colony." Governor Blanchelande was he had been a By September 1792, in the colony. Since August insurrection 1791, among reviled by every group success to contain a massive the arrival with little a month before L struggling slave population. In August 1792, of his army in an unsuccessfal the colony's he had lost much of the colony3 He of the commissioners, at Platons, in the south of the colony's attack on a rebel stronghold in winning the support treason. had been equally unsuccessful him of incompetence or even invadwhich accused by foreign free population, where the Revolution was threatened the same In France itself, 20, 1792 - almost defeat at Valmy on September 1 would not ers whose reached Saint-Domingue had any symmoment when the commissioners the end of the year, no one the known in the colony until failed to defend be appointee who had SO singularly to the men sent to pathy for a royal he wrote his long letter of advice himself had nation's interests. As of firm action that he recommending a policy have wondered whether replace him, out, Blanchelande must with the seemnever been able to carry luck than he had in dealing He they would have any better the colony back under control. insoluble challenge of bringing blamed for the disasters ingly that he would end up being first actions probably suspected and indeed, one of the commissioners' to face accusaafflicting the colony, order him to return to France after they landed was to policy of sabotage, accusations that he had engaged in a deliberate victim of the Revolutionary tions make him the first prominent fate, already predictable that would 1793.4 Blanchelande's of what Tribunal created in April arrived in Cap Français, was a warning than not do better when the commissioners could expect if they could themselves his successors of Saint-Domingue. the problems he had at mastering nom de la les troubles de Saint-Domingwe, fait au et de Marine, Rapport SIT Salut Public, de Législation, 2 J.-P. Commission Garran-Coulon, des Colonies, des Comités de An V (1797-98), I: 335. réunis;4 vS. (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, see the Bulletin du Tribunal Rapport, 2: 572-609. for Blanchelande's trial, Garran-Coulon, AN,DXXV 47, d. 444 and d.. 444bis; 1793). révolationnaire, no. IO (April criminel Salut Public, de Législation, 2 J.-P. Commission Garran-Coulon, des Colonies, des Comités de An V (1797-98), I: 335. réunis;4 vS. (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, see the Bulletin du Tribunal Rapport, 2: 572-609. for Blanchelande's trial, Garran-Coulon, AN,DXXV 47, d. 444 and d.. 444bis; 1793). révolationnaire, no. IO (April criminel --- Page 43 --- You Are All Free distrust of Blanchelande and the governMuch ofthe white colonists' dislike of arbitrary government, he reflected not just a ment represented reality of life in Saint-Domingue: the island, but also the fundamental was a society based on slavery like all ofl France's Caribbean possessions, were largely alien to institutions whose principles and racial hierarchy, in 1789 was the most extreme the metropole. Indeed, Saint-Domingue had created throughof the slave-based society that Europeans example else in the world did SO few whites exploit out the Americas. Nowhere with such ruthless efficiency. At a the labor of SO many black slaves American states was just time when the slave population of the thirteen about the size of New Jersey - Saint-Domingue - a territory the 700,000, of nearly 500,000, outnumbering 30,000 had a slave population than ten to one. (If one counts the slaves in to 40,000 whites by more colonies, Martinique and Guadeloupe, France's other major Caribbean slaves in 1789, and the smaller each of which had close to 100,000 may have had a islands of the Lesser Antilles, the French possessions States.)5 Thanks to the slave population in 1789 than the United boast larger Saint-Domingue's whites could legitimately labor of their slaves, economy and the most valuthat the colony was the motor of France's Saint-Domingue was producing able of the country's provinces. By 1789, and coffee, two commodities almost half of the world's supply of sugar of civilization. Particularly that had become essential to western notions Seven Years' War in 1763, a since the end of the in the quarter-century island's slave population more than doubled, period during which the a land of opportunity where Saint-Domingue was France's El Dorado, in the metrocould be made on a scale almost unimaginable fortunes Itemizing his losses in the Haitian pole or in the American slave states. with 342 slaves, a coffec Revolution, one man listed a sugar plantation with mares and 148 mules, and plantation with 46 slaves, a stud farm 48 slaves; he was by no means establishment employing 25 a lime-making planters. (Figure I.I) the wealthiest of Saint-Domingue SO much wealth that men who had accumulated It is not surprising and civilintendants: appointed chafed at being ruled by military governors and that they saw the ministers on the other side of the Atlantic, by in France in 1789 as an opportunity to assert themselves. developments were determined to defend the system It is also not surprising that they based. and successful on which their wealth was Prosperous of slavery 5 Blackburn, Overthrow, 163. of Mirande, n.d. 6 AN,5 mi 1434, deposition omingue SO much wealth that men who had accumulated It is not surprising and civilintendants: appointed chafed at being ruled by military governors and that they saw the ministers on the other side of the Atlantic, by in France in 1789 as an opportunity to assert themselves. developments were determined to defend the system It is also not surprising that they based. and successful on which their wealth was Prosperous of slavery 5 Blackburn, Overthrow, 163. of Mirande, n.d. 6 AN,5 mi 1434, deposition --- Page 44 --- CARTE DD VISLE DE S DONISGCE une dex Grendes Ancilles Celenic Pancoi d npapnele aA FIGURE I.I. Map of This crudely drawn Saint-Domingue (1795). first detailed account map was included in the tions of of the political events proslavery colonist the 1793 to be published in France there that culminated François in Laplace's Histoire des S colony's official and during the the burning of désastres de the West Province. capital second-largest revolutionary era. Cap Cap Français and the Saint-Domingue, the Source: city, is at the angle where the Français is on the island's emancipation Rare Book long southern north coast; proclamaCollection, University of peninsula juts out from Fort-au-Prince, the Pennsylvania Library. coastline of Avagn AUSNBAINN aLVIS VINISNIA lace's Histoire des S colony's official and during the the burning of désastres de the West Province. capital second-largest revolutionary era. Cap Cap Français and the Saint-Domingue, the Source: city, is at the angle where the Français is on the island's emancipation Rare Book long southern north coast; proclamaCollection, University of peninsula juts out from Fort-au-Prince, the Pennsylvania Library. coastline of Avagn AUSNBAINN aLVIS VINISNIA --- Page 45 --- You Are All Free as many of them were, the slave owners of theless deeply insecure. Saint-Domingue were neverThey saw enemies everywhere: on whom their fortunes among the slaves free people of color in the depended, among the growing population of dictions of the white slave colony, whose existence reflected the contrathat owners' own behavior, and in the enjoyed the benefits flowing from the colony's economic metropole objected to the methods used to success but generate them. The violent among the white colonists, reflected in Governor dissensions the newly appointed commissioners in Blanchelande's letter to of these fears, all of which had been September 1792, were the result greatly intensified by the ary movement in France in 1789 and its effects in the Caribbean. revolutionTry as they might to convince metropolitan public slaves were well treated and content with their opinion that their knew that the slave lot, colonial slave owners they could, slaves population was inherently hostile to them. When ran away and became "maroons," mountains and sometimes escaping into the munities. succeeding in establishing veritable free comDisappointed by the low birth rate on their ers accused slave women of aborting their plantations, owntheir babies to avoid seeing them pregnancies or even killing of being grow up as slaves.7 Whites lived in fear poisoned by their slave servants or, more their livestock decimated by deliberate commonly, of secing and sabotage. Marronage, poisoning were forms of individual resistance infanticide, was always the fear of a collective revolt. to slavery, but there in Saint-Domingue still Even thirty years later, whites remembered the panic caused by the Makandal conspiracy in 1758, when a slave was accused of to poison white having fomented a plot plantation wners throughout the island,s To keep their slaves obedient, Saint-Domingue slave out the eighteenth century consistently owners throughunlimited argued that they needed to have authority over them. If need be, defenders of slave owners had to be freet to torture and even slavery insisted, them; otherwise, the execute slaves who resisted discipline on which the plantation would be fatally undermined. This insistence system depended over their "property" on their unlimited rights brought the slave owners into with the royal administration. The periodic conflict regulating 1685 Code noir, Louis XIV's edict slavery in the Caribbean colonies, legitimized the institution 7 Arlette Gautier, Les soeurs de solitude. La condition Antilles du XVIle au XIXe siècle (Paris: Editions féminine dans l'esclaveage aux Pierre Pluchon, Vaudou, sorciers, empoisonneurs. caribbéennes, De 1985), 222-3. Karthala, 1987), 165-82. Saint-Domingue à Haiti (Paris: ic conflict regulating 1685 Code noir, Louis XIV's edict slavery in the Caribbean colonies, legitimized the institution 7 Arlette Gautier, Les soeurs de solitude. La condition Antilles du XVIle au XIXe siècle (Paris: Editions féminine dans l'esclaveage aux Pierre Pluchon, Vaudou, sorciers, empoisonneurs. caribbéennes, De 1985), 222-3. Karthala, 1987), 165-82. Saint-Domingue à Haiti (Paris: --- Page 46 --- A Colony in Revolaution the slaves: owners were laid down some rules meant to protect they were supposed to but also and clothing their slaves, the Code responsible for feeding and, in certain circumstances, to their religious instruction, if their masters disregarded see slaves to appeal to the authorities the French colonies, the proviallowed the history of ignored, its provisions. Throughout that favored the slaves were routinely as had sions of the Code noir constituted a warning: as long they the slave owners they faced a potential but to authority, they always metropolitan to acknowledge their most vital interests. in the 1770S and 1780s, threat to economy boomed be The greatEven as Saint-Domingues system seemed to growing. threats menacing the slavery - after the Makandal the not from the slaves themselves in Saintest danger came there were no large-scale slave conspiracies - but from the episode in 1758, the start of the French Revolution in Domingue until after when slavery was established metropole. In the séventeenth century, the notion that all human beings French society accepted were to obey their parthe colonies, their superiors. Children and women needed to submit to peasants their seigneurs, and the ill their masters, the insane, ents, apprentices husbands. Beggars, vagabonds, to discitheir fathers or soldiers were subject stringent in the colonies institutionalized, to work were forcibly who indentured themselves In these cirpline, and whites during the term of their contract. of a piece had virtually no rights imposed on captured Africans middle seemed of the eighcumstances, the slavery other subjects. By the XIV with the condition of the king's of the age of Louis however, the authoritarianism on the rights of individual teenth century, Jansenist insistence of individual reason, had largely disappeared. defense - conscience, the Enlightenmenr's of individual opportunities religious growth that encouraged pursuit of criticism of existing economic of a spirit all contributed to the development Histoire institutions.? of the frst edition of the colo1770 saw the publication of European The year Deux Indes, a history and critique The work, philosophique des one of the period's great bestsellers. but actually nialism that became Raynal Denis to the abbé Ousm-themtaeal attributed including that orderaticalphiswopbe that the product of many hands, attitudes toward slavery - attitudes Diderot, reflected contradictory attitudes toward slavery, see Jean Ehrard, XVIIIe of Feighenth-cenaryt French publique en France au For a recent survey L'esclavage colonial et l'opinion Lumières et esclavage. André Versaille, 2008). siècle (Brussels: nialism that became Raynal Denis to the abbé Ousm-themtaeal attributed including that orderaticalphiswopbe that the product of many hands, attitudes toward slavery - attitudes Diderot, reflected contradictory attitudes toward slavery, see Jean Ehrard, XVIIIe of Feighenth-cenaryt French publique en France au For a recent survey L'esclavage colonial et l'opinion Lumières et esclavage. André Versaille, 2008). siècle (Brussels: --- Page 47 --- You Are All Free seemed to change over the course of its successive ofits pages, nevertheless, editions - but some provided a institution. In the 1780 edition, thoroughgoing denunciation of the Diderot prophesied the avenger who would overthrow the slave coming of an Nature owes to its vexed, system, "this great man that oppressed tormented himself and will raise the sacred children . He will show banner of Noir will disappear, and the Code liberty Then the Code consult only the law Blanc will be terrible if the victors of revengel"io The Histoire Indes was officially in philosophique des Deux banned, France and in the but circulated with little colonies, in fact it author, hindrance: as many colonists knew, its ostensible Raynal, had close ties with the officials of the Navy, which was responsible for the Ministry of the much of the book's administration of the colonies, and content reflected the thinking of crats who were open to suggestions for the reform enlightened bureauto its eventual replacement of slavery, with an eye by some more humane system of agriculture." plantation In the mid-178os, the menace posed by the royal on concrete form. Two edicts drawn administration took XVI's minister for the up by the marquis de Castries, Louis and, colonies, reiterated the principles of the among other things, restricted the Code noir could inflict on their slaves."2 The physical punishments owners hired managers, blamed for ministry attempted to limit the use of and the their indifference to the fate of the gave latter greater slaves, opportunities to bring treatment. The whites in the colonies complaints about their responded with on top of a barrel of fury. "We sit here gunpowder, which can be set off error in administration, and that is what will by the slightest not change its policy. In happen if the court does of substance, this edict violates the sacred property, and puts a dagger in the hands of the rights trol over their discipline and their slaves, by giving conmasters,' 99 one of them regime to someone other than their of the wrote. 13 They actively resisted the Castries edicts, and in 1788, the colony's implementation high court dismissed a Io Cited in Laurent Dubois and John D. Garrigus, Slave 1789-1804 (New York: Bedford/St. Revolution in the Caribbean II Michèle Duchet, Anthropologie et histoire Martin's, 2006), 56. 1995 (orig. 1971)), 129-36. au siècle des Lumières (Paris: Albin Michel, Jean Tarrade, "L'esclavage est-il réformable? Les à la fin de l'ancien régime, > in Marcel projets des administrateurs coloniaux L. F. Sonthonax à V. Schoelcher Dorigny, dir., Les abolitions de l'esclavage. De 13 Letter of Pierre Céloron de (Paris: Editions UNESCO, 1995), 133-41. Esclaves aux Antilles Françaises Blainville, May 8, 1785, cited in Gabriel Debien, Les France: Sociétés d'histoire de la (XVIle-XVIIle siècles) (Basse-Terre and Fort-deGuadeloupe et de la Martinique, 1974), 486. . Sonthonax à V. Schoelcher Dorigny, dir., Les abolitions de l'esclavage. De 13 Letter of Pierre Céloron de (Paris: Editions UNESCO, 1995), 133-41. Esclaves aux Antilles Françaises Blainville, May 8, 1785, cited in Gabriel Debien, Les France: Sociétés d'histoire de la (XVIle-XVIIle siècles) (Basse-Terre and Fort-deGuadeloupe et de la Martinique, 1974), 486. --- Page 48 --- A Colony in Revolution two of his slaves a slaveowner who had admitted torturing case against the slave owners, however, Even this victory did not reassure to death." movement against arbitrary government and when the revolutionary joined it, hoping for a new developed in 1788, many of them eagerly like France's other provconstitution that would allow Saint-Domingue, inces, a large measure of self-government. reform in France would pose its own That the movement for radical the white colonists from the dangers to the slave system was clear to France in 1788, "slavstart. In the rhetoric of the pamphlets inundating servitude that these "patriot" ery" was the worst of evils, although the that on the metropolitan population authors stigmatized was imposed the condition of Africans in by the system of absolute monarchy, not colonists drew the colonies. In April 1788, a group of Saint-Domingue demanding the revocamemorandum addressed to the king, up a long in the island's government; they included tion of several recent changes of the necessity to keep the slaves a long and very explicit justification over them.5 Significantly, convinced of their masters' unlimited power revised this document to preswhen the colonists' supporters in France and limited themremoved this defense of slavery ent it to the king, they economic importance to the selves instead to arguing for the colony's from arbitrary and its' white inhabitants' right to be protected kingdom they realized that it would be inadvisable ministerial actions; evidently, that the right the colonists were most to remind the metropolitan public their slaves.1 concerned with was their right to punish the wisdom of demanding Despite the doubts of some colonists about into which it soon in the Estates General or the National Assembly seats would legitimate those bodtransformed itself, since their participation of self-proclaimed to intervene in colonial affairs, a group ies' pretentions "Sovereignty and Slavery in the Age of Revolution: Haitian 14 Malick Ghachem, Theme, s Ph. D. diss., Stanford University, 2001, Ch. 5, Variations on a Metropolitan "The Lejeune Affair." historique du Comité colonial de St. Domingue (1788), 15 "Mémoire au roi," in Journal MMC 2671, dated April 20, 1788. This manuscript is the Library of Congress, ms. Comité colonial de St. Domingue, established in France register of deliberations of the of Saint-Domingue in the upcoming meeting in July 1788 to advocate representation see Jeremy D. Popkin, "Saint-Domingue, of the Estates General. On this campaign, Revolution," in Thomas Kaiser and Dale Van Slavery and the Origins of the French CA: Stanford University Press, forthKley,eds., From Deficit to Deluge (Stanford, coming 20II). les planteurs &c. de la colonie de 16 "Lettre adressée au Roi par Propriétaires B III St. Domingue,' > dated May 31, 1788, in AN, I35- July 1788 to advocate representation see Jeremy D. Popkin, "Saint-Domingue, of the Estates General. On this campaign, Revolution," in Thomas Kaiser and Dale Van Slavery and the Origins of the French CA: Stanford University Press, forthKley,eds., From Deficit to Deluge (Stanford, coming 20II). les planteurs &c. de la colonie de 16 "Lettre adressée au Roi par Propriétaires B III St. Domingue,' > dated May 31, 1788, in AN, I35- --- Page 49 --- You Are All Free representatives from Saint-Domingue and won their case on July successfully lobbied for admission this decision, 4, 1789.7 The lengthy debate that however, showed that preceded misgivings about the institution of many metropolitan deputies had colonists would slavery. For the next two years, the that it had wage an unremitting struggle to convince the no right to make any decisions Assembly of the colonies, and regarding the internal affairs labeled "the particularly what the deputies status of persons" in France's euphemistically danger facing the colonial slave overseas possessions." The France owners because of their was exemplified by the passage of the connection with of Man and Citizen on August Declaration of the Rights claimed that "men 26, 1789, the first article of which are born and remain free and equal in 32 prorevolutionary spokesman, Honoré Gabriel de rights. The Count Mirabeau, one of the slaveholders' Riqueti, better known as ately insisted that the clear most vocal enemies, immedisense of the Declaration demnation of slavery. "What (the amounted to a conit will say to the Assembly] will say to the blacks, what planters, what it will tell the there are not and cannot be, either in whole of Europe, is that French laws, any men other than France or in any territory subject to other, and that free men, other than men equal to any man who keeps another in each against the law," he thundered." The involuntary servitude acts this way, however; instead, it decided Assembly refused to see things Declaration that the question of whether applied to the colonies would be settled the Meanwhile, the white colonists at a later date. metropolitan on the island vigorously imitated cousins by creating local their over the powers of the royal administration. revolutionary assemblies to take François The last royal intendant, Barbé-Marbois, had to flee the colony when began, and the self-proclaimed assemblies the revolution the circulation of the Declaration that replaced him banned of Rights in the 1790, a colonial assembly chosen colony.o In May passed a colonial constitution exclusively by white property owners that amounted to a virtual declaration 17 Popkin, "Saint-Domingue, Slavery and the Kaiser and Van Kley, Origins of the French 18 On these eds., From Deficit to Deluge. Revolution," in debates, sec David Geggus, "Racial during the Constituent Assembly,"in Geggus, Equality, Slavery, and Colonial Secession and Yves Benot, La Révolution Haitian Revolutionary. Studies, Découverte, 1987). An older française et la fin des colonies I57-70, source still worth 1789-1794 (Paris: La Barnave, 2 VS. (Oxford: Clarendon consulting is H. D. Bradby, The 19 Courier de Press, 1915). Life of 20 Garran-Coulon, Provence, no. 30, August 20-21, 1789. Rapport, I: 75-7, 85. La Révolution Haitian Revolutionary. Studies, Découverte, 1987). An older française et la fin des colonies I57-70, source still worth 1789-1794 (Paris: La Barnave, 2 VS. (Oxford: Clarendon consulting is H. D. Bradby, The 19 Courier de Press, 1915). Life of 20 Garran-Coulon, Provence, no. 30, August 20-21, 1789. Rapport, I: 75-7, 85. --- Page 50 --- A Colony in Revolution divisions among the colonists of independence. The move highlighted assembly raised troops to oppose themselves - the North Province's local the French assembly reacted angrily to the colonists' pretensions. it-and debate in October 1790, they were reminded in strong terms In a stormy had the right to legislate for itself, but that no part of the French empire reaffirmed their commitat the same time, the metropolitan deputies in the colonies. ment to take no decisions about "the status of persons" divided. A itself, the whites were also deeply Within Saint-Domingue blanc" faction looked to the king as its best protection against "pompon revolutionaries, while a rival 6 pompon the excesses of the metropolitan rhetoric and denounced the remainrouge" group adopted revolutionary ing royal officials in the island. of the national While the colony's whites fought the representatives the and each other, they also had to confront another group: government the Americas, the possibility of manufree people of color. Throughout it as a gift - was one of the mission - of purchasing freedom or obtaining masters' commechanisms that helped persuade slaves to conform to their with the chronic shortage of white women, which led mands. Together concubines and father mixed-race children whom white men to take black creation of a free that they sometimes freed, the result was the population of French coloor of African descent. In the early days was wholly partly white women in the islands, nial settlement, when there were hardly any The offwhite men had routinely formed households with black women. often of these unions had been accepted as free, and white men spring black concubines as well. It was not unusual for mixed-race freed their the last decades of the eighchildren to inherit their father's property. By the and most Saint-Domingue had become home to largest teenth century, of color in the Caribbean islands. The 28,000 influential free population the colony, and in some members of this group were scattered throughout particularly in rural parts of the West and South provinces, they regions, the whites. The 1685 Code noir had specified that free peooutnumbered it also insisted ple of color were to have the same rights as whites, although 923 for their former masters.' that they "retain a particular respect 21 Bradby, Barnave, I: 342-6. of color in eighreenth-century Saint-Domingue, 22 On the history of the free population Haiti: Race and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue see John D. Garrigus, Before 2006) and Yvan Debbasch, Couleur et liberté. Le * - d (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, T. I: L'affranchi dans les - jeu du critère ethnique dans un ordre juridique esclavagiste. (Paris: Dalloz, 1967). possessions françaises de la Caraibe (1635-1833) 23 Cited in Dubois and Garrigus, Slave Revolution, 53. - - Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue see John D. Garrigus, Before 2006) and Yvan Debbasch, Couleur et liberté. Le * - d (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, T. I: L'affranchi dans les - jeu du critère ethnique dans un ordre juridique esclavagiste. (Paris: Dalloz, 1967). possessions françaises de la Caraibe (1635-1833) 23 Cited in Dubois and Garrigus, Slave Revolution, 53. - - --- Page 51 --- You Are All Free owned large free colored families in Saint-Domingue The wealthiest members of the group were artisans, shopplantations and slaves; poorer common for free colored women keepers, and domestic servants. It was affairs of whites, whether or not the households and business to manage these free colored menagthey also served as their sexual companions; of their own and created family ères often accumulated solid fortunes the sons and daughters dynasties." 24 Like the children of white families, France for their educafree colored families were sent to of prosperous settled and married. The free colored population, where some of them order in the colony: free men tion played an essential role in maintaining force that hunted down runaway of color made up most of the police saw contradictory trends slaves. The last decades before the Revolution the free population of color. between the whites and in the relations swelled with new immigrants On the one hand, as the white population Seven Years' War in 1763, laws meant from France after the end of the racial groups muliplied. enforce the distinction between the two of to honorific titles in front of the names Notaries were forbidden to put free people of color could not free people of color in legal documents, and they were barred the family names of their white ancestors, use the clergy. At the same administrative posts or entering from occupying between whites and free people of color time, however, social relations laws were more or less remained frequent, and many oft the discriminatory although its officials were ignored in practice. The French government, the free of color as the responsible for these laws, sometimes saw people Unlike the whites, element in the population. most loyal and dependable and were often said to have a greater interthey were rooted in the colony the intendant, Guillaume Léonard In 1783, est in its long-term prosperity. Raimond, a wealthy quarteron (a man de Bellecombe, encouraged Julien to lobby the government for with three white grandparents), to go to France received politely at Versailles better treatment for the group. Raimond memoranda was urging reforms on and allowed to present four lengthy in policy were made.35 From their behalf, although no actual changes free colored see Stewart R. King, Blue of the population, 24 On the economic importance Free People of Color in Pre-Revolationary Saint Domingue Libres Coat or Powdered Wig: Press, 2001), and Dominique Rogers. "Les (Athens, GA: University of Georgia de couleur dans les capitales de Saint-Domingue." 1780s, see] John D. Garrigus, "Opportunist 25 On) Raimond andl his mission to Franceinthe and the Haitian Revolution," Slavery colons and or Patriot? Julien Raimond (1744-1801) and Gabriel Debien, Gens de couleur libres et Revue Abolition 28 (2007), devant I-21, la Constituante (1789-mars 1790) (Montréal: de d'histoire Saint-Domingue de l'Amérique française, 1951). -Domingue." 1780s, see] John D. Garrigus, "Opportunist 25 On) Raimond andl his mission to Franceinthe and the Haitian Revolution," Slavery colons and or Patriot? Julien Raimond (1744-1801) and Gabriel Debien, Gens de couleur libres et Revue Abolition 28 (2007), devant I-21, la Constituante (1789-mars 1790) (Montréal: de d'histoire Saint-Domingue de l'Amérique française, 1951). --- Page 52 --- A Colony in Revolution the point of view of the white colonists, however, the encouragement interRaimond was another sign of the danger of metropolitan given to ference in colonial affairs. in France revived antagonisms Just as the early stages oft the revolution declined in the later decades between nobles and commoners that had balance between ofthe old regime, the revolution also upset the delicate whites and free people of color in Saint-Domingue. However willing of whites have been to associate socially with free people many may maintain the color line wheri it came to color, they were determined to For the free people of color the exercise of political power in the colony. by the prospect of a colonial government monopolized like Raimond, determined to end the influence of the metropolitan governwhites and unattractive one. Seeing how effecment in the island's affairs was an their interests in tively the white colonists were organizing to promote determined Paris, free people of color formed their own lobbying group, the equal rights that the National Assembly's declaration seemed to claim them. Their first initiative was to approach the Club Massiac, to promise by white colonists to represent their formed at the end of August 1789 calling itself interests. Both Julien Raimond and a more radical group des colons américains met with the white planters in early the Société that the whites would not make any September, only to be told firmly with the Société des concessions to them.:7 Raimond then made contact the reform group founded by Brissot in February 1788, amis des noirs, his for parliamentary repreand persuaded them to support campaign sentation for the free colored population in the colonies. the of Raimond and his supFrom the fall of 1789 to spring 1791, the repeated frustration in their efforts to overcome porters experienced colonial lobby. In December 1789, the Club Massiac power of the white to the free men and its supporters managed to block a proposal grant and two deputies in the National Assembly, of color in Saint-Domingue the all-white colonial assemin March 1790, the legislature legitimized by the whites' blies that had been formed in the colony. Exasperated who had been Vincent Ogé, another free man of color intransigence, in Paris, returned to Saint-Domingue in part of the lobbying group rebellion in the mountains of the October 1790 and started a small Gabriel Debien, Les Colons de Saint-Domingue et la 26 On the Club Massiac, see Club Massiac (aolit 1789-août 1792) (Paris: Armand Colin, Révolution. Essai sur le 195I). de P'Assemblée des citoyens-libres et propriétaires de 27 Extrait du procès-verbal constituée souS le titre de Colons américains couleur des Isles et Colonies Françoises, (N. p., 1789),9-10. and started a small Gabriel Debien, Les Colons de Saint-Domingue et la 26 On the Club Massiac, see Club Massiac (aolit 1789-août 1792) (Paris: Armand Colin, Révolution. Essai sur le 195I). de P'Assemblée des citoyens-libres et propriétaires de 27 Extrait du procès-verbal constituée souS le titre de Colons américains couleur des Isles et Colonies Françoises, (N. p., 1789),9-10. --- Page 53 --- You Are All Free North Province. Ogé, a wealthy ings in Cap property owner with extensive holdFrançais, was careful not to raise the issue of slavery: he insisted that he was abolishing which the two classes of free seeking only to create a situation in people in the colony could on the basis of equality to work together The whites preserve a system that benefitted them both. responded violently, quashing Ogé's movement fled across the border into Spanish Santo by force. Ogé there turned him Domingo, but the authorities over to his enemies, and he was tortured Le Cap in February 1791.38 to death in Short-lived and unsuccessful as it was, Ogé's rebellion the political situation on both sides of the ocean. In transformed itself, his movement constituted the first armed revolt Saint-Domingue nial system of racial hierarchy. against the coloslaves against their Although Ogé did not try to raise the do masters, he had been prepared to at least SO in his efforts to persuade the whites to accede threaten to The intransigence of the whites and the to his demands.9 worsened relations between brutality of Ogé's execution them and the free colored island, preparing the way for the insurrection that population in the Province, where the broke out in the West two groups were almost equal in I791. In France, the news of the size, in August lutionary treatment inflicted on Ogé made revoproponents of equality more determined than the white colonists to before to force accept, if not the abolition of at necessity of granting rights to a group that slavery, least the erty and met all the other qualifications was legally free, owned propThe result was the stormiest ofthe National for citizenship. about colonial issues, Assembly's heated debates a four-day confrontation on occasion was a proposal from the May 12-IS, 1791. The cerning the powers of colonial Assembly's colonial committee conincluding the issue ofthe assemblies to regulate their own affairs, "status of persons." 52 free people of color, including Henri Deputies sympathetic to the Antoine Destutt de and Grégoire, Maximilien Robespierre, Tracy, several others, objected that tee's proposal, like the the committed the continuing arrangements approved in March 1790, permit: exclusion of the members of that group, in violation 28 Dubois, Avengers, 87-8. 29 See the testimony of the white planter, L.-F.-R. Verneuil, taken Popkin, Facing Racial prisoner by Ogé, in 30 Petitions in favor of the Revolution, free men 47. of color Jacobin clubs in the early spring of 1791: Lettres were drafted des by a number of provincial la Constitution, qui réclament les droits de diverses sociétés des Amis de couleur des colonies (Paris: Imprimerie du Patriote citoyen actif en faveur des hommes de françois, 1791). the white planter, L.-F.-R. Verneuil, taken Popkin, Facing Racial prisoner by Ogé, in 30 Petitions in favor of the Revolution, free men 47. of color Jacobin clubs in the early spring of 1791: Lettres were drafted des by a number of provincial la Constitution, qui réclament les droits de diverses sociétés des Amis de couleur des colonies (Paris: Imprimerie du Patriote citoyen actif en faveur des hommes de françois, 1791). --- Page 54 --- A Colony in Revolution of their natural rights. Members of the colonial their familiar argument that if the lobby responded with rights to the free people of color, it Assembly could force them to grant the emancipation of the slaves. could also go further and demand Louis Élie Moreau de Finally, the colonial deputy Médéric cals: he Saint-Méry made a direct to proposed an amendment challenge the radiing the status of slaves in the American stating explicitly that "no law concernthe colonial assemblies made colonies would be made unless regard." His a spontaneous and explicit request in that proposal set off a furor. *Monsieur strongly to the word slaves," one Robespierre objected that it was an attempt to consecrate newspaper account reported, "saying should be left to perish, if they slavery and that the colonies principles!"s: The best were going to force us to renounce our was to force the substitution Robespierre and his allies could achieve, of the word however, Moreau de Saint-Méry's "non-libres" for "esclaves" in the French constitution amendment; despite the radicals' would give the slave objections, had demanded. owners the assurance they Before the Assembly could turn its attention the deputy Jean-François Rewbell to other issues, however, offered another posed to decree that while the colonists would amendment: he prointernal affairs, they would have retain authority over their ple of color whose to grant political rights to free parents had been free. The peoamendment remains obscure. Raimond motive behind Rewbell's free-colored cause had and the other defenders of the group deserved the consistently argued that all members same rights, SO Rewbell of their for them. To defenders of white was certainly not speaking Rewbell's proposal was privilege like Moreau de as flagrant an interference Saint-Méry, power to determine "the status of with their promised to the entire free colored persons" as a blanket grant of rights it bitterly, population would have been, and walking out of the Assembly when it they opposed probably was seeking a was approved. Rewbell radicals the satisfaction compromise that would allow the absolute of having made it clear that Assembly's barrier to full race was not an since only a small number citizenship, of the while at the same time ensuring - free people of requirements - that whites would retain color would meet the legislators finally a safe majority. The exhausted rally accepted the proposal as around," as one journalist put it.32 Rather "something everyone could than smoothing over 31 Gazette universelle, May 32 Gazette universelle, May 16, 14, 179I (Assemblée nationale, May 13). 179I (Assemblée nationale, May I5). barrier to full race was not an since only a small number citizenship, of the while at the same time ensuring - free people of requirements - that whites would retain color would meet the legislators finally a safe majority. The exhausted rally accepted the proposal as around," as one journalist put it.32 Rather "something everyone could than smoothing over 31 Gazette universelle, May 32 Gazette universelle, May 16, 14, 179I (Assemblée nationale, May 13). 179I (Assemblée nationale, May I5). --- Page 55 --- You Are All Free conflicts in Saint-Domingue, however, the decree of sified them. May I5, 179I intenAlthough whites in several of France's other colonies to accept the National Assembly's were prepared reaction it measure, in Saint-Domingue, the against was ferocious. Governor Blanchelande inform Paris that he would be unable was forced to elected Colonial to put it into effect.33 A newly Assembly, convened in carly August I791 and still posed exclusively of whites, prepared to resist this comsure. Hoping to persuade the recalcitrant white metropolitan preson the issue, the National Assembly colonists to compromise Frédéric Mirbeck, dispatched three commissioners - Philippe Roume, and Edmond de island. Some revolutionary Saint-Léger - to the groups in France had offered to sail colony to help impose the movement's for the First Commission was sent without egalitarian principles, but this As the commissioners any accompanying military forces.4 were making the two-month events on both sides of the Atlantic took trip across the ocean, pated and that rendered their courses that they had not anticicolonists' allies launched mission impossible. In France, the white a furious campaign to overturn the proposal. On September 24, 1791, the National Rewbell vote of May IS and once again left Assembly reversed its nonwhites to the discretion of the any decision concerning the rights of white-controlled By the time this news reached colonial assembly3s Saint-Domingue, nists and the members of the Commission however, both the colofound themselves entirely new and far more serious problems: violent confronting in the North Province and oft the free revolts of the slaves Although they broke population of color in the West. out almost the tion and the free-colored simultaneously, slave insurrecgeography of movement were not directly connected. The with little Saint-Domingue separated the colony into isolated communication between them. The North regions the slave revolt began, was the richest, dominated Province, where plantations that covered the flat by the large sugar south of Cap Français, the first expanse of the plain that spread out major port reached by ships coming from 33 Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 2: IO6. 34 In Bordeaux, members of the departmental National colonies to enforce the edict. Extrait du registre des Guard unit offered to go to the Commerce de la ville de Bordeaux, et adresses du délibérations de la Chambre du Gironde à l'Assemblée nationale; de la Société des Amis Directoire du département de la du café national de la ville de Bordeaux, à de la Constitution; du Club rendu par. Elle le 14 Mai 1791, au sujet des colonies l'Assemblée nationale: relatifs au décret May 1791). (Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 24 35 Gazette universelle, September 25, 1791. Commerce de la ville de Bordeaux, et adresses du délibérations de la Chambre du Gironde à l'Assemblée nationale; de la Société des Amis Directoire du département de la du café national de la ville de Bordeaux, à de la Constitution; du Club rendu par. Elle le 14 Mai 1791, au sujet des colonies l'Assemblée nationale: relatifs au décret May 1791). (Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 24 35 Gazette universelle, September 25, 1791. --- Page 56 --- A Colony in Revolution France. The boom after 1763 had led to the tations on the slopes of the mountains establishment of coffee planmountains separated the region from the surrounding the plain. Rugged production was concentrated in the smaller West Province, where sugar second-largest city, plains around the colony's valley and the plain Port-au-Prince, of and in the regions of the Artibonite Cul-de-Sac. More Français, Port-au-Prince centrally located than was the Cap was less accessible to shipping colony's administrative capital, but it amenities of its wealthier rival. coming from France and lacked the urban The island's highest mountains divided the West South Province, which extended Province from the long peninsula almost along the southern coast to the tip of a ulated than the other touching the British colony of Jamaica. Less two provinces, and cut off from popEurope and from the rest of the colony, the the trade routes to ous hotbed of smuggling and South Province was a notorithe Dutch islands off the illegal trade with its British neighbor, with coast of South on the mainland. In both the West America, and with the Spanish had benefitted from the fact that and the South, free people of color North. Many of them had established land was more available than in the or indigo, crops that did not small plantations growing coffee Slaves of African require as much investment as sugar. origin greatly tion groups throughout the island. outnumbered the other populathe last years before the Purchased in West Africa and, in of Mozambique, those slaves Revolution, from areas as distant as the coast Passage found themselves who survived the horrors of the Middle had known in their in a world very different from anything homelands. they did not resemble the highly Although slavery existed in Africa, it had developed in the Americas. organized plantation system that Europeans Domingue planters worked Driven to maximize their profits, Sainttheir slaves the expectancy of a black brought from Africa intensively; average life after arrival in the colony, and the was only seven to ten years new slaves to maintain their numbers. island needed a constant influx of in the colony were creoles, born In 1789, roughly half oft the slaves bossales, had been in the Americas; the other half, the regions of that continent shipped from Africa. Taken from widely and thrown separated developed a common together on the - plantations, blacks language Creole - and vodou - that incorporated rituals from a set of religious beliefs - of European Christianity. their homelands with elements colonial hierarchy, the slave Although all slaves were at the bottom of the sions. Some slaves, such population had its own internal status as the divicommandeurs, or drivers who supervised oft the slaves bossales, had been in the Americas; the other half, the regions of that continent shipped from Africa. Taken from widely and thrown separated developed a common together on the - plantations, blacks language Creole - and vodou - that incorporated rituals from a set of religious beliefs - of European Christianity. their homelands with elements colonial hierarchy, the slave Although all slaves were at the bottom of the sions. Some slaves, such population had its own internal status as the divicommandeurs, or drivers who supervised --- Page 57 --- You Are All Free the plantation work gangs, or atteliers, and the skilled workmen directed the complicated operations involved in who harvested extracting the juice from sugar cane and boiling it to make sugar, considerable authority and often occupied positions of dom. Most enjoyed a good deal of de facto freeordinary field work was actually who had fewer performed by slave women, opportunities to acquire specialized skills. were also more exposed to sexual Female slaves them were able to obtain exploitation than men, but some of privileges through these liaisons tation owners and managers. Another with planseparating rural and urban important division was the one slaves. In the cities, slaves were to share the same households as their more likely skills that often enabled masters and to acquire specialized them to earn some income of their own they were fortunate, to eventually purchase their and, if freedom.36 By 1791, slaves throughout the island had certainly the ferment affecting their become aware of masters. Despite the ban on the circulation of newspapers from France in the colony, whites and free people of color publicly discussed the revolution on the other side of the the slaves, the news of the revolution Atlantic. Among widespread was translated into a persistent and rumor that the king of France had granted them three week to work for their own benefit instead of their days a whites in the colony were masters', but that the refusing to implement this reform.37 that the king was concerned about the slaves The notion made a certain sense: as we have seen, even before the amount of indeed Revolution, royal officials had attempted to make some reforms in the slavery colonial whites' violent system, and the denunciations of the royal administration 1789 could well have persuaded many slaves that the after on their side. Whether the ideas contained in the government was ies' Declaration of Rights also French revolutionarinspired the slaves is less certain. summer of 1791, those slaves who might have overheard By the discussing the news from France or come into their masters other visitors from contact with sailors and Europe could have been forgiven for the revolutionaries had no intention of concluding that extending liberty and equality 36 On slave life in pre-revolutionary Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons: Saint-Domingue, see Debien, Esclaves; Jean York: Edward W. Blyden, 1981 Liberty or Death, trans. A. Faulkner Watts (New Moitt, Women and Slavery in (orig. the 1972)); French Gautier, Soeurs de Solitude; Bernard IN: Indiana University Press, 2001); and Frédéric Antilles, 1635-1848 (Bloomington, De la colonisation aux abolitions (Paris: Régent, La France et ses esclaves. 37 Yves Bénot, "La chaîne des insurrections Grasset, des 2007). 1791," in Marcel Dorigny, dir., Les abolitions de esclaves dans les Caraibes de 1789 à l'esclavage, 179-86. 1972)); French Gautier, Soeurs de Solitude; Bernard IN: Indiana University Press, 2001); and Frédéric Antilles, 1635-1848 (Bloomington, De la colonisation aux abolitions (Paris: Régent, La France et ses esclaves. 37 Yves Bénot, "La chaîne des insurrections Grasset, des 2007). 1791," in Marcel Dorigny, dir., Les abolitions de esclaves dans les Caraibes de 1789 à l'esclavage, 179-86. --- Page 58 --- A Colony in Revolution With the exception of the to any of the nonwhites in Saint-Domingue. of which the white colodecree of May I5, 1791, the implementation reaffirmed nists had blocked, the National Assembly had consistently of the island's white slaveholders. Although the slaves may the power clear notion of what was happening in France, they not have had a very revolution had divided the colony's free popcould certainly see that the their ulation and created a unique opportunity to challenge oppressors. the of that began in the North Province on night The slave uprising or an imitation of August 22-23, 1791 was, therefore, not an extension inimovement in France, but rather an autonomous the revolutionary situation. The movement started on tiative reflecting the blacks' own where in the parishes close to Cap Français, the large sugar plantations drivers who led the work members of the slave elite - commandeurs, or - of other specialized positions, such as coachmen gangs, and occupants network and hold at least one large organizahad been able to form a after another, tional meeting to make their plans.3 On one plantation set fire to the highly flammable cane fields and attacked slave insurgents and hunthe masters' houses; within days, over 200 sugar plantations from the fires dreds of coffee plantations had been destroyed. The smoke in The appeals for help drafted by could be clearly seen Cap Français. insisted that the blacks were the Colonial Assembly meeting in the city whites as they could. A number of plantation also murdering as many indeed killed in the early days of the uprisowners and managers were Women and children ing, but the extent of the carnage was exaggerated. executed the most violent and rival black leaders were generally spared, Bullet, in October 179139 In a report writof their own generals,. Jeannot members of the First Civil Commission, ten at the end of December, the deal with the who had found themselves unexpectedly forced to months upris- of the estimated the number of whites killed in the first four ing, considerable toll but hardly enough to be considered uprising at 400, a I.2.) as a campaign of extermination." (See Figure the outbreak of the insurrection has been painstakingly analyzed 38 Evidence concerning "The Bois Caïman Ceremony," in Geggus, Haitian in David Geggus's classic article, Colonial Assembly published a first Revolutionary Studies, 81-92. Saint-Domingue's Discours fait à l'assemblée nationaccount of the start of the uprising in a pamphlet, de 'Assemblée générale de la * ale, le 3 novembre 1791, par MM. les Commissaires nationale, 1791). partie Françoise de Saint-Domingue (Paris: Imprimerie of the insurrection, see *The First Days 39 For eyewitness accounts of the opening phase the Gros's Historick Recital," in of the Slave Insurrection" and "Inside Insurgency: Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 49-58, IOS-5540 AN, D XXV I, d. 4, report of December 23, 1791. rale de la * ale, le 3 novembre 1791, par MM. les Commissaires nationale, 1791). partie Françoise de Saint-Domingue (Paris: Imprimerie of the insurrection, see *The First Days 39 For eyewitness accounts of the opening phase the Gros's Historick Recital," in of the Slave Insurrection" and "Inside Insurgency: Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 49-58, IOS-5540 AN, D XXV I, d. 4, report of December 23, 1791. --- Page 59 --- You Are All Free * a No 7L23 AOUT Revolte des Negren decrets confrodictuires de à S Domningue. Les me sotiammuentf celni Nie sur la Hs de St à da 13 Mai, ont liberté des re Coviles Domingue et dont foutes les livreés la Coloce sujet horreurs del la gue FIGURE I.2. The Slave presenfe Tenquase. One of the rare Uprising of August 1791. lutionary era, this images of the slave uprising in French Revolution, engraving, part of a series Saint-Domingue devoted from the revoslavery emphasizes the violence that was to major events of the blames the propaganda revolt and the burning of the the main theme of the on "the contradictory plantations. The original profreedom of the blacks," > decrees of the National caption abolishing slavery. although in fact, the legislators had Assembly. about Source: never discussed Bibliothèque nationale de France. Even though the slave Province, it clearly posed a serious uprising remained confined to the North facing the whites was intensified threat to the entire colony. The crisis insurrection by the West among the free colored simultaneous outbreak of an Province, near population in several parts of the were not the same: the Port-au-Prince. free The goals of the two colored movements insurgents, like Ogé a year earlier, . although in fact, the legislators had Assembly. about Source: never discussed Bibliothèque nationale de France. Even though the slave Province, it clearly posed a serious uprising remained confined to the North facing the whites was intensified threat to the entire colony. The crisis insurrection by the West among the free colored simultaneous outbreak of an Province, near population in several parts of the were not the same: the Port-au-Prince. free The goals of the two colored movements insurgents, like Ogé a year earlier, --- Page 60 --- A Colony in Revolution were demanding equality for Their challenge to the whites, themselves, not freedom for the slaves. Province to send forces however, made it impossible for the to help fight the slaves in the North. West "pompons blancs" in the West, led The royalist Hanus de Jumécourt, by an aristocratic landowner named ored leaders in order were willing to accept the demands of the free to form a common front colgroups signed an agreement, called against the slaves; the two between the races.41 The concordat a concordat, promising full equality the radical was violently "pompons rouges, 2 who had opposed, however, by the poorer whites in Port-au-Prince especially strong support from gest supporters of the French and who claimed to be the stronsive attempts to put the terms revolutionary of the movement. Several succesA leading to renewed concordat into effect broke fighting and down, to the burning down of much of culminating in a confrontation that led The partial destruction of the Port-au-Prince in November 1791.42 the same apocalyptic colony's second-largest city did not have quality as the of a half later, but it foreshadowed the burning Cap Français a year and Prince was not put to the torch journée of June 20, 1793: Port-audown of trust between its by its slave population, but by the breakwhite and free colored Governor Blanchelande, who had been inhabitants. white factions before the start oft the unable to control the rival fulin defeating the two rebellions that insurrections, was even less successon the colony's small now confronted him. The demands garrison were ordered troops to march from overwhelming. When Blanchelande by the first wave of Cap Français to the districts most affected attacks, the city's white leaving them defenseless. Rural districts population cried that he was assault also clamored for that had not yet come under He succeeded in protection, forcing him to disperse his soldiers. the North setting up a line of guard posts to block the Province to the West, known as the routes from he was unable to stop the insurgents Cordon de l'Ouest, but the area east of the northern from destroying the plantations in white colonists' distrust plain. As the devastation spread, SO did the the of Blanchelande and the other army. Unable to admit that the blacks commanders of cessful movement on their might have organized a suconly explanation for the own, the panicked colonists insisted that the the colony's royal officials, revolt's success was a conspiracy on the part of whom they accused of deliberately planning 41 Concordat passé entre les citoyens du même partie de Port-au-Prince G les citoyens de 42 These events are Saint-Domingue retraced (N. P-, September II, 179I). couleur de la in Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 2: 138-71. ers of cessful movement on their might have organized a suconly explanation for the own, the panicked colonists insisted that the the colony's royal officials, revolt's success was a conspiracy on the part of whom they accused of deliberately planning 41 Concordat passé entre les citoyens du même partie de Port-au-Prince G les citoyens de 42 These events are Saint-Domingue retraced (N. P-, September II, 179I). couleur de la in Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 2: 138-71. --- Page 61 --- You Are All Free to destroy the colony as a means ment in France. When the of discrediting the free people of color in the governor endorsed the revolutionary movea movement that had West, many whites accused concordats him with the When news of the resorted to violence.4 of rewarding slave I791, an equally divisive debate uprising reached France at the end of Assembly that had broke out in the newly elected October beginning of that replaced the original Legislative month. The revolutionary at a critical moment. first reports from legislature at the Jacques-Pierre In the newly elected Saint-Domingue arrived Brissot, the founder oft the assembly, Jacobin radicals like pushing for a preventive war Société des amis des tering noble against the foreign noirs, were August émigrés and threatening, in the powers who were shel1791, to take action on behalf Pillnitz declaration issued attempt to flee from France in of Louis XVI, whose in hostility to the Revolution. June 1791 had confrmed his unsuccessful there arrived Suddenly, from the other deep-rooted ofviolence reports that confirmed the side of the Atlantic, that the royally radicals' worst fears: an seemed suspiciously appointed local outbreak foreign unable to control and authorities, that all of them nobles, powers to involve themselves in provided an opening for Assembly in French affairs, since the for aid before Sains-Domingue had appealed to Colonial a diversion notifying Paris. Jamaica and the of French Furthermore, the revolt Spanish Jacobin war hawks troops to the Caribbean at threatened to force diately voiced wanted them deployed On a moment when the a suspicion that the Rhine. Brissot come: "Don't we have here would poison French politics immeone branch of a great for years to plan 2244 ment's nisereseee the inception, but aside from the irevolutionary; politics since the moveSaint-Domingue king's abortive to of their reality. In uprising was the most flight Varennes, black revolt a December 1791 impressive piece of evidence had started on August speech, Brissot pointed out that ing: they had just learned of 22, 1791: "This date is full the favored this the king's flight. Was it of meanadvantageous rapprochement for SO favorable to the an accident that news of the them, of that SO opportune factious, of that flight SO flight accelerate the revolt2"s revolt; or rather, didn't the Consequently, 43 For the white Brissot and his d. 438. "patriot" colonists' denunciations of 44 Jacques-Pierre Brissot, Blanchelands, see AN, D XXV prononcé à P'Assemblée Discours SuT un projet de décret 46, (Paris: nationale, le 30 relatifà la révolte 45 Jacques-Pierre Imprimerie nationale, 1791), 8, I2. octobre 1791, par J. P. Brissot, des Noirs, Satt-Domingue, Brissot, Discours de J. P. Brissot, député prononcé à la séance du premier député, décembre SUT les causes des troubles de 1791, 48, 49, 67,70. T un projet de décret 46, (Paris: nationale, le 30 relatifà la révolte 45 Jacques-Pierre Imprimerie nationale, 1791), 8, I2. octobre 1791, par J. P. Brissot, des Noirs, Satt-Domingue, Brissot, Discours de J. P. Brissot, député prononcé à la séance du premier député, décembre SUT les causes des troubles de 1791, 48, 49, 67,70. --- Page 62 --- A Colony in Revolution of troops to the colony unless refused to endorse the sending of the Revolution supporters that the principles the measures were taken to guarantee Above all, the Jacobins insisted that free to be applied there. of for the were going be forced to yield on the issue equality of the patricolonial whites of the men of color is the cause that men of color. <The cause white colonists, who had expected ots," Brissot proclaimed. The silence their critics in France, were the news of the slave uprising would When an official delegation by the hostility they encountered. addressed the surprised Colonial Assembly in Saint-Domingue appointed by the "murmurs and catcalls greeted Assembly in January 1792, they were reduced to Legislative sent back to the colony; of us," according to a report make concessions to the free people the Colonial Assembly to legislature took the initiative urging before the metropolitan color themselves, the of the slave uprising on matter. five months after the news made On March 24, 1792, the Legislative Assembly finally reached Paris, by the king on in Saint-Domingue crisis. The measure it passed, approved reflected a response to the referred to as the law of that date, of the April 4, 1792 and usually whose members had taken control Louis the views of the Brissot party, the colonial problem.1 the was debating aimed ministry just as Assembly their demand for an aggressive policy lead XVI had decided to accept the king secretly hoped would war with Austria, a war of his powers. The at provoking Revolution and the restoration to the defeat of the Brissot group's policy in Saine-Domingue. in the with the white king also acquiesced complete equality start The free men of color were granted assemblies elected since the population; all the colonial political and replaced with new ones in were to be dissolved alongside the of the Revolution population would be represented the metrowhich the free colored of this measure was to reaffirm there SO whites. The avowed purpose and to unify the free population pole's control over the colony slaves. To carry out this policy, a new form a solid bloc against the replacing the First as to Commission was to be appointed, The three-member Civil abandoned their mission. Commission whose members had already were to be accompanied unlike their predecessors, new commissioners, du décembre 1791, 6. de la Partie 46 Brissot, Discours : premier of the commissaires de T'Assemblée XXV 76, générale letter of January 20, 47 Register of correspondence près la Métropole, AN D française de St. Domingue ministers interrupted a speech 1792. of the appointment of the Brissotin March 25, 1792 (Legislative 48 The announcement deputy Vaublanc. Annales patriotiques, by the procolonial March 2.4). Assembly, décembre 1791, 6. de la Partie 46 Brissot, Discours : premier of the commissaires de T'Assemblée XXV 76, générale letter of January 20, 47 Register of correspondence près la Métropole, AN D française de St. Domingue ministers interrupted a speech 1792. of the appointment of the Brissotin March 25, 1792 (Legislative 48 The announcement deputy Vaublanc. Annales patriotiques, by the procolonial March 2.4). Assembly, --- Page 63 --- You Are All Free by a substantial military force, to overawe the colonists and slave uprising. to end the The law of April 4, 1792 represented a sharp reversal Revolution's colonial policy. Instead of of the the white colonial conceding extensive autonomy to population, the metropolitan vened aggressively on the sensitive government now interThe debates ofthe subject of the "status of persons." previous five months left little doubt that the were determined, not just to see a token number of free Jacobins allowed to participate in a white-dominated people of color colonial give the newly minted "citizens of 4 April,' > whom government, but to only loyal element in the they regarded as the colonial affairs. Like Saint-Domingue population, a decisive voice in SO many of Brissot's policies, the law of 1792 was a mixture of high principles and political April 4, dangerous of which was that it would both delusions, the most slave insurrection and the facilitate victory over the In his pave way for the eventual abolition of main speech on the subject, Brissot made no secret of slavery. tion that slavery was inherently unjust and fated his convicpear, a conviction he had expressed times eventually to disapSociété des amis des noirs in many since the founding ofthe he had insisted that it February 1788. At the same time, however, of color because was necessary to grant rights to the free a slave society needed "numerous and people ians to prevent [slave] revolts, and the men of color faithful guardthings, the only defenders are, in the nature of France into against revolts."49 Just as he recklessly steered war against Austria, confident that zeal would guarantee an éasy victory, he also confidently assumed revolutionary that the included in the law of April 4, 1792 would measures quickly bring the troubles in Saint-Domingue to an end. Events were soon to prove otherwise: attempt to enforce the law would indeed shatter the the domination in the colony, but in the system of white events that would process it would set off a string of prove Brissot's contradictory would ultimately policy impossible and help cost him his own head. While the debates leading up to the law of April 4, in France, the uprising begun on August had 1792 dragged on problems. The conspirators had 22-23 experienced its own plete apparently hoped for a rapid and comtriumph over the whites. A plantation taken the first night of the insurrection manager captive on "consisted of was told by his captors that their plan nothing less than the destruction of all the some who didn't own whites except property, some priests, some surgeons, and some 49 Brissot, Discours du premier décembre 1791, 59. the uprising begun on August had 1792 dragged on problems. The conspirators had 22-23 experienced its own plete apparently hoped for a rapid and comtriumph over the whites. A plantation taken the first night of the insurrection manager captive on "consisted of was told by his captors that their plan nothing less than the destruction of all the some who didn't own whites except property, some priests, some surgeons, and some 49 Brissot, Discours du premier décembre 1791, 59. --- Page 64 --- A Colony in Revolution and making themselves and of setting fire to all the plantations of color in the North Province's women, of the country. P50 The free men initially sided with the slaves, masters small minority, many of them had rural areas, a relatively less than wholehearted: Fatthough their support was Their initial momentum enabled destroyed. in October, seen their own plantations the Northern Plain and then, but to sweep through section of the province, thei insurgents in the northeast and Fort Dauphin to destroy the plantations the cities of Cap Français - ahey were unable to storm units sent to attack them. stand up to the white military with which the movement or to 1791, the high hopes Boukman * By mid-November The insurgents' principal leader, defecthad begun were fading. and armed free men of color began in Revolt Dutty, was killed in battle, "Evaluation of the number of Negroes in the ing to the whites. An 7 published in Cap Français in the Ten Parishes in Insurrection," sustain white morale by refuting exagfall of 1791, was meant to help of the revolt, but its author's calculations of gerated claims about the size fact. By his estimate, some two-thirds had some basis in were unable to fight because they probably slaves in the affected area Or infirm to take up arms. the 68,664 and children or else too elderly actual insurgents had any were women estimated that only half of the The heavy casualThe author and that only a fifth had firearms. revolt had reduced weapons at all, whites in the early stages of the had surby the number of blacks ties inflicted numbers, and a considerable this author noted, the the insurgents' the white forces. Furthermore, as from assembling rendered to prevented the insurgents to shortage of food supplies place; instead, they were compelled numbers of men in a single locationss By late 1791, large number of small camps in dispersed the arrival of establish a themselves were anticipating imminent minds by some of the black leaders France, a fear inculcated in their been sent to military forces from could calculate that if news had the end of the their white captives; they might be expected by France in late August, a response Georges Biassou, the two commandPapillon and leaders of the black movement, year. Jean-François as the primary ers who had emerged Facing Racial Revolution, 53. s cited in Popkin, Geggus surmises that so "La Révolution de Saint-Domingue of the insurgents' original plans, the David plantations. Geggus, *Bois In his reconstruction Cap Français as well as attacking Studies, 88. they hoped to capture in Geggus, Haitian Revolution révoltés dans les dix paroisses en insurCaiman Ceremony," "Evaloation de la quantité des nègres du Nord, n.d.), in AN, D XXV II3, S: Lefèvre, de l'Assemblée prov. rection" (Cap : Imprimeric d. 987. Révolution de Saint-Domingue of the insurgents' original plans, the David plantations. Geggus, *Bois In his reconstruction Cap Français as well as attacking Studies, 88. they hoped to capture in Geggus, Haitian Revolution révoltés dans les dix paroisses en insurCaiman Ceremony," "Evaloation de la quantité des nègres du Nord, n.d.), in AN, D XXV II3, S: Lefèvre, de l'Assemblée prov. rection" (Cap : Imprimeric d. 987. --- Page 65 --- You Are All Free consequently made peace overtures to the colonial tive in which the future Toussaint assembly, an initiatime as an active Louverture appeared for the first participant in to Saint-Domingue's a group of free people of color who acted history. According leaders were as mediators, the black prepared to end the uprising in for sions: (r) amnesty and personal exchange four conces- (2) a liberty for all the leaders of the general amnesty for all the blacks who had taken revolt; (3) a guarantee that the black leaders could part in the revolt; of their choice, if chose leave for a foreign country they to do so; and (4) the of to keep whatever right those leaders property they had in their possession, they assisted in "making the slaves provided that return to their duty. "g2 reportedly persuaded Jean-François and Biassou Toussaint of emancipations they to reduce the number sought from 300 to 50,53 The black leaders themselves to compel their expressed some doubt about their own followers to accept these terms, which ability given the rank-and-file would have nothing but the promise of were never put to the test: the white colonists forgiveness, but they and insisted on an unconditional end refused any concessions warned them that to the revolt. The black leaders they were demanding and dangerous. A hundred "something both impossible realize from that that thousand men are in arms : and you will we are entirely dependent on the what a will! That of a multitude of general will, and who barely know negroes from the Coast [of Africa] two words of French but who, however, in their try were accustomed to counmaking war . The author of this on to say that the difficulty of getting these letter went arms was increased because of the "false fighters to put down their principles" that had taken among them, principally the belief that "the has root three days [to work for king given the slaves themselves] a week." Nine letter from the black generals urged the days later, another of whites to recognize the preventing white masters' abuse of their slaves: necessity dition of this class of men SO "Improve the connecessary to the and assure you that they will take their colony, we dare to up work once to order."s4 again and will return Nevertheless, one can see that their aspirations had been $2 "Adresse à l'Assemblée générale de la partie les citoyens de couleur, de la Grande Rivière, française Ste. de St. Domingue, par MM. heureusement enveloppés dans le funeste événement Suzanne et autres quartiers malD XXV I, d. 4. du 23 aoust dernier," n.d., in AN, 53 Gros, "Historick Recital," in Popkin, 54 AN;D XXV I, d. 4;1 Dubois and Facing Racial Revolution, 147. Garrigus, Slave Revolution in the Caribbean, IO2. Assemblée générale de la partie les citoyens de couleur, de la Grande Rivière, française Ste. de St. Domingue, par MM. heureusement enveloppés dans le funeste événement Suzanne et autres quartiers malD XXV I, d. 4. du 23 aoust dernier," n.d., in AN, 53 Gros, "Historick Recital," in Popkin, 54 AN;D XXV I, d. 4;1 Dubois and Facing Racial Revolution, 147. Garrigus, Slave Revolution in the Caribbean, IO2. --- Page 66 --- A Colony in Revolution to gain control of the colony, or to greatly reduced: they no longer hoped eliminate the whites, or even to abolish the system of slavery. the opposition of the white diehards in the Colonial Assembly, Despite who had arrived in the colony to the members of the First Commission, North Province, managed find the slave revolt spreading through the but they were the release of a number of white prisoners, to negotiate under which the insurgents might unable to work out an arrangement settled into a stalemate: the have put down their arms. The situation North Province, but the blacks controlled most of the inland parts of the the coast, and the Cordon de l'Ouest kept whites held the cities along with slaves in the rest of the colony. the insurgents from making contact the Blanchelande with problems in the west and south, Preoccupied and Biassou from their posimade no effort to dislodge Jean-François had overrun, with tions. The two warlords divided up the territory they the mountains establishing his headquarters near Dondon, in Biassou basing himself further to south of the northern plain, and Jean-François from France Both sides were awaiting the arrival of more troops the east. what the next development in the metropole's and trying to anticipate colonial policy would mean for them. and Between the failure of the peace negotiations in December 1791 actual arrival of the Second Commission in September 1792, little the Province. The violence that had charfighting took place in the North whites who found themacterized the start of the insurrection subsided; them territory were watched over to keep selves in insurgent-controlled molested.s5 Near Cap Français, the planfrom leaving but not otherwise his estate Carteaux, was able to continue working tation owner François he could easily with the help of his slaves, even though, as noted, they didn't, he sushave joined the rebellion at any time. One reason they conditions was that they drew their own conclusions about living pected, from the fact that the latter regularly visited the among the insurgents for food that was evidently in short plantation during the night to forage To obtain munitions, Jean-François - and Biassou, supply in their camps.36 resorted to selling other blacks, parthe two principal insurgent leaders, as fighters, to the ticularly women and children who could not serve in exchange for muskets and gunpowder.)7 Spanish in Santo Domingo, Jouette, the abbé de la Haye, and the doctor Thibal, 55 See the accounts of Marie Jeanne. in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, Racial 156-68. Revolution, 176-7. 56 Carteaux, cited in Popkin, Facing d'Haiti, suivies de la vie du général Etudes Sur Phistoire S7 [Alexis] Beaubrun Ardouin, Dr. François Dalencour, 1958 (orig. 1853)), I: 64. J.-M. Borgella (Port-au-Prince: ouette, the abbé de la Haye, and the doctor Thibal, 55 See the accounts of Marie Jeanne. in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, Racial 156-68. Revolution, 176-7. 56 Carteaux, cited in Popkin, Facing d'Haiti, suivies de la vie du général Etudes Sur Phistoire S7 [Alexis] Beaubrun Ardouin, Dr. François Dalencour, 1958 (orig. 1853)), I: 64. J.-M. Borgella (Port-au-Prince: --- Page 67 --- 5o You Are All Free Finding themselves forced to continue the insurrection ure of the after the failnegotiations at the end of 1791, the black to reformulate their objectives. A leaders also had Belair," supposedly "lettre de Jean-François, Biassou et addressed to the new commissioners from France and dated July 1792, is the on their way their thinking in this period.s8 major piece of evidence about been The authenticity of this document has disputed: David Geggus, the most student val sources about the Haitian scrupulous of the archithe text has a suspiciously Revolution, objects that "the language of inauthentic look. Its ticated vocabulary and rhetoric with combination of sophisgrammar makes it unlike other simplistic errors of spelling and his view, the known any surviving text from this milieu.' >2 In text, only through two versions in 1793, was probably concocted published in France the blame for the by a royalist colonist in an effort to put insurrection on the French revolutionaries.s opinions always deserve to be taken seriously, but in this Geggus's ments are not entirely convincing. The case, his arguspelling and "lettre" are similar to those found in grammar in the François and many of the letters from Biassou, which are presumed to have been Jeanwhite or free colored secretaries. The free dictated to their lar was certainly familiar with the colored population in particuies in France, and the language used by the revolutionarcombination of a men are made in God's religious argument - that all image - with a reference to natural suggest the influence of one of the white right might priests with whom the leaders were in contact during this period. black suggested in the letter is not unrelated Furthermore, the program had forward to the demands the black put in the 179I negotiations. Unlike leaders discussed here, this letter does make any other documents of the French Revolution. explicit reference to the principles Although the "lettre" is written in ungrammatical French spelling mistakes, its meaning is unmistakable: with many you, being all children of one father created "Placed on earth like in the same image we are 58 Nathalie Piquionne, "Lettre de Jean-François, Biassou Chemins critiques, 3 (1997), 206-I0. The letter was et Belair, juillet 1792," in France in 1793: as part of the royalist colonel Cambefort's originally published in two places Saint-Domingue, Quatrième partie du Mémoire defense of his conduct in Cambefort, colonel du régiment du Cap (Paris, 1793), justificatif, de Joueph-Paul-Aagustin journalist Claude Milscent's Créole pp.. 4-II, and in the antislavery 59 David Geggus, "Print Culture and patriote, the Haitian February 9, 1793. Spoken Word," in Liberty! Egalité! Revolution: The Written and the and Revolution in the Americas, 1776-1838 iIndependencials: Print Culture, Enlightenment, 89,91. (American Antiquarian Society, 2007), régiment du Cap (Paris, 1793), justificatif, de Joueph-Paul-Aagustin journalist Claude Milscent's Créole pp.. 4-II, and in the antislavery 59 David Geggus, "Print Culture and patriote, the Haitian February 9, 1793. Spoken Word," in Liberty! Egalité! Revolution: The Written and the and Revolution in the Americas, 1776-1838 iIndependencials: Print Culture, Enlightenment, 89,91. (American Antiquarian Society, 2007), --- Page 68 --- A Colony in Revolution 5I according to natural right and if it has pleased therefore your equals colors of the human species it is no crime to be nature to diversify the The document refers explicitly to black or any advantage to be white." that it is the Declaration of the Rights of Man and insists incompatible it further blames the whites for proposing to grant liberty with slavery; for their help in maintaining the rest of to the black leaders in exchange radical the letter the black population in slavery. Despite this language, if the whites would recognize ends with some less extreme proposals: who had in the the blacks' freedom, grant amnesty to those participated the terms of insurrection, and have the Spanish government guarantee the insurgents, for their part, would return to their planthe agreement, their work, in exchange for a fixed salary. tations and resume for the slaves is, of course, much more The call for "general liberty" but the request for amnesty repeats radical than the demands of 1791, that the agreement from those negotiations, and the suggestion a point reflects the fact that the insurgents had be guaranteed by the Spanish favorable to their cause. The found them willing to exercise a neutrality the former slaves black leaders' promise to put down their arms and lead the their offers in late 1791, although back to their plantations paralleled what had been sought demand that work now be salaried went beyond leaders' frethe document is consistent with the black earlier. Finally, the its were to be submitquently proclaimed loyalty to king: proposals The the and the National Assembly for their approval. ted to both king outlined Boukman's is thus more moderate than the one by program of the insurrection but more extensive than what followers at the start for in December 1791, when, the black leaders had been willing to settle feared the immiunder the influence of one of their white captives, they arrival of French forces. By July 1792, they might well have connent had been misled, since few French troops had arrived, cluded that they that the situation warranted a more and they could well have decided expansive bargaining position. waited to see how events were going to While the black insurgents their the island's whites were also being driven to reconsider develop, attitude with which they had reacted to both position. The intransigent and the outbreak of the National Assembly's decree of May I5, 179I be maintained. the slave insurrection in August 1791 could no longer full equality to the free peoNews of the law of April 4, 1792 granting would not ple of color demonstrated that the metropolitan government further defiance on this issue, and the whites' inability to subdue brook slave revolt made it clear that they were dependent on metropolitan the island's whites were also being driven to reconsider develop, attitude with which they had reacted to both position. The intransigent and the outbreak of the National Assembly's decree of May I5, 179I be maintained. the slave insurrection in August 1791 could no longer full equality to the free peoNews of the law of April 4, 1792 granting would not ple of color demonstrated that the metropolitan government further defiance on this issue, and the whites' inability to subdue brook slave revolt made it clear that they were dependent on metropolitan the --- Page 69 --- You Are All Free assistance to regain their properties. In the West men of color and their "pompon blanc" Province, armed free their own, the Council of Peace and allies created an assembly of Union, that Colonial Assembly located in Cap challenged the all-white arrived in Port-au-Prince, Français. In June 1792, Blanchelande where the armed free people of color had keeping their white antagonists under siege, and brokered been ciliation between the two a shaky recongroups on the basis of acceptance of the 4,'1792 decree. He also gave his April and Union,5o It imprimatur to the Council of Peace was his last major success before his the black "republic" at Platons. Across the ill-fated assault on free people of color waited colony, whites, blacks, and anxiously to learn what the new commissioners from France would arrival of the that had torn the mean for the violent conflicts colony apart for the previous three was anxiety about the future greater than in the years. Nowhere the northern port of Cap Français. The slave colony's principal city, the sugar-growing insurrection had begun in plains outside Le Cap, but its ultimate colony would be decided in the city itself. impact on the 60 Relation du séjour de M. de Blanchelande, lieutenant ment général de Saint-Domingue, au pour le roi au gouvernePrince: Chaidron, 1792); Moniteur général Port-au-Prince, de la Par un Créole (Port-au- (hereafter Moniteur général) July 17, partie française de Saint-Domingue, 1792). 1792 (Blanchelande proclamation of July 3, --- Page 70 --- Municipal Revolution in a Colonial City A a a Although the insurrections that began in started in rural areas, it is no accident that Saint-Domingue in 1791 that determined their outcome the crucial confrontation Saint-Domingue's main took place in the colony's main city. colonial world and the commercial port was the crossroads where the the Enlightenment system of slavery met the urban and the radical civilization of The city's layout and architecture challenge of the French Revolution. brown and black faces of the reflected European influences, but the their African majority of the city's inhabitants heritage, and the Creole revealed a symbol of the new "American" language spoken in its streets was Europeans and Africans in the New culture created by the interaction of of politics and social conflict in World. Just as the unique nature ent from the movement in the Paris made the revolution there differof rest of France, the Cap Français - its geography, its social and special characteristics local political struggles that developed racial structure, and the the events that took place there in after 1789 - helped account for during those events marked the June 1793. The destruction of the of different racial end of an experiment in which city groups had lived together, members sure, but in relationships that were on unequal terms, to be lence, and under conditions that not based solely on force and violation some real offered members of the nonwhite Thanks opportunities to make a better life for poputo the more than 200 pages devoted themselves. that developed racial structure, and the the events that took place there in after 1789 - helped account for during those events marked the June 1793. The destruction of the of different racial end of an experiment in which city groups had lived together, members sure, but in relationships that were on unequal terms, to be lence, and under conditions that not based solely on force and violation some real offered members of the nonwhite Thanks opportunities to make a better life for poputo the more than 200 pages devoted themselves. Louis Élje Moreau de Saint-Méry's to the city in Médéric sique, civile, politique et historique Description de la topographique, pbypartie Saint-Domingue, we know more about française de l'isle the Revolution than about Cap Français on the eve of any other colonial urban community of --- Page 71 --- You Are All Free inherent in the confrontathe time." Nowhere are the contradictions urban culture of colonial realities and the transatlantic tion between than in Moreau de Saint-Méry's the Enlightenment era more apparent defender of slavery and racial hierarchy, life and writings. Indefatigable committed to scientific inquiry Moreau de Saint-Méry was also deeply and one of the founders ofknowledge:* A Freemason Moreau and the propagation society, the Cercle des Philadelphes, of Cap Français's learned cultured sociability in the city: the promoted every initiative to expand of reading rooms, the support of publication of newspapers, the creation made himself the major colonial the local theater. Most importantly, he devoting himself to the representative of the encyclopedist movement, and particularly ofthe ofinformation about Saint-Domingue, of collection Even as he was writing this description institutions of Cap Français. labor in 1789, however, Moreau was urban society based on slave for in an movement liberty also taking a central role in the revolutionary community of Paris that France. So at home was he in the metropolitan over the assembly of elecpresiding he found himself, on July 14, 1789, to establish the emergency of the capital's Third Estate and helping of the tors there after the storming that took over power of our destinies," city government crucial moment, he was "the arbiter Bastille. At that wrote.3 Moreau one eyewitness the Revolution in France, Thoroughly engaged in promoting ofthe colonialworld. Elected nevertheless remained a man he de Saint-Méry Martinique, in the National Assembly, his birthplace, It was to represent racial and colonial autonomy. defended slavery, white privilege, institution of slavery in the French legitimize the his motion to explicitly Robespierre's cry, *Perish constitution in May 1791 that provoked Well as he knew the colonies, the colonies rather than a principlel" the troubles about to break out however, Moreau failed to anticipate collection of elegant engravings there. In Paris in 1791, he published a topographique. physique, civile, Louis Elié Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description nouv. ed.1 by Blanche I Médéric de la partie française de Pisle Saint-Domingue, des colonies françaises, politique et bistorique Etienne Taillemite, 3 vS. (Paris: Société de Phistoire Maurel and colonial sOus la Révolution en 1958), I: 294-531. see Anthony Louis Elicona, Un E. McClellan, 2 On Moreau de Saint-Méry, Moreau de Saint-Méry (Paris: Jouve, 1934); ; ;James MD: John France et en Amérique : Saint-Domingue in the Old Regime (Baltimore, de Ou Colonialism and Science: 1992); and Dominique Taffin, ed., Moreau des Saint-Méry archives et de Hopkins University Press, Lumières (Martinique: Société des amis les ambiguités d'un créole des culturel des Antilles, 2006). llan, 2 On Moreau de Saint-Méry, Moreau de Saint-Méry (Paris: Jouve, 1934); ; ;James MD: John France et en Amérique : Saint-Domingue in the Old Regime (Baltimore, de Ou Colonialism and Science: 1992); and Dominique Taffin, ed., Moreau des Saint-Méry archives et de Hopkins University Press, Lumières (Martinique: Société des amis les ambiguités d'un créole des culturel des Antilles, 2006). la recherche sur L'Oeuvre le patrimoine de sept jours (Paris, 1790), 44. 3 J.B. Dusaulx, --- Page 72 --- Revolution in a Colonial City Municipal which appeared just as the orderly whiteof Saint-Domingue's cities, By the time his dominated society they depicted began to disintegrate." the slave colony it Description appeared in print in 1798, monumental Moreau himself, forced to flee from both recorded no longer existed, and in Philadelphia, the birthplace France and Saint-Domingue, was living of the American abolitionist movement. his description of Cap Français Moreau de Saint-Méry compiled Louis-Sébastien Mercier in 1788, just as his French contemporary de Paris. Mercier's enormous his celebrated Tableau was completing form, it ran to twelve volumes - depicted the project - in its original that defied rational analysis French metropolis as a gigantic organism of time, Paris was an accumulaor control. Its origins lost in the mist built over the centuries, institutions, and customs up tion of buildings, by the city's variety and energy, and full of without any plan. Fascinated Mercier nevertheless despaired of piecemeal ideas for its improvement, All he could do was describe for them making sense ofit for his readers. it: wealth and poverty, magcontradictions that defined the inextricable and provinciality. The colonial nificence and squalor, cosmopolitanism different. He was able to document city described by Moreau was quite from the first settlement in virtually every step of Le Cap's development, in the 1780s. Cap Français's the late 1600S to the latest improvements chains and crossing each other at right streets, "drawn with surveyor's crooked medieval alleyways of Paris.7 angles," were nothing like the difference between the European Moreau understood that the biggest of the black slave population in and the colonial city was the dominance could not help but remark that the latter. The new arrival from France white he wrote." four Or five black or dark faces for every one," "one sees occasionally on the difficulty of keeping the Although he commented Moreau did not see their presence slave population properly disciplined, modern city. If anything, the as an obstacle to the creation of a rational, lieux de la colonie française de Saint-Domingue, 4 (Ponce), Recueil des vues des Ponce (Paris: principaux Moreau de Saint-Méry, 1791). gravées par les soins de M. the work and his impressions of Philadelphia in 5 Moreau recorded his struggle to publish American Journey 1793-1798, trans. and ajournal, published as Moreau de Saint-Méry's (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1947). ed.] Kenneth Roberts and Anna M. Roberts A City in Words: Louis-Sébastien Mercier's Tableau Jeremy D. Popkin, "Editor's Preface: ofI Paris, trans. Helen Simpson and Jeremy del Paris," > in Louis-Sébastien: Mercier, (University Panorama Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 1999), D. Popkin, ed.] Jeremy D. Popkin I-19. de la partie française, I: 299. 7 Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description la I: 296. Description . de partie française, 8 Moreau de Saint-Méry, in Words: Louis-Sébastien Mercier's Tableau Jeremy D. Popkin, "Editor's Preface: ofI Paris, trans. Helen Simpson and Jeremy del Paris," > in Louis-Sébastien: Mercier, (University Panorama Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 1999), D. Popkin, ed.] Jeremy D. Popkin I-19. de la partie française, I: 299. 7 Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description la I: 296. Description . de partie française, 8 Moreau de Saint-Méry, --- Page 73 --- You Are All Free fact that most of the city's inhabitants were slaves tors the opportunity to impose offered its administraopinions of the population into regulations without having to take the were obliged to do. account, as their Parisian equivalents Cap Français, as Moreau explained to his tion to its harbor, the most accessible readers, owed its locaHispaniola from arrival point for ships in north Europe. Trade winds made it to arriving coast - Columbus's first easy reach the island's a line of reefs threatened landing took place there in 1492 - but Near Le Cap, oceangoing vessels trying to reach the shore. however, an opening in this reach its harbor, easily spotted from barrier allowed shipping to Morne du Cap peak above the a distance because of the towering a city built in the natural basin town. Once ashore, voyagers discovered sloped uphill from the at the foot of the mountain. The terrain harbor in the east to the base surrounded the city on its western and northern of the morne that enough to disrupt the rectangular sides, but not steeply eighteenth century. Two roads grid of streets laid out early in the the rich plantations ofthe ran south from Le Cap, connecting it to the hamlet of Haut du colony's northern plain. The first went Cap and continued to the through reached by taking a ferry across a southwest; the second, terrain along the shore, led to the stream running through the marshy plain southeast of the parish of Petite Anse and to the coastal city. (Sce Figure 2.1.) Unlike any of Saint-Domingue's other urban a city built of stone, much ofit carried settlements, Le Cap was in France. Many of its houses across the Atlantic from were sizable quarries it could boast of no fewer than two-story constructions, and squares, a theater 79 public buildings, a half dozen seating 1,500 spectators, public men and women, and a large barracks up-to-date hospitals for both Many of the city's most complex for its military garrison. the streets had begun only impressive in features were quite new: paving of on the waterfront in 1776, new public baths had been 1788, and a system of to opened public institutions was completed in the aqueducts supply the major (in size] in fifty years," > Moreau same year. "Le Cap has tripled that this boasted; he certainly did not upward curve of progress was about to imagine Le Cap's architecture followed stop."o distinctly tropical. From European patterns, but its climate was those accustomed April to October, the heat was unbearable to the weather in France. "In general, the for nights are as Moreau de Saint-Méry, Io Moreau-de Saint-Méry, Description de la partie française, I: 295-6,461. Description de la partie frangaise, I :479. --- Page 74 --- Towy HARDOUR CAP FRANCOIS ISLE FIGURE 2.I. Le Cap, its harbor and hinterlands. A British map from 1769 shows the city of Le Cap surrounded by the steep mornes to its north and coastal reefs that made the city's harbor accessible are clearly marked. west. The passages between the S northern plain often anchored off the Ships picking up sugar and coffee from the plantations on the landing at la Petite Anse, which was more convenient than the city itself. Source: Leeds University Library. Aavaan AUSNENNO 3LVIS VINIONIA - - - ISLE FIGURE 2.I. Le Cap, its harbor and hinterlands. A British map from 1769 shows the city of Le Cap surrounded by the steep mornes to its north and coastal reefs that made the city's harbor accessible are clearly marked. west. The passages between the S northern plain often anchored off the Ships picking up sugar and coffee from the plantations on the landing at la Petite Anse, which was more convenient than the city itself. Source: Leeds University Library. Aavaan AUSNENNO 3LVIS VINIONIA - - - --- Page 75 --- You Are All Free hot as the days," Moreau wrote, "and is tion than a state of rest and sleep more a matter of exhauswinters, winds from the north recuperation of vital forces." During the made brought some relief; the cooler sleep more refreshing, "and if this sensation nights sound of the falling is mixed with the dream of rain, one dozes off with one's even sweeter pleasures,' >> he recalled. Such spirit disposed to were rare, however, and, in addition moments of respite to its normal Cap was exposed to "violent weather patterns, Le droughts, windstorms, storms, inundations of rain, devastating hurricanes and those shake the foundations of the earth." The movements that seem to town on the west and north created high morne surrounding the than most of the island, and its a microclimate wetter and foggier whose claps echo and vibrate steep slopes "add to the noise of thunder, enclosure. >II before the sound finally escapes from this Amid this combination of rational exotic Caribbean weather lived European town planning and 18,500, making Le Cap in a population that Moreau estimated at 1788 about the size of arship suggests that he may have Boston; modern scholthese, 1O,000 were black exaggerated the figures slightly. Of slaves, as compared to people of color, and 3,500 outsiders from 3,500 whites, I,500 free in the garrison and 2,500 sailors Europe: at least I,000 soldiers hold up to 600 vessels. The from ships in the harbor that could slaves were the tants, but the ratio of slaves to free majority of the city's inhabiin the rural districts; by people was considerably lower than coffee-growing parish of comparison, Valière Moreau gave the population of the and as 160 whites, 160 free 2,000 slaves.' In Le Cap, members of different people of color, close proximity. As Moreau racial groups lived in of described, most houses were built to one-quarter one oft the city's square blocks, with occupy ing the street and a rectangular an elegant façade facoccupy the rooms courtyard behind. A white at the front of the family might ants lived in smaller building, while slaves and other tenspaces around the free colored population courtyard." Although the city's was relatively small, members of the group a II Moreau de Saint-Méry, 12 Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description de la partie française, I: 509, SII. cal examination of his figures, Description see David : de la partie française, I: 479-80; for a critiDomingue in the Later Eighteenth Geggus, "The Major Port Towns of Saint Liss, eds., Atlantic Port Cities: Century," in Franklin W. Knight and Peggy K. 1650-1850 (Knoxville, TN: Ecomomy, Culture, and Society in the Atlantic 13 Moreau de Saint-Méry, University of Tennessee Press, 1991), 1O2-8. World, 14 Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description : de la partie française, I: I6I. Description : de la partie française, I: 300. iDomingue in the Later Eighteenth Geggus, "The Major Port Towns of Saint Liss, eds., Atlantic Port Cities: Century," in Franklin W. Knight and Peggy K. 1650-1850 (Knoxville, TN: Ecomomy, Culture, and Society in the Atlantic 13 Moreau de Saint-Méry, University of Tennessee Press, 1991), 1O2-8. World, 14 Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description : de la partie française, I: I6I. Description : de la partie française, I: 300. --- Page 76 --- Municipal Revolution in a Colonial City majority of whom where there women - - owned was no pattern of residentials property throughout the city; Anne Pérotin-Dumon segregation. 15 Whatthe French has written about other scholar the French Caribbean major colonial cities in applies to Cap Français: "The together in a limited space and this makes town brings people among members of different it hard to avoid interaction also less marked. 916 groups, whose numerical disequilibrium is Like most colonial cities, Cap terland by providing Français existed to support its rural hinofcolonial governmental services and organizing the products for European goods. exchange one-third of the city's whites Counting the military garrison, tion,7 were employed by the colonial Although the smaller city of administrawas the colony's official Port-au-Prince in the West Province left without official institutions. capital, Cap Français was too important to be administrative It had courts, prisons, offices connected with the the hospitals, and merce, and a host of other activities. The port, regulation of cominstitutions occupied the northwest buildings housing most of these slopes of the morne rising above quadrant of the town, with the steep them. A sewer emptying into the sea ravine that served as an ran just north of the open marking the town boundary. From this government complex, from the impressive "upper town, >9 and particularly Government when the order was expelled in House, taken over from the Jesuits the 1763, "the view . extends plain . One sees the masts that mark the over the sea and great size of the city,' 3, as Moreau wrote,18 harbor, one grasps the lican commissioners would be able On June 20, 1793, the repubthem from the Government to watch the sailors coming to attack of the Government House windows. A formal garden in House was the city's most front June 20, the commissioners' defenders popular promenade; on the iron fence would take up positions behind surrounding it. Between the morne stood the casernes, the barracks Government House and the plaza north of the barracks, for the garrison. The large open site of several explosive known as the Champ de Mars, was the confrontations in the months journée of June 20, 1793. leading up to the The part of the city nearest the harbor and "lower town,' >> was the merchants and its quays, the bustling the more elevated seamen's quarter, separated from upper town by the Place Montarcher. "I was surprised 15 Rogers, "Libres de 16 Anne couleur," 434. 17 Geggus, Pérotin-Dumon, La ville aux iles, la ville dans "Major Port Towns," I09. l'ile, 465. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description de la partie française, I: 384. the harbor and "lower town,' >> was the merchants and its quays, the bustling the more elevated seamen's quarter, separated from upper town by the Place Montarcher. "I was surprised 15 Rogers, "Libres de 16 Anne couleur," 434. 17 Geggus, Pérotin-Dumon, La ville aux iles, la ville dans "Major Port Towns," I09. l'ile, 465. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description de la partie française, I: 384. --- Page 77 --- You Are All Free at the activity everywhere," dering the wharf were one visitor wrote in 1791. "The large population of immense, and filled with stores borsides, workmen all countries and colors precious merchandise. A tial were ardently passed in the streets. to a seaport. Some busy with all kinds of labor On all of indigo; others were lowering aboard that is essenwere spread were baling cotton or hogsheads of sugar or kegs out still-wet coffee filling sacks of with which to make beans; there were coconuts. Here dye, Or men piles of wood mahogany. While many laboriously rolling pulp from Europe, carts departed for rural numerous logs of others were coming to centers filled with wares country upon the docks, whence discharge the rich products of (See Figure 2.2.) they were carried to this The ships waiting vessels." "19 In making his anchored offshore formed a floating oft the estimate of the number of seamen extension of the city. population, Moreau de to be counted as day, there would be some 80 French Saint-Méry calculated that on an part in 1784, France's navigation ships, 30 smaller American ordinary trade with the new act, the exclusif, had been modified vessels - as "New republic, universally to allow England" - and referred to in harbor, along with perhaps an additional IO Saint-Domingue Merchant several dozen small vessels foreign ships in the their ships often stayed in the harbor for serving local needs, 20 captains sold their weeks or their return cargoes and bargained for months while finicky: "At voyage. Slave traders were warned that goods to carry on male blacks Cap Français, they care a lot the city's buyers were as well as the >21 about the crews were women." While appearance of the very much a part of they were in at dawn every the city's life. port, the ships' up shop day to pick up fresh water Duty parties rowed ashore near the waterfront to trade and food. Ships' captains set goods they would take back their wares for the mornings, sailors to France or to New coveted colonial ing their swarmed to the city's marché England. On Sunday wages by selling small items aux blancs, they had brought from supplement19 (Anon.), My abroad for 20 Moreau de Odyssey, cited in Popkin, Facing Racial > slave trader Saint-Méry, who visited Description de la Revolution, 68-9. Manuscript of Jacques the city in 1777 counted partie more française, I: 480. A French çais d'après un manuscrit Proa, in Régis Antoine, than I5O ships in the harbor. 1974), 53. inédit du XVIIIe "Aventures d'un ar siècle," Notes jeune négrier fran- "Journal des routes faites africaines no. 142 (April antin Le Raphael," par Pascal Marie Urbain Esclaves. Regards de (1789), Blancs cited in Evelyne Camara, Cauvin, Isabelle lieutenant à bord du brig2008), 52. 1672-1913 (Marseille: Archives Dion and Jacques Dion, nationales d'outre-mer, i harbor. 1974), 53. inédit du XVIIIe "Aventures d'un ar siècle," Notes jeune négrier fran- "Journal des routes faites africaines no. 142 (April antin Le Raphael," par Pascal Marie Urbain Esclaves. Regards de (1789), Blancs cited in Evelyne Camara, Cauvin, Isabelle lieutenant à bord du brig2008), 52. 1672-1913 (Marseille: Archives Dion and Jacques Dion, nationales d'outre-mer, i --- Page 78 --- L Lole VUE DU CAP siemnorep du embu FRANCOIS, ae Cnse piase FIGURE 2.2. Le Cap viewed from gie) P olalz One of the the ocean side, city of Cap engravings from Moreau de Populated Français as seen from the Saint-Méry's portfolio of views by figures in European landing at la Petite Anse. of Source: The dress, the Library picture Merchants' SaincDomingue, warehouses published in Paris in Company of Philadelphia. provides no hint of the line the quays, and ships 1791, shows the importance of slavery to the crowd the harbor. city's daily life. Aavyen AUSNBNINO BLVIS VINIDMIA --- Page 79 --- You Are All Free their personal account. Ailing seamen were sent ashore for better health landed in the afternoons and care; those in for entertainment. "I evenings to drink and to look went every evening, either to the visit some white ladies, or to see some promenade, or to very pretty and very rich tresses, and sometimes to the mulatheater," one French merchant recalled, (Figure 2.3) Prior to the Revolution, the white residents were Le class. The wealth of the island's grands blancs Cap's dominant tions, but came from their many planters kept a second residence in the city. plantainvolved in the colonial trade made another Merchants elite. up segment of the Many were part of what American scholar Darrell city's called transatlantic families, with Meadows has in one branch in the and one of France's major port cities.3 Moreau de colony another have to explain that whites Saint-Méry did not monopolized the city's educated and held all the prestigious administrative professions posts: free were excluded from all these people of color positions. To be sure, not all whites were wealthy: descriptions from the period invariably mention the blancs," those who did not own property, particularly "petits who had come from Europe recent immigrants hoping to make their fortune. A list of gees from Le Cap who landed in Norfolk, refusix clerks, four Virginia, in 1793 included innkeepers, three bakers, three furniture carpenters, several other skilled artisans, and makers, two however, these 'petits blancs" one "ouvrier" or worker; were considerably outnumbered tation owners and merchants. In by planthe "petits blancs," contrast to Port-au-Prince, where militantly hostile to the free people of maintain an atmosphere of political extremism color, helped in Cap Français, this element of the white during the Revolution, relatively little influence in local population seems to have had affairs. The number of poor whites in Cap Français was small because all oft the city's manuallabor was done by members ofthe almost of color or by slaves. The wealthiest male free population members of the free colored population were either plantation owners Or owners of urban it was not uncommon for whites to rent real estate; property from a free colored 22 Antoine, "Aventures d'un jeune 23 R. Darrell Meadows, "The Planters négrier of français," 54. Exile in the French Revolutionary. Atlantic," Saint-Domingue, 1750-1804: Migration and of the author. unpub. ms., 2008, cited with permission 24 "Notes sur les malheureux venus de St. Domingue à Norfolk les autres lieux du continent américain," in Moreau de en Virginie et dans F3) 198. Saint-Méry papers, CAOM free colored 22 Antoine, "Aventures d'un jeune 23 R. Darrell Meadows, "The Planters négrier of français," 54. Exile in the French Revolutionary. Atlantic," Saint-Domingue, 1750-1804: Migration and of the author. unpub. ms., 2008, cited with permission 24 "Notes sur les malheureux venus de St. Domingue à Norfolk les autres lieux du continent américain," in Moreau de en Virginie et dans F3) 198. Saint-Méry papers, CAOM --- Page 80 --- - Gouver 2 VUE DU CAP FRANCOIS, Cazerme Cham de n an loleS'Damage toward the right of side. The broad street House from the land side. foot of the morne on its north the Government FIGURE 2.3. Cap Français the city as seen from the south to north; in the right background, visible. view of Cap Français shows ran through the city from of 20, 1793, are clearly This which the events June is the rue Espagnol, during the picture (casernes), sites of key confrontations and the barracks of Philadelphia. Source: The Library Company S 3IVIS VINIONIA AUSMENINO AVNSNT --- Page 81 --- You Are All Free owner. Other free men of color worked in the construction fishermen, or in the service sector, where trades, as such as wigmaking and they dominated professions color, housed in barracks hairdressing,ss An armed unit of free men of in the center of the city, played a keeping the slave population under control. key role in outnumbered white Whereas white men women in the city, among the free heavily tion, there were about twice as colored populawomen, most of the free many women as men. 26 Unlike the white women of color were as menagères, managing the households employed. Some worked white and sometimes the businesses employers; others were of shopkeepers or domestic servants. Indispensable elements of the city's economy and its city's free colored population, both police force, the men and tacts with the whites and shared much of women, had extensive conRogers's study of the free their style of life. As Dominique cities has documented, population of color in the colony's two major in Cap Français, both groups ably less devotion to religion than their showed considerfree colored women had peers in Port-au-Prince; white and a similar penchant for black women, of whom finery. *The mulatto and of the many serve as household managers for the whites country, are richly dressed and covered with Frenchman wrote.27 Rogers concludes jewelry," a visiting that, far as close to the city's slaves, the free colored from seeing themselves the upper strata of the Third Estate in population, somewhat like part of colonial society and France, saw itself as an integral whites: "They could enjoyed most of the same civil rights as the marry, dispose of and inherit they pleased, in spite of official restrictions. property, and go where dom: they could They had full economic freeacquire, buy, sell, rent, work, and ever they pleased. Finally, they could associate with whomthe courts to protect their appeal to and obtain justice from The goods and their persons. 928 freedoms enjoyed by the libres de couleur (Figure 2.4) from the far larger number of slaves in the distinguished them half of the population, slaves did city. Making up more than almost all the to keep Cap Français running. Over manual labor necessary a thousand of them worked shoremen and wagoneers, moving as longblacks during the goods to and from the quays. 29 "The working days enlivened the scene by their rough but 25 Rogers, "Libres de couleur," 26 Geggus, "Major Port Towns, 177. 27 Antoine, "Aventures d'un I03. 28 Rogers, "Libres de couleur," jeune négrier français,' 53. a9 A proposal for reconstructing 398. the Cap général-de la partie française de Français wharves, published in the Moniteur Saint-Domingue on April 6, 1793, said that goods to and from the quays. 29 "The working days enlivened the scene by their rough but 25 Rogers, "Libres de couleur," 26 Geggus, "Major Port Towns, 177. 27 Antoine, "Aventures d'un I03. 28 Rogers, "Libres de couleur," jeune négrier français,' 53. a9 A proposal for reconstructing 398. the Cap général-de la partie française de Français wharves, published in the Moniteur Saint-Domingue on April 6, 1793, said that --- Page 82 --- Municipal Revolution in a Colonial City a 1 AA u S COSTUMES DES I APFRANCHIES ET DES ESCLAPES des Colonied. V - - FIGURE 2.4. "Costumes des For white affranchies et des esclaves." men, the free women of color in main attractions. The free women of color Cap Français were one of the colony's for their elaborate clothing and in Saint-Domingue's cities were noted imported from India; white headdresses, often made from madras scarves more simply dressed slave women sometimes tried to imitate their fashions. A woman sits in the to background a male slave can be glimpsed doorway the right, and in the Source: The Library working in the street. Company of Philadelphia. cheering songs as they pursued their with loud laughter at the absurdity of their labor, constant explosions of merchant Samuel Perkins own roundelays," the American recalled.30 papers in 1792 and 1793 show that Advertisements in the city's newsimpressive range of skilled other slaves were employed in an jobs. Male slaves for as sailors, cooks, masons, sale were described carpenters,cigarmakers, barrelmakers, bakers, transporting goods to and from the as many blacks." quays required I,500 to 2,000 mules and "almost 30, Perkins, "Sketches of St. Domingo from al Resident Merchant at the Request of a Friend, January, 1785, to December, 1794. Written by Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd. December 1835," - in Proceedings ser. 2 (1886), 363. ofthe for as sailors, cooks, masons, sale were described carpenters,cigarmakers, barrelmakers, bakers, transporting goods to and from the as many blacks." quays required I,500 to 2,000 mules and "almost 30, Perkins, "Sketches of St. Domingo from al Resident Merchant at the Request of a Friend, January, 1785, to December, 1794. Written by Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd. December 1835," - in Proceedings ser. 2 (1886), 363. ofthe --- Page 83 --- You Are All Free sawyers, wigmakers, tailors, metalworkers. fishermen, skilled Among the women were boatmen, blacksmiths, and needleworkers, laundresses, maids, bakers, and a midwife,s: wetnurses, shopkeepers, a housekeepers, represented a significant A slave trained for such surgeon's assistant, Urban slavery was investment for his Or her owner. specialized tasks to arbitrary certainly an oppressive arrest, physical system - slaves were plantation laborers - but slave punishment, and the threat of subject the island's plantations. life in the city was different being sold as organized work Slaves in the city rarely from that on meant, teams, or atteliers, like those belonged to among other in the hierarchically slave things, that there were no countryside, which foremen, or urban the August commandeurs, who furnished equivalents to the 179I insurrection. much ofthe was the relationship between More typical of slave life in leadership of teenaged slave boys he had the white shop owner Cap Français SO that they could work trained in the skills of Rodrigue and the two the busy merchant in his shop on the Place design and embroidery, them with district3 Iti is hardly d'Armes in the middle of a whip while they worked, likely that their owner stood ribbons, and buttons imported Surrounded by over with customers, from Europe, and luxurious textiles, legally free, some white and some dealing on a daily basis these slaves must have dark-skinned like themselves talent, but a talent whose value been conscious of but colonial society. To be depended on the continued possessing a rare their owner put them sure, we know of these existence of inventory of his up for sale in 1792, young men only because fered from that shop. Nevertheless, their listing them along with the of the mass of the outlook on the world Unlike plantation rural slave surely diftheir owners and had slaves, those in the city population. were often a pécule that might opportunities to accumulate hired out by Saint-Domingue eventually allow them to savings of their own, often chronically slaveowner who admitted that purchase their freedom. A to their welfare claimed undernourished because of their plantation slaves were ferent: "As that conditions in masters' indifference surround long as a slave in the town is Cap Français were difhim mean that he will industrious, the very rural slaves were often never know any kind of resources that the city were sickly and in poor need." Whereas "strong and muscular; their physical limbs condition, those in acquire an admirable 31 Advertisements in the Moniteur 32 Advertisement August 1792 June 1793. général de la partie française de by Rodrigue, in Moniteur Saint-Domingus, général, September 2, 1792. as a slave in the town is Cap Français were difhim mean that he will industrious, the very rural slaves were often never know any kind of resources that the city were sickly and in poor need." Whereas "strong and muscular; their physical limbs condition, those in acquire an admirable 31 Advertisements in the Moniteur 32 Advertisement August 1792 June 1793. général de la partie française de by Rodrigue, in Moniteur Saint-Domingus, général, September 2, 1792. --- Page 84 --- Municipal Revolution in a Colonial City vigor and proportion, > this observer has shown, "the wrote,3 As Anne the development of an urban slavery, different Pérotin-Dumon plantations, [created] mechanisms by which from that on themselves into the market some slaves integrated control over their own time, economy their and earned wages, acquired greater dence. The town turned the movements, and their place of resiar monetary one, and the average relationship of three between master and slave into that or four slaves relationship more individual." per master made dlifference between Perhaps the most striking of the plantation and urban slavery sign predominant form of slave resistance. was the contrast in the age meant escape into the mountains, For plantation slaves, marronslaves, it meant staying in the away from the whites; for urban themselves into the mixed city but passing as free and Moreau de society around them. 34 integrating that slaves could Saint-Méry was only too aware of the relative enjoy in Cap Français. On autonomy #5,000 blacks came together in the Place market days, as many as noirs, as plantation slaves Clugny, site of the marché aux which they grew their exchanged products from the own food for private plots on force available to supervise them products from the town; the police and even white residents amounted to fewer than two supplies. Moreau were dependent on the market for their dozen, for crimes complained that blacks condemned to own were in fact allowed to roam the the chain gang slaves are concerned, it seems that the city freely. "As far as the he grumbled. "The blacks about police pay no attention to them," rooms, they gamble, they form go armed with heavy sticks; they rent regulations, and the assemblies, in short, they violate all One police are simple the reason for this spectators of their laxity, as Moreau misbehavior." it a point of honor to insist that knew, was that slaveowners made cipline their own slaves.35 The loose only they, and not the police, could dislation made it a magnet for surveillance of the city's black poputheir masters. Mingling with maroons, the slaves who had run away from easily found casual city's own slaves and free blacks, employment and lodging. In 1786, the they municipal N François Laplace, Histoire des désastres II2. The authorship of this work, the de Saint-Domingue (Paris: Garnéry, Domingue to be published by an most detailed account of events in 1795), been determined by Jean-Charles eyewitness Benzaken: during the revolutionary era, has recently Saintdisastresde Saint-Domingue, published in Paris "Who was the author of l'Histoire des (2009), 262-7. Laplace, a procureur or in the Year III?" French a plantation near in lawyer in Le Cap before the History Plaisance, the North Province of Revolution, owned 35 Pérotin-Dumon, Moreau de Ville aux iles, 465. Saint-Domingue. Saint-Méry, Description de la partie française, I: 433, 391-2, 475, 476. ue, published in Paris "Who was the author of l'Histoire des (2009), 262-7. Laplace, a procureur or in the Year III?" French a plantation near in lawyer in Le Cap before the History Plaisance, the North Province of Revolution, owned 35 Pérotin-Dumon, Moreau de Ville aux iles, 465. Saint-Domingue. Saint-Méry, Description de la partie française, I: 433, 391-2, 475, 476. --- Page 85 --- You Are All Free authorities punished a free black man "for having rented closets in the house of one rooms and for being Larose, a free black, to several slaves and suspected of having had knowledge of the ted by these renters. 36 Public mischief commitother hangings of blacks convicted of theft crimes, like the well-attended public executions and seem to have had little effect on the in European cities, other blacks population. On Sundays, slaves and enjoying their day off filled the streets and "Groups of dancers took the place of public squares. pipe, and the laugh and the laborers, and the drum and the frolic," Samuel Perkins song, made the air ring with gayety and wrote.37 The urban society of Cap Français was thus a deal plicated than the world of the plantations. good more comtryside had little Whereas slaves in the counreason to interest themselves in the success masters' enterprises, those in the town had of their the a stake in the welfare community around them. Plantation slaves might dream of themselves of the whites, dividing the land, and of ridding peasants; those in the city wished instead to becoming self-sufficient around them, and they understood enjoy the luxuries they saw that this required connections with the larger world of which Le maintaining the dence of the possibility of such Cap was a part. As evihad only to observe the free integration, the slaves in Cap Français within the structures of colonial population of color, whose very real success society showed that the of racial hierarchy was less inflexible than the laws system the free population of color and the slaves suggested. Until 1793, both their status within the city than of dreamed more of improving The French Revolution destroying it. unleashed forces that would apart the fragile bonds that had made colonial ultimately tear ing urban community. At first, the Cap Français a functionRevolution's ily by the whites. Cap Français had been impact was felt primarobtain seats in the Estates General a center of the movement to storming of the Bastille for the colony, and the news of the caused great enthusiasm. Le own version of the municipal revolutions Cap enacted its ies, replacing officials named by the that swept metropolitan citadministrators. In the king's ministers with locally elected spring of 1790, a local wrote revolution in the northern of journalist that "the blies, cries, part Saint-Domingue began with assemmenaces, unfounded fears, hasty measures, things and a few useful ones. 99 many ridiculous Compared to Paris, however, "the reign of 37 36 Municipal proclamation of 14 June 1786, cited in Fouchard, Perkins, "Sketches" 363. Haitian Maroons, 272. administrators. In the king's ministers with locally elected spring of 1790, a local wrote revolution in the northern of journalist that "the blies, cries, part Saint-Domingue began with assemmenaces, unfounded fears, hasty measures, things and a few useful ones. 99 many ridiculous Compared to Paris, however, "the reign of 37 36 Municipal proclamation of 14 June 1786, cited in Fouchard, Perkins, "Sketches" 363. Haitian Maroons, 272. --- Page 86 --- Revolution in a Colonial City Municipal of soon felt the necessity and of force wasn't bloody : everyone into electoral districts passions order.' 99 The city was divided the to a legal revolutionaries returning to a provincial assembly; of 1787 that had aboland chose representatives unpopular decision a symbol of overturned the government's court that had been the Conseil supérieur, the appeals ished political importancex" was installed at a great patriLe Cap's the new local government turned out for a i In April 1790, of white notables The entire panoply self-rule: a local newspaper otic ceremony. of local celebrating its achievement master pharmacists, parade of "court employees, surgeons, of the charity listed delegations doctors, barristers, administrators the Chamber notaries, solicitors, of the merchant ships, of hospital, surveyors, the captains of Sciences and Arts, the Chamber the Royal Society the administrative officials, of Commerce, the local judges, of the garAgriculture, the admiralty, corps, the commanders comthe royal navy and the engineering the council, the harbor of the province, units made up of free rison, the commandant assembly." Militia was missioners and the provincial command, also took part; their presence under men of color, under white resources for keeping its slaves that areassuring reminder of the city's summed up the transformation control. The newly elected mayor that they were now going to enjoy the had taken place, telling the citizens can hope to have under of liberty that man in society thanks to its commerce : will "the degree and that this city, SO rich the free vote of its rule of law, by administrators chosen by the in be only in metropole now governed with the prevailing sentiments liberty with citizens." > In harmony his audience not to confuse "civil social equalearly 1790, he reminded and not to "confound 39 There that license SO close to anarchy" abolition of ranks and distinctions." in with the complete that had occurred, ity .. that the revolution for was not a hint of a suggestion would have any implications that slavery. the revoFrance and in Cap Français, to his audience words were meant persuade Not everyone agreed, The mayor's was now effectively over. that recounted this lution begun in 1789 issue of the local newspaper among the however. The same that there had been a mutiny of sevmunicipal ritual also reported quashed only by the execution cannoneers of the local garrison, week's issue brought more disquieting have The following his crime was "to eral ringleaders. of color had been arrested; news. A.free man littéraire du Cap Français, March 5, 1790. 58 Courrier politique et April 2.2, 1790. $9 Courrier politique, lution begun in 1789 issue of the local newspaper among the however. The same that there had been a mutiny of sevmunicipal ritual also reported quashed only by the execution cannoneers of the local garrison, week's issue brought more disquieting have The following his crime was "to eral ringleaders. of color had been arrested; news. A.free man littéraire du Cap Français, March 5, 1790. 58 Courrier politique et April 2.2, 1790. $9 Courrier politique, --- Page 87 --- You Are All Free tried to stir up a revolt of the people of zens. "40 Even more disturbing for the local color against the white citidiscontent within the city in white elite than these signs of ment for virtual 1790, however, was the growth of a movereplace the old royal autonomy among whites in other parts of the colony. To to a Colonial administration, the colonists had elected Saint-Marc Assembly, which began meeting in the deputies on April 22, 1790. Its dominant western port city of assert the colony's right to govern itself in faction was determined to At stake was not only the question ofs the strongest possible terms. on which there was no slavery and the "status of resented dissent, but also the issue of persons," restrictions of the exclusif, which abolishing the muchtheir produce only to French merchants forced the colonists to sell from the metropole. and to buy their supplies only Cap Français, with its powerful merchant to France, was considerably less community and its close ties metropole than the other sections enthusiastic about this challenge to the assembly took a strong stand ofthe colony. The North Province'sown against the Colonial pretentions, to the point of Assembly's autonomist to support the royal sending a detachment of its National Guard bly. Separate from governor when he confronted the the provincial assembly, Saint-Marc assempal council actually sided with the Colonial however, the city's municitemperature in the city rose to a fever Assembly, and the political different factions, and pitch. Rival journalists backed club from whose supporters of the Provincial Assembly formed a The Revolution also meetings they "exited inflamed with a divine different had repercussions for the fire."4: racial groups in the population. equilibrium between the as Dominque Rogers's research Whites may have been willing, of color, attend their shows, to do business with free they insisted weddings, and treat them in people on maintaining their fairly court cases, but newspaper loyal to the North Province monopoly on political power. A local ing of a free black man by local whites assembly condemned the lynchpeople of color against but felt obliged to warn the free exaggerated news coming from France. *Remind pretentions inspired by the political ous periods of Roman freedom, yourselves that in the most gloribetween the freedmen and their social institutions traced a boundary the paper told them. "Enjoy patrons that was carefully maintained," one can deny you, those of fathers, among yourselves the pleasures that no husbands, and friends; but don't let 40 Courrier politique, April 29, 1790. Courriarpolitique, June 24, 1790. ynchpeople of color against but felt obliged to warn the free exaggerated news coming from France. *Remind pretentions inspired by the political ous periods of Roman freedom, yourselves that in the most gloribetween the freedmen and their social institutions traced a boundary the paper told them. "Enjoy patrons that was carefully maintained," one can deny you, those of fathers, among yourselves the pleasures that no husbands, and friends; but don't let 40 Courrier politique, April 29, 1790. Courriarpolitique, June 24, 1790. --- Page 88 --- Municipal Revolution in a Colonial City 7I yourselves develop crazy hopes that political system which reason and imaginary forces can overturn the The immediate crisis experience have constructed."4: what at the facing the city and the colony beginning of August calmed someof the Colonial 1790, when the more radical Assembly fled to France deputies Léopard, whose crew had mutinied aboard a French warship, the to carry out orders from the against their captain when he tried assembly. 43 The behavior of the colony's royal governor to break up the with the radical white Léopard's crewmen, who deputies' denunciation of the sympathized emmenr'vinterference in local affairs, metropolitan govFrench sailors in the journée of foreshadowed the intervention of Léopardins silenced advocates of June 20, 1793, but the departure of the however, Cap colonial autonomy. Shortly Français was shaken by the afterward, population of color led by Vincent insurrection among the free Before leaving for France Ogé at the end of October at the 1790, one of the wealthiest free beginning of the Revolution, fortune men of color in Ogé was as a merchant and by Cap Français. He made his as well as by purchasing real managing property for absentee early 1790, Ogé took a estate on his own account. 44 In 1789 owners, and leading role in the Assembly to grant political campaign to get the National the necessary financial rights to those free people of color who Assembly passed qualifications. On 28 March met an ambiguous decree whose 1790, the French "persons" meeting those qualifications language stated that all elections. Antoine Barnave, head of were entitled to vote in colonial warded off efforts by the Assembly's colonial supporters of the free committee, explicitly that they were included in the people of color to specify ently gave oral assurances that this decree's provisions, but he the decree was was the case. In the apparinterpreted as authorizing the colony, however, exclusionist policy. In June 1790, left whites to maintain their to Saint-Domingue and demand Ogé France, determined to return the rights he contended the that the free people of color be his arrival in National Assembly had granted them. given Saint-Domingue in October After instead gathered a small force in the 1790, he avoided Le Cap and plain. From Le Cap, the wife of mountains south of the northern group wrote to her husband one of the deputies in the lion. "The mulattoes about the consternation caused by Léopardin the fired on our army on the first day, after rebelwhich 41 Courrier politique, May 43 Garran-Coulon, 27, 1790. 44 King, Blue Coat or Rapport, Powdered I: 252-5, 269. Wig, 208-9. small force in the 1790, he avoided Le Cap and plain. From Le Cap, the wife of mountains south of the northern group wrote to her husband one of the deputies in the lion. "The mulattoes about the consternation caused by Léopardin the fired on our army on the first day, after rebelwhich 41 Courrier politique, May 43 Garran-Coulon, 27, 1790. 44 King, Blue Coat or Rapport, Powdered I: 252-5, 269. Wig, 208-9. --- Page 89 --- You Are All Free they retreated to a high crest," >9 she reported,4s ing to stir up the slave population, Ogé stopped short of trywhite opponents, he but, as he pointedly reminded his might easily have done SO.46 His quickly defeated, and he fled to the movement was authorities there handed him neighboring Spanish colony. The over to the French, who supporters a show trial in Cap Français and gave him and his ciate to be broken on the wheel, while sentenced him and one assowere hanged. The free people of color in another the twenty-one participants to support Ogé's insurrection; few of city made no overt attempt under the provisions of the French them would have qualified to vote extend to constitution that he was seeking to Saint-Domingue." One can imagine their witnessing one of the most successful and horror, however, at group tortured to death in one of Le respected members of their Shock at the news of Ogé's Cap's public squares. execution the paign to grant rights to at least some spurred metropolitan camof color in the colonies. The portion of the free population fied white resulting decree of May IS, 179I intensiCap opposition to metropolitan policy. When the news Français, "the agitation was and reached the province thought they needed extreme, the representatives of the space behind the to meet; the gallery, the gardens and city building were filled with journalist wrote. "One heard cries and violent citizens,' one local learned that the municipality of propositions." >2 When they connected with Cap Bordeaux, the French port most closely the National Français, had passed a resolution Assembly for its action and congratulating Guard to implement the offering to send its National off all decree, the whites in Le Cap threatened to dealings with the Bordelais. 48 Governor cut enforce the decree gave the whites Blanchelande's refusal to vail. In the meantime, elections confidence that their views would prereplace the dissolved for a new all-white colonial assembly, to assembled first in Saint-Marc group, had gone forward, The Léogane, south of Port-au-Prince, but deputies they voted to move to Cap Français, where in early August, munication with France. they would be in easier comAs the deputies were making their paused to investigate a curious way to Le Cap, some of them incident: on August 16, 1791, a building 45 Mme. d.38s. Larchevesque-Thibaud to husband, November 5, 1790, in AN, D XXV 46 Testimony of Verneuil, in Débats entre les 38, colonies (Paris: accusateurs et les accusés, dans Imprimerie nationale, 1795), I: l'affaire des Rogers, "Libres de 3) 252-5. 48 Courrier couleur," 388. politique, July 7, 1791. , 1791, a building 45 Mme. d.38s. Larchevesque-Thibaud to husband, November 5, 1790, in AN, D XXV 46 Testimony of Verneuil, in Débats entre les 38, colonies (Paris: accusateurs et les accusés, dans Imprimerie nationale, 1795), I: l'affaire des Rogers, "Libres de 3) 252-5. 48 Courrier couleur," 388. politique, July 7, 1791. --- Page 90 --- Municipal Revolution in a Colonial City in the parish of Limbé was set on fire. A on the Chabaud plantation for arson and told his interrogaslave from the plantation was arrested house servants and the most tors that "all the commandeurs, coachmen, and those in the adjacent trusted slaves on the neighboring plantations and to murder all districts had formed a plot to set fire to the plantations however, SO whites." 749 Other slaves denied any knowledge of a plot, the their to Le Cap; the Provincial Assembly the deputies continued on way decided that the whites in Limbé were there, notified of the incident, insurrection that began on the imagining nonexistent dangers.o The by thus took the residents of Cap Français night of August 22-23, 179I surprise. - - the first ones struck As reports of the attacks on nearby plantations arrive in the city, less than ten miles distant from Le Cap - began to were assembled unit of fvolunteers tried to go to the panic broke out. A hastily the afternoon of the 23rd but was rescue of the nearby plantations on thrown up back armed blacks.: Fortifications were quickly driven by been to meet attacks by sea, around the town, which had only prepared forbidden to leave the harbor in case they were needed and all ships were Inside the city, whites turned for white women and children.s as refuges racial with whom they had previously on members of the other groups slaves could not have less Convinced that mere lived more or peacefully. of the whites blamed the organized such a massive conspiracy, some seven of color and took "a terrible vengeance, in massacring free people The municipal authoriof them, no doubt the least guilty." or eight such outbreaks. On August ties had to issue a stern edict to prevent further went in a the free men of color, hoping to ward off attacks, 25, defend the town, offering their wives and chilgroup to promise to help after some debate, the whites dren as hostages for their good behavior; Colonial Assembly agreed their proposition34 In exchange, the accepted à P'assemblée nationale, le 3 novembre 1791, 2. 49 Discours fait 5 p. 202, in CAOM, Moreau de Saint-Méry so *La Révolution de Saint-Domingue," papers, F 3 141. p. 220. S1 "La Révolution de Saint-Domingue," 2, 1791, in AN, D XXV 46, d. 431. s2 Blanchelande to minister ofthe navy, September de 2 vS. (Paris : Mame, 53 [Antoine] Dalmas, Histoire de la Révolution Saint-Domingue, 1814), 127. P'Assemblée générale de la partie française de Saint Domingue 54 Procès-verbaux de August 25, 1791, in AN, D XXV II2, d. 889; (Cap Français : Dufour de Rians, 1791), in Patriote françois, November 21, 1791; Paul letter from Le Cap, September 27, 1791, March 22, 1792, in Moniteur général, 24 de Cadusch, speech to Colonial Assembly, March 1792. - 1814), 127. P'Assemblée générale de la partie française de Saint Domingue 54 Procès-verbaux de August 25, 1791, in AN, D XXV II2, d. 889; (Cap Français : Dufour de Rians, 1791), in Patriote françois, November 21, 1791; Paul letter from Le Cap, September 27, 1791, March 22, 1792, in Moniteur général, 24 de Cadusch, speech to Colonial Assembly, March 1792. - --- Page 91 --- You Are All Free to abandon its opposition to the decree of the free men of color that May IS, 1791, a concession to that the French was rendered moot when the National colony learned 24, 179155 Assembly had repealed that law on September Initially, the whites' fear of the city's slaves their fear of the free men of color. One was even greater than Negroes of the town seemed chronicler wrote that "since the the entry points; the citizens dangerous, guard posts were set up at all prevent any fires and spent the night in front of their gates to their only went out armed. Some Negroes, had them shut individuals, to control on board ships in the harbor. up at night in the cathedral or put them drydock of Others had them taken to the jail or the Grammont, a small island half a there were those who kept only the league off the coast. Then adult black men could women and children as servants. The only go out of the'houses with masters."s6 The whites were passes from their "if the security of the ready to massacre all the blacks in the people and the city, tain of a ship in the harbor supreme law require it," 55 the wrote,57 On August 25, the capuprising, a group of black prisoners third day of the to death at the Champ de Mars brought into the city were hacked before they could be turned provost's court set up to judge them.s8 over to the blacks the city's whites knew best. ALe Suspicion spread even to those respondent, "I had Aza and Zamor Cap merchant told a French corand to protect them from put in the jail, both out of the fury of our suspicion with Françoise, who troops; I nearly did the same permitted herself some spread to all those folks, and it is clear insolence; the epidemic has While the city's residents that they are all criminals. "59 plantation were eyeing their own slaves with owners fleeing from the suspicion, work gangs into the city with them. countryside were trying to bring their would exhaust food Fearing that the swollen supplies, the population returned to their plantations. 60 ColonialAssembly ordered these slaves The violent agitation of the first few days of as it became clear that the the insurrection receded city was not in immediate danger, although 55 56 Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, 201. "La Révolution de 57 Letter from Le Cap, Saint-Domingue," 229-30, 58 "La Révolution de September 27 1791, in Patriote françois, November 2I 59 Nouvelles arrivées Saint-Domingue," de 232. 1791. SaintiDomingue, depuis celles officielles venues KumewuadbowntrAagotamat Méry papers. (Paris: Didot, 179I), in CAOM, F3 197, Dar Moreau de SaintProcès.verbaux de l"'Assemblée, August 26, 1791. Saint-Domingue," 229-30, 58 "La Révolution de September 27 1791, in Patriote françois, November 2I 59 Nouvelles arrivées Saint-Domingue," de 232. 1791. SaintiDomingue, depuis celles officielles venues KumewuadbowntrAagotamat Méry papers. (Paris: Didot, 179I), in CAOM, F3 197, Dar Moreau de SaintProcès.verbaux de l"'Assemblée, August 26, 1791. --- Page 92 --- Municipal Revolution in a Colonial City mass executions of captured basis for several weeks. Most insurgents continued on an almost the victims were daily city's own black population remained plantation slaves, although and a woman, were hanged in the Place suspect. Two of them, a man city, because "he had said that d'Armes, in the center of the their place and the other, that soon the blacks would put the whites in waited on by white soon she would have the women," one observer pleasure of being gees from the countryside crowded recorded.: Hundreds of refuhorror with them. The thick columns into the town, bringing their tales of sugarcane fields in the northern of smoke rising from the burning "Everything seemed to combine plain were clearly visible from the brious images of to offer the colonist nothing but city. wrote. 62 Commerce destruction, misery, and death, >9 another resident luguno one sells ground to a halt. "All the later or buys anything," 9 a warehouses are closed; after the start of the insurrection.5 ship captain reported three weeks rival authorities, the governor The presence in the city of three colonial assembly, produced endless general, the provincial assembly, and the Blanchelande tried to mount an armed confusion about what to do. When two assemblies expedition against the "expressed to me the blacks, the contains 8,000 to greatest fear about the September 10,000 black males, >> he wrote to the town, which 2, 1791.64 navy minister on White Gradually, Cap Français settled into the routine of residents took turns guarding their a city under siege. water were kept ready to put out blocks at night; buckets of tate surveillance. "We have bread fires, and extra lamps were lit to facililack everything and wine for six months, else," one of Moreau de although we wrote to him. "We don't lack munitions. Saint-Méry's correspondents palisade : The blacks cannot circulate The town is surrounded by a their masters. s, The whites in the town without a pass from pers from France that attempted to ban the circulation of debates concerning might inform the free people of color newspatheir rights being conducted about the smuggled to them, concealed in barrels of there, but copies were gent bands controlled the fish.6s Outside the city, insurcountryside; only heavily armed patrols could 61 "La Révolution de 62 Dalmas, Révolution Saint-Domingue," de 250, 63 Letter from Le Cap, Saint-Domingue, I30. 64 Blanchelande to minister September of 27, 1791, in Patriote 65 "Notes de quelques the navy, September 2, 1791, françois, in AN, November D 21, 1791. St. Domingue en 1791," evenemens " particuliers arrivés dans Pinsurrection XXV 46, d. 431. papers. January 14, 1792, in CAOM, F: 3 197, Moreau de des noirs à Saint-Méry Letter from Le Cap, Saint-Domingue, I30. 64 Blanchelande to minister September of 27, 1791, in Patriote 65 "Notes de quelques the navy, September 2, 1791, françois, in AN, November D 21, 1791. St. Domingue en 1791," evenemens " particuliers arrivés dans Pinsurrection XXV 46, d. 431. papers. January 14, 1792, in CAOM, F: 3 197, Moreau de des noirs à Saint-Méry --- Page 93 --- You Are All Free were allowed to enter and leave the safely use the roads. Once ships in touch with other harbor again, sea traffic enabled the city to remain in the colony and with the outside world. of points little debate in Cap Français about the necessity There was there was much more controversy about combating the slave uprising; of color. Given the seriousness oft the the treatment of the free population were willing to advocate crisis, some members of the Colonial Assembly Several free men of color concessions in order to ensure their loyalty. involvement in Ogé's movewho had been held in prison on suspicion of the slaves, and in released when they offered to fight against ment were voted to create an armed unit of free colored early October, the assembly the assembly was infuriated volunteers.6 At the same time, however, the free men in of insurrectionary movements among by the outbreak which led the whites in some parishes to sign parts of the West Province, them rights. On September 13, 1791, a treaties, or concordats, granting their horrible excesses, to deputy called on the free men of color to "end incendiaries and their under pain of being pursued as lay down arms, 367 The fact that white royalists in assassins and punished accordingly. with the free men of color the West were willing to make agreements that maintaining the color line convinced the white "patriots" in Le Cap the counterrevolution. essential of the struggle against was an part of the French National Assembly's deciIn early November, the news its decree ofMay I5, 1791 scuttled sion, on September 24, 1791, to revoke concessions to the free men of that the whites would grant color any possibility to insist on a softening of the color: if the metropole was not going their own. the colonists were not about to do SO on Apprehensive the bar, of the French Assembly's decision, city's about the consequences Charles Guillaume Castaing and free men of color sent two spokesmen, that they had no intention La Forest, to assure the Colonial Assembly the heads of our fathers, our of *brandishing flaming torches against men claimed that their Although the two brothers, and our birthplaces.". had the local whites the to hear that France given group was pleased nevertheless insisted that "you owe power to decide on their status, they always eloquent, unite nature, us a political existence . . Reason, justice, of and La it from you. >68 The appearance Castaing in our favor to claim September 27, 1791, September 28, 1791, October 4, 66 Procès-verbaux de l'Assemblée, 1791, October 12, de 1791. PAssemblée, September 13, 1791. of 67 Procès-verbaux Procès-verbaux de P'Assemblée, 4 Nov. 179I (address 68 Castaing and La Forest, November 2, 1791). of and La it from you. >68 The appearance Castaing in our favor to claim September 27, 1791, September 28, 1791, October 4, 66 Procès-verbaux de l'Assemblée, 1791, October 12, de 1791. PAssemblée, September 13, 1791. of 67 Procès-verbaux Procès-verbaux de P'Assemblée, 4 Nov. 179I (address 68 Castaing and La Forest, November 2, 1791). --- Page 94 --- Municipal Revolution in a Colonial City indicated that Le Cap's free men of color had established some Forest showed that but their cautious language kind of political organization, weaker than in the West Province, where they knew their position was the whites. the free population of color often outnumbered On November 5, Castaing's and La Forest's plea fell on deaf ears. of the Colonial Assembly decreed that no change in the status 1791, the be considered until the slave revolt was ended. free people of color would of the conflicts in the Two days later, the assembly, thinking primarily of color, West Province, issued a stern address to the free population terrible and just vengeance ofan entire people, warning them to "fearthe violated. >69 Le Cap's free men all of whose interests have been SO cruelly worried that the whites of color understood the message: many of them the disarm them and then massacre them." 70 Meanwhile, city meant "to of violence from a different direction: on November 17, faced a threat in the harbor rioted in the city. Their 1791, sailors from three warships officers, whom they accused of anger was directed mainly at their own the free men inclinations, but they also threatened counterrerolutionary their barracks and armed themselves," of color, who "took refuge in Governor Blanchelande according to the Colonial Assembly's report.7" the violence that managed to defuse the crisis, but it foreshadowed of the Sailors from the Eole, one would break out on June 20, 1793role in the involved in this incident, would play an important warships between the seamen and the free men of color later journée, and hostility would again be central to the events. of the members of The arrival in Le Cap at the end ofl November 1791 the colonists the First Civil Commission, sent from France to persuade tensions in the decree of May I5, 1791, added to the political to accept that the insurgents had actually proposed negotiations Le Cap. Learning tried to get the colonial assemto end the uprising, the commissioners for all slaves willing to lay bly to go along with the idea of an amnesty in their heels; the down their arms. The white colonists, however, dug the extenPaul de Cadusch, rejected president of the colonial assembly, who had committed what he sion of this principle to insurgent slaves the winter and spring called "crimes of lèse-humanité 972 Throughout and colonial continued to meet in Cap Français of 1792, the assembly 69 Procès-verbaux de l'Assemblée, November 5, 7, 1791. 70 Procès-verbaux de l'Assemblée, November II, 1791. 71 Procès-verbaux de l'Assemblée, November 17, 1791. January 16, 1792 (session 72 Moniteur général de la partie française de Saint-Domingue, of January 14). crimes of lèse-humanité 972 Throughout and colonial continued to meet in Cap Français of 1792, the assembly 69 Procès-verbaux de l'Assemblée, November 5, 7, 1791. 70 Procès-verbaux de l'Assemblée, November II, 1791. 71 Procès-verbaux de l'Assemblée, November 17, 1791. January 16, 1792 (session 72 Moniteur général de la partie française de Saint-Domingue, of January 14). --- Page 95 --- You Are All Free to reject any free population proposal to grant concessions listen of color. The town's either to the slaves or to local officials, such free men of color to the as the city attorney, regularly had to the Harcheontoueiaiband Jean-Baptiste city. "If, when political denouncing their supposed schemes Gabriel Colonial rights did not to destroy of Assembly deputy, "prudence amount to much," wrote one freedmen, how much more dictated denying them to these rights embrace all reason is there to exclude the caste that the parts of the them, now that projects of this caste have been organization of the colony, manner, seeing that the fires they revealed in the most seeing make of these is set show that the first atrocious Despite rights to make the colony use they want to lation living in a virtual state of exclusively theirs?"73 that outnumbered siege, in the midst of a color, the whites of them, and alongside the slave popular to that of their Cap Français developed a local restless free men of provincial metropolitan cousins. The political culture simiassemblies provided debates in the April 1792, the colonial ample fodder for public colonial and to try to reduce the assembly officially closed its discussions; in white citizenry partisan animosities generated in visitors' gallery when the colonial participated actively in these debates. its sessions. The assembly In uty remarked that it considered the right of August 1792, petitions being was already well established: petition, one depcarried from door to door "He had always seen demanding the dissolution of the to gather enact laws against the assembly, others signatures, some executive local needs of this trying to force it to revolution power to keep all the armed country, others to require the also led to a forces in the northern the Old Regime, proliferation of militia part. "74 The whites had forces in the city. 1789, white male citizens strongly resisted military Under After the outbreak of were supposed to serve in service, but after ated the slave the National a new "paid guard, 3 which insurrection, the Colonial Guard, lation. Whites attracted poorer Assembly cre- "volontaires wealthy enough to furnish members of the à cheval," a unit often their own mounts popu- the November suspected joined 1791, as part of its of royalist color, the Colonial campaign to intimidate the sympathies. In Assembly called on the various free men of white 73 Extrait dest minutes volunteer and Thibaud); De Pons, La del la municipalité du Cap, April 29, (Cap Français : Question politique des 1792 (speech by 74 Moniteur général, Batilliot, 1792), II ; both in affranchis et descendans Larchevesque- des 75 Extrait des August 31, 1792. AN, D XXV II3, d. 897. affranchis August 27, 1791 registres (in AN, de l'assemblée D générale de la partie XXV II3, d. 892). française de Saint-Domingue, 29, (Cap Français : Question politique des 1792 (speech by 74 Moniteur général, Batilliot, 1792), II ; both in affranchis et descendans Larchevesque- des 75 Extrait des August 31, 1792. AN, D XXV II3, d. 897. affranchis August 27, 1791 registres (in AN, de l'assemblée D générale de la partie XXV II3, d. 892). française de Saint-Domingue, --- Page 96 --- Municipal Revolution in a Colonial City National Guard units to endorse its refusal of the colony's racial order.76 to consider any modification As in France, newspapers to the public in the city and communicated the assemblies' actions publications had appeared in throughout Le the island. A number of new competing with the local Cap since the start of the edition of the Revolution, authorized pre-revolutionary Affiches américaines, the only the city's dominant periodical. From November 1791 tie paper was the daily Moniteur onward, française de Saint-Domingue, edited général de la parMaurice and printed in the Batilliot by a certain H. 'D. de Saintwas a successful shop on the Place d'Armes. Batilliot printing shop entrepreneur who also sold books and employed twelve people.77 stationary; his the printer offered Le Cap's Between them, the editor and level of the most professional readers a well-printed publication on the of the periodicals published in provincial the newspapers in France itself or readers few details about United States. Saint-Maurice for six himself; he did once mention that gave years in Turkey, where, he said, he he had lived black masters,' >3 and he claimed had seen "white slaves with at everything with to be convinced that "the man a little philosophy, who looks which is nothing but a pays no attention to skin anything caprice of nature," > but he was color, critical about slavery in careful not to say role in local politics and Saint-Dominguez* He took a certain of those he covered in his occasionally found himself at odds with some on the side of whichever faction columns, but in general the paper tried to October 1792, the city also had seemed to hold power in the town. Until stay a second daily, the Saint-Domingue. Few provincial cities in Journal politique de tainly none as small as Cap Français, metropolitan France, and cerin this period. supported two daily newspapers As debates about the no decision and no dispatch Saint-Domingue of crisis dragged on in Paris with of Le Cap became a troops to the island, the besieged city proclaimed "patriots" claustrophobic snake pit of political hatreds. Selfdenounced seeking to destroy the colony in order conspirators whom they accused of a against the Revolution, "by to provoke a metropolitan reaction of the French reducing to famine and despair the population that has made its quarter maritime commerce." 379 In the absence of living up to now thanks to a visible royalist movement, Procès-verbaux de 77 Letter of Robin, March PAssemblée, November I2, 1791. 78 Moniteur général, I2, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 790. 79 Daugy, in Moniteur September général, 26, 1792. January 19, 1792. : a a ** ( the French reducing to famine and despair the population that has made its quarter maritime commerce." 379 In the absence of living up to now thanks to a visible royalist movement, Procès-verbaux de 77 Letter of Robin, March PAssemblée, November I2, 1791. 78 Moniteur général, I2, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 790. 79 Daugy, in Moniteur September général, 26, 1792. January 19, 1792. : a a ** ( --- Page 97 --- You Are All Free such as the one that existed in the directed their accusations Port-au-Prince region, the and the commanding against the governor general, patriots The officers of the city's Blanchelande, proof of their treasonous garrison, the regiment du Cap. tions, was their failure to intentions, according to these denunciaBlanchelande bring the slave uprising under sent an expedition to drive the control. When district that they had devastated insurgents out ofthe Limbé participant from Le Cap at the beginning of the uprising, one faithful to the complained that "the government [was] principles from which it never always doning to themselves the districts that wavered, namely, of abaning ashes. 80 were still intact and of reconquerIn July 1792, a Cap Français printer account by Gros, a white man who had published the first edition of an from October to December been held prisoner by the blacks most widely circulated 1791. Gros's Récit bistorique, by far the the eyewitness description of the revolutionary era - it was in insurgency during States in 1793 - claimed that republished the both France and the United defend the rights of the king of blacks thought they were fighting to among the Negroes, by which France. "I heard an uniform language king, that he had issued them they believed in the imprisonment of the him liberty," Gros wrote. He orders to arm themselves, and to restore in the blacks' heads by white was sure that this idea had been implanted ure to send troops to conspirators. Governor Blanchelande's failGros as protect rural districts for suspicious, as did the fact that Colonel clamoring aid struck Cap regiment "was idolized by these Joseph Cambefort of the claimed that "he always unhappy wretches;" the spared them, insurgents come to close whenever he was quarters with them. >81 One can necessitated to accusations in the closed imagine the effect of such on these same military community of a city under siege and On commanders for its dependent May 28, 1792, after several of protection. invasion of its meeting hall days tumultuous debates and an formally voted to bar by a white mob, the Colonial color any concessions Assembly Or the blacks until "they laid whatever to the free people of down their arms. >82 Just as it took 80 Leclerc, "Campagne du ce quartier (ou commune) Limbé, et détail de quelques événements qui ont eu Facing Racial jusqu'au 20 juin 1793, CAOM, lieu dans 8r Gros, Historick Revolution, 94. CC9 A 8, cited in Popkin, [sic), Dondon, Sainte-Suzanne Recital, oft ftheDifferent Occurrences in the of 1793), cited in and others (Baltimore, MD: Camps Grand-Reviere 82 On the invasion Popkin, of the Facing Racial Revolution, 132, 123, Samuel and John Adams, Assembly on May 23, 1792, see Moniteur 149. général, May 25, 1792. 3, CAOM, lieu dans 8r Gros, Historick Revolution, 94. CC9 A 8, cited in Popkin, [sic), Dondon, Sainte-Suzanne Recital, oft ftheDifferent Occurrences in the of 1793), cited in and others (Baltimore, MD: Camps Grand-Reviere 82 On the invasion Popkin, of the Facing Racial Revolution, 132, 123, Samuel and John Adams, Assembly on May 23, 1792, see Moniteur 149. général, May 25, 1792. --- Page 98 --- - Revolution in a Colonial City Municipal learned of the text of the French however, the Assembly political rights this decision, decree of April 4, 1792, granting had Legislative Assembly's earlier, the whites in Saint-Dominguel to all free men of color. A year Assembly's much more limited decree hesitated to defy the National the Colonial Assembly not but circumstances! had changed: to conform to the ofl May 1S, 1791, its own resolution and promised immediately nullified soon as it was officially communicated decision as sessions, tried to national government's Provincial Assembly, also still holding of it to to them." The decision by sending a copy from the French government's to show them that they profit of the black insurgents, presumably of color and should the leaders front of whites and free people invited to take now faced a united 84 Free men of color were memtherefore abandon their struggle." of July 14, and in return, the in the city's official celebration officials accepted an invipart Colonial Assembly and other public event the Moniteur bers of the hosted by the men of color, an Ostensibly, tation to a banquet entitled "Prejudices Overcome." général noted in an article was now committed to accepting of Cap Français the white population equals. the free of color as its legal Commission and the people of the new Civil Anticipation of the landing in the city. "The impending it raised hopes left France about the fresh forces accompanying which . must have arrival of a convoy with troops, the rest we need SO badly. Some difficulties end of June, will soon give us the rebels in the mountains, be encountered in reducing them, the rest will will probably the chiefs in our power, OI destroy to their homes but if we can get owners will then return one hold out long. The plantation of every kind," 'not active demand for commodities and there will be an however, racial relations remained wrote." 86 Within the city, gambling rooms merchant complained about illegal in tense. The Moniteur général steal from their masters, lose interest catering to slaves: "The Negroes because of the lack ofsurveillance the germ ofall the vices, from every work, pick up which in any case are dangerous needed to keep an to prevent these gatherings agreed that more police were according to a point of view." Everyone cabarets in the city, in which, eye on the more than 600 (Colonial Assembly, May 28); May 30, 1792. acknowledg83 Moniteur général, May 29, 1792 (letter from Biassou and Jean-François, 84 Moniteur général, June IO, 1792 for this reference. ing receipt of the law). July 21, 1792. Thanks to Jeffery Stanley The Life and Times of 85 Moniteur général, Girard, cited in John Bach McMaster, J. B. Lippincott, 1918), 86 Aubert to Stephen Mariner and Merchant, 2 vs. (Philadelphia: Stephen Girard, I: 159. May 30, 1792. acknowledg83 Moniteur général, May 29, 1792 (letter from Biassou and Jean-François, 84 Moniteur général, June IO, 1792 for this reference. ing receipt of the law). July 21, 1792. Thanks to Jeffery Stanley The Life and Times of 85 Moniteur général, Girard, cited in John Bach McMaster, J. B. Lippincott, 1918), 86 Aubert to Stephen Mariner and Merchant, 2 vs. (Philadelphia: Stephen Girard, I: 159. --- Page 99 --- You Are All Free deputy to the colonial assembly, "abuses are committed often sees whites compromising themselves every day . one the free population of color with slaves. P87 Members of had to deny a charge that it refused complained about the paper itself, which of their newly to sell them subscriptions. Jealous granted equality with the whites, the free resented any slights, while the whites continued people of color mistrust, as an incident in the to regard them with of men of color on horseback summer of 1792 demonstrated. A party guarded gates into the wanted to pass through one of the city's countryside; the white sentinel permit authorizing them to leave. The demanded to see a men objected that whites required to show such a document. "The sentinel were not that admitted of no reply, that there gave them an answer were no white were indeed many of their color, and he could slaves, but that there tus by checking their only be sure of their stapapers,' a chronicler wrote. "In insisted on being let spite of that, - they through . As they rode off, with a thousand insults. >988 they covered the guard In mid-August, a more serious racially charged incident led fighting between whites and free men of color, to open "a total threatening the city with subversion," as one author put it. 89 The of 1792 was the first time that internal racial journée August 13-14, conflict to tear Cap Français apart. The episode seriously threatened I3, when a white man named Sourbes began on the evening of August his house and used his saber charged out of the front door of to break up a street man and a slave woman. Waving his fight between a slave ously injured a free black weapon wildly, he struck and seriman, appropriately named two surgeons hastened to treat the victim and Hasard. Although promptly arrested although the authorities ered Sourbes, an armed crowd of free of in the streets to protest the incident. people color gathpersed that evening, but in the They were successfully disin Sourbes's house morning, when a white woman who lived Place emerged and went to the marché aux noirs at the Clugny to do her shopping, she was mobbed free blacks" and had to be rescued by "men of color and News of the incident led by a policeman. to the arrival of angry and fight broke out between them and the whites, a street which one of the latter, group of free men of color in Desmangles, was killed. "His companions ran 87 Moniteur général, August 88 "La Révolution de 24, 1792 (Colonial Assembly, August 2I). papers), 406-7. Saint-Domingue," in CAOM, F 3 I4I (Moreau de Saint-Méry "La Révolution de Saint-Domingue," in CAOM, F 3 papers), 406. I41 (Moreau de Saint-Méry the whites, a street which one of the latter, group of free men of color in Desmangles, was killed. "His companions ran 87 Moniteur général, August 88 "La Révolution de 24, 1792 (Colonial Assembly, August 2I). papers), 406-7. Saint-Domingue," in CAOM, F 3 I4I (Moreau de Saint-Méry "La Révolution de Saint-Domingue," in CAOM, F 3 papers), 406. I41 (Moreau de Saint-Méry --- Page 100 --- Revolution in a Colonial City Municipal citizens of color," crying, "To arms, to your barracks, général sevthrough the town, published in the Moniteur of order, according to the official report of the white-controlled forces the later. Traditionally part of opposition to eral days had now become a potential source for a conthe militia unit all the free men of color were eager the rue white authorities. Not small group of them headed for with the whites, but a through the city, where frontation the main north-south street cutting and opened fire on them, Espagnole, some white National Guards of the victims was listed they encountered three others. (One American merkilling two and wounding testimony to active part that raised the as an Anglo-American, took in the city's affairs.) These killings of the chants and seamen whites, indignant over the excesses <Some accordfear of white reprisals. launch an attack on their barracks," and of color, threatened to called on Cambefort men official reportso The city government whites from heading ing to the and I prevented the "I separated them, had sworn to massacre, his troops. of the men of color, whom they for the barracks the colonel later wrote." local authorities badly disorganized. The violence found the for nearly two months, dealthe governor, had been gone Unwilling to act on his Blanchelande, in other parts of the colony. asked the ing with problems the commander of the garrison, to entrust own authority, Cambefort, martial law. No doubt reluctant with Colonial Assembly to declare of them accused of collusion such broad powers to someone many bodies in the city - the Colonial the three elected council - put aside the slave insurgents, Assembly and the municipal the situation Assembly, the Provincial and worked together to calm were their own quarrels for once the free men of color them from a white pogrom, found themselves down. To protect in their barracks, where they refused persuaded to take refuge they were inside, Cambefort under a sort of house arrest: once assemblies sent a delegation to negotiate let them leave. The conjoined that the latter would single to of color, eventually agreeing and that the others with the men hotheads in their own ranks, members of the out any dangerous to their homes, escorted by would be allowed to return August 19, 1792. de Joseph-Paul-Aueuntiy g0 Moniteur général, Cambefort, Mémoire justificatif Commun à Anne-Louis Tousard, 9: jomph-Pan.Augsmin Colonel du Régiment du Cap; e soldats du même regiCambefort, à tous les officiers, sous-officiers des commissaires civils, délégués par Liestenant-Colonel par ordre (Paris: Frères - ment, déportés de Saint-Domingue, Isles Françaises de taminiguesoertevent le Powvoir-Exécutif aux 16. Chaigneau, 1793), pt. 3, * € Anne-Louis Tousard, 9: jomph-Pan.Augsmin Colonel du Régiment du Cap; e soldats du même regiCambefort, à tous les officiers, sous-officiers des commissaires civils, délégués par Liestenant-Colonel par ordre (Paris: Frères - ment, déportés de Saint-Domingue, Isles Françaises de taminiguesoertevent le Powvoir-Exécutif aux 16. Chaigneau, 1793), pt. 3, * € --- Page 101 --- You Are All Free assemblies. White hardliners in the Colonial special protections for the men of color, Assembly objected to any indicated an unwarranted claiming that such measures end a suspicion of the whites' majority of the deputies intentions, but in the the free colored militia unit from accepted the wisdom of not trying to oust The deputies ofthe its barracks by force,9: had three assemblies were well aware city run as a result of this of the danger the population, incident. In a joint appeal, they warned "Citizens, a moment of excitement the lated the precious remains of the and error almost annihithe grip of the horrors of a civil colony. For a few instants, you were in bling the immense war. Can you contemplate without tremabyss that opened at men of color at a time when civil your feet?"93 A massacre of frée were about to arrive in the commissioners and troops from France equal rights would have colony to enforce the law granting their pole. On their amounted to an open revolt against the group side, the free people of metroand troops were on their color, aware that commissioners 4, 1792, clearly sensed way from France to enforce the decree of When the that they now held some real April slave uprising had broken power in the city. to beg for protection against the out in August 1791, they had had force with force. After the white mob; now they were able to meet local assemblies, anxious events of August I3 and 14, 1792, the three to improve zens of color in the wake of the relations with the soon-to-be citiviolence, invited observers to their sessions.24 Instead them to send nonvoting the free men of color held ofi rushing to accept this a formal meeting, concession, officers, and decided not to take the offer presided over by elected consult their "brothers from the up until they had a chance to dable armed South and West the movements who had provinces," formithe whites in those areas,95 The repeatedly imposed their demands on clear warning that the journée of August 13-I4, new commissioners 1792 was a racked by explosive tensions. were about to arrive in a city 1792 also showed that the slaves Nevertheless, the events of August of 13-14, to involve themselves in the Cap Français were not yet ready long as they remained quarrels dividing the free population. As between whites passive, the city could survive even and free people of color. armed conflict 92 Moniteur général, August 93 Moniteur général, 13-14, August IS, August 16, August 19, August 19, 1792. 1792. Procès-verbaux de 95 Moniteur général, August P'Assemblé, August 19, 1792. 26, 1792 (meeting of August 24, 1792). in the Cap Français were not yet ready long as they remained quarrels dividing the free population. As between whites passive, the city could survive even and free people of color. armed conflict 92 Moniteur général, August 93 Moniteur général, 13-14, August IS, August 16, August 19, August 19, 1792. 1792. Procès-verbaux de 95 Moniteur général, August P'Assemblé, August 19, 1792. 26, 1792 (meeting of August 24, 1792). --- Page 102 --- French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists a Complicated as the conflicts between colonial slaves, "free people of color, and French whites, insurrectionary become by the summer of 1792, politics government in representatives had and in the city of Cap Français in Saint-Domingue as a whole even more explosive with the arrival particular were about to become the new National Civil from France of the members of April 4, 1792. From Commission appointed to enforce the law of had fought 1789 to the fall of 1792, rival groups in the among themselves, with little intervention colony pole. Between September 1792, when from the metroJune 20, 1793, National Civil they arrived in the island, and would change that situation Commissioners Sonthonax and Polverel the instructions they received drastically. from Encouraged by the wording of dictatorial Paris, they would assert in the powers to defend what they saw as French national essentially colony. Imbued with the conviction that the interests Revolution required the end of discrimination spirit of the French of color, they would ally themselves against the free people establish their rights. And when the with that group and use force to overwhelm them, they would take it crisis of June 20, 1793 threatened to slaves, in the absence of any explicit upon themselves to emancipate the the revolutionary encouragement for such a step from real doubts that such government in France and in spite of their own a drastic policy could succeed. very The road from the appointment of the Second June 1792 to the first emancipation decree of Civil Commission in one, with many twists and turns that June 21, 1793 was a long Polverel, could have imagined no one, including Sonthonax and Domingue. Thelawo of when they were selected to go to SaintApril4, 1792 was, as we have seen, the culmination I ( * for such a step from real doubts that such government in France and in spite of their own a drastic policy could succeed. very The road from the appointment of the Second June 1792 to the first emancipation decree of Civil Commission in one, with many twists and turns that June 21, 1793 was a long Polverel, could have imagined no one, including Sonthonax and Domingue. Thelawo of when they were selected to go to SaintApril4, 1792 was, as we have seen, the culmination I ( * --- Page 103 --- You Are All Free of a long struggle in the Legislative react to the slave uprising in the Assembly over the question of how to of the unnatural alliance he made colony. Accepted by Louis XVI as part with the Girondins prepare the way for the declaration of in March 1792 to the law ordered the war against Austria a month later, replace the appointment of three new Civil members of the First Commission Commissioners to had already returned from sent in 1791, two of whom Saint-Domingue. Accompanied by 6,000 fresh and nor to replace Blanchelande, who troops a new military goverhad requested his own Commissioners were assigned three main tasks. recall, the were to proclaim the complete In the first place, they the whites. French equality of the free people of color with legislators who voted for the sure would end the violent law hoped that this meathe West and South disputes that had set off the insurrections in provinces and left the colony uprising. The Commission was then vulnerable to a slave assembly, the assemblies of the three supposed to dissolve the colonial cils in the island's cities, and provinces, and the municipal counof color who met the supervise new elections in which free men and to be elected to office. necessary qualifications would be allowed to vote uprising. Finally, the Commission was to end the According to the optimistic calculations of slave in Paris, the troops sent from armchair strategists had sent to support the Europe = a larger number than the French forces already in the island American rebels in 1781 - together with the rection of untrained and would more than suffice to defeat an insurThere undisciplined blacks. was considerable disagreement in Paris about the commissioners. In the first flush of their choice of the the royal ministry and in success in gaining control of granting of defeating the colonial lobby's rights to the free people of color, Brissot opposition to the had wanted to make an emphatic and his supporters nent member of that in statement by naming the most promithe commission. The group France, Julien Raimond, as a member of had blocked his colonists' supporters in the Legislative Assembly anyone who owned appointment by inserting a clause in the law property in the barring sioner. I The newly appointed colonies from serving as a commisbeen an official navy minister, Jean de Lacoste, had once representative of Saint-Domingue's merchants and was I AN, D XXV 76, "Copies des-lettres de MM Mesgrière, Lebugnet, La Gourgue, de Sainte Millet, Cougnacq-Mion, Chesneau de la de la Partie française de St. James, commissaires de l'Assemblée letter.of April I, 1792; Raimond, Domingue letter of près la Metropole. commencé le 17 8bre générale June r8, 1792, in AN, D XXV 13, d. 127. 1791," , D XXV 76, "Copies des-lettres de MM Mesgrière, Lebugnet, La Gourgue, de Sainte Millet, Cougnacq-Mion, Chesneau de la de la Partie française de St. James, commissaires de l'Assemblée letter.of April I, 1792; Raimond, Domingue letter of près la Metropole. commencé le 17 8bre générale June r8, 1792, in AN, D XXV 13, d. 127. 1791," --- Page 104 --- and Saint-Domingue Colonists French Jacobins the but in the end he was outmaneuvered by sympathetic to colonists,* the men selected - Sonthonax and Brissot and his supporters. Two of and advocates of Polverel - were known to be opponents of slavery for the free people of color. Although he was disappointed at being rights Raimond gave Sonthonax and Polverel excluded from the commission, his enthusiastic endorsement.3 Sonthonax and Étienne Polverel were in many ways Léger-Félicité class that had come to power in typical members of the new political Both Both were lawyers from provincial backgrounds. France by 1792. the Revolution and actively supported that had settled in Paris before for members of the Third movement, which opened new possibilities club, where they Estate like themselves.4 Both had joined the Jacobin figures such as Brissot, although came in contact with more prominent the Neither had neither had made much of a name for himselfin group. colonies. Sonthonax, just twenty-nine years old in 1792 ever visited the was the younger and when he was appointed as Civil Commissioner, knew that Sonthonax of the two.s Insiders like Raimond more energetic article that had appeared in the weekly was the author of an unsigned that "As for Révolutions de Paris in September 1790, which prophesied the governments of Europe will have a the slave trade and Negro slavery, of universal the cries of philosophy and the principles fine time resisting and spreading among the nations : Yes, liberty which are germinating that the day will come - and the day we dare to predict with confidence relying only is not too far off - when you will see a curly-haired African, to participate in the legislative proon his virtue and good sense, coming >6 Although he rarely spoke cess in the midst of our national assemblies." committee Sonthonax had served on its correspondence at the Jacobins, also and the two men had probat a time when Brissot was a member, ably had a chance to discuss the slavery issue.? 39 letter of March 20, 1792. 2 AN,D XXV 76, "Copies des lettres,' in AN, D XXV 13, d. 127. 3 Raimond, letter of June 18, 1792, Polverel had published a Tableau de la constitution During the pre-revolutionary crisis, the in his native province. AN, de la royaume de Navarre in an effort to guide Polverel movement and Marie Victoire Michaux. AA 55, d. ISII, settlement of legal notified case of between their selection on April 29, 1792, although they 5 Sonthonax and Polverel were of until early June. AN, D XXV 13, did not receive their official letters and D appointment XXV II, d. IO2 (official letters, dated June 2, d. 120 (letter of April 29, 1792) 1792). Révolutions de Paris, September 18-25, 1790, cited in Stein, Sonthonax, cheminement 21. d'une "Sonthonax et Brissot : le 7 Stein, Sonthonax, 22-4 5 Marcel Dorigny, Sonthonax. La première filiation politique assumée," s in Marcel Dorigny, dir, Léger-Félicité and D appointment XXV II, d. IO2 (official letters, dated June 2, d. 120 (letter of April 29, 1792) 1792). Révolutions de Paris, September 18-25, 1790, cited in Stein, Sonthonax, cheminement 21. d'une "Sonthonax et Brissot : le 7 Stein, Sonthonax, 22-4 5 Marcel Dorigny, Sonthonax. La première filiation politique assumée," s in Marcel Dorigny, dir, Léger-Félicité --- Page 105 --- You Are All Free Polverel had also been a member of the mittee. He was twenty-five older Jacobin correspondence comlegalistic years than Sonthonax and approach to things; coming from the had a more had also had, as he later said, "more region of Bordeaux, he shippers trading with the than thirty years of relations with he had written colonies and with colonists. >8 Like he articles against slavery in the Sonthonax, had voted for the expulsion from the revolutionary press, and ported the repeal of the May Jacobins of members who supmen of color, Both Sonthonax IS, 179I law granting rights to some free Brissot's point of and Polverel had the advantage, from view, of having expressed firm crimination without having become opposition to racial disther had been a member of the Société publicly known as abolitionists; neihave been a red flag to the colonial des Amis des Noirs, which would Antoine lobby. The third Ailhaud, was added to the commissioner, Jeannominee who backed out.to group as a replacement for another in the Ile de Having spent ten years as an France, one of France's Indian administrator the only one of the three with Ocean slave colonies, he was Despite this background, any experience in the colonial world." two Ailhaud lacked the forceful colleagues. Overwhelmed by the situation personality of his deserted the colony and fled back in Saint-Domingue, he Since Sonthonax and to France as soon as he could.: Polverel ended up slavery in Saint-Domingue, proclaiming the abolition of lated endlessly about whether contemporaries and historians have specution of bringing about this they arrived in the colony with the intenresult, and whether instructions from Brissot to do they may have had secret both men, and Brissot SO. There is no doubt that, in the as well, considered abstract, rights and hoped for its abolition. slavery as a violation ofi natural deserves credit for Brissot's Société des Amis des Noirs from the making the legitimacy of slavery a matter outset of the Revolution and for of debate clearly demonstrating that the abolition de l'esclavage. La Révolution (Paris: Association pour l'étude de la colonisation française et la Révolution de in Saint-Domingue Polverel, Débats entre les accusateurs et les accusés française, 2005 (orig. 1987)), 29-41. (Paris: Imprimerie dans l'affaire des 9 Stein, Sonthonax, nationale, 1795) 2: 349. colonies, 9 vS. Cauna, "Polverel ou 42; la révolution Jean-Daniel Piquet, Liémancipation des Noirs, 185-6; çaise et Haiti: Filiations, Ruptures, tranquille," Nouvelles in Michel Hector, ed., La Révolution Jacques franHaîtienne d'histoire et de Dimensions, 2 vS. Io Lacoste to Polverel, géographie et Editions Henri (Port-au-Prince: Société 11 Ailhaud, May 8, 1792, in AN, D XXV d. Deschamps, 120. 1995), I: 384-99. 12 Ailhaud speech to citizens of Cap Français, in I3, to Convention nationale, January AN, D XXV II2, d. 890. Sonthonax, 54-5. 22, 1793, in AN, D XXV 12, d. II2; Stein, oste to Polverel, géographie et Editions Henri (Port-au-Prince: Société 11 Ailhaud, May 8, 1792, in AN, D XXV d. Deschamps, 120. 1995), I: 384-99. 12 Ailhaud speech to citizens of Cap Français, in I3, to Convention nationale, January AN, D XXV II2, d. 890. Sonthonax, 54-5. 22, 1793, in AN, D XXV 12, d. II2; Stein, --- Page 106 --- French Jacobins and Saint-Doningue Colonists institution violated basic human * French abolitionist rights. As it was a long way from movement has shown over scholarship and concerning the to condemning slavery in over again, however, des to odoreisimmediane theory Amis des Noirs had destruction. From its being prepared and gradual always insisted inception, Brissot's Société als means to allow the that it was seeking only dangerous to their freeing of the slaves "sure said.14 The French owners," as the group's without upheavthat France's abolitionists believed very first manifesto national interest as firmly as their had empire. Slavery needed required the opponents would to be phased out, maintenance of its protect that interest. but only under colonial slaves, in the name of Simply surrendering conditions that France, The conduct of natural rights, was inconceivable Sain-Domingue to its they fully subscribed Sonthonax and Polverel to anyone in If Sonthonax to these views. would demonstrate that Paris, they and Polverel had had secret and presumably would have discussions with Raimond. 15 Although little discussed these issues anyone in may have had with documentation of with Brissot to the Commission Sonthonax or Polverel at the any exchanges Brissot ings with them has been found, he time oft their nomination did draft described by his probably took in a letter to close political ally part the meetcolony, to be sent with representatives the of the free Raimond. Brissot to same ship that was people of color in the consensual Saint-Domingue, which makes it clear that taking the the way of abolishing he was still commissioners Société des Amis des Noirs slavery, as he had since the looking for a correspondents, "to in 1788. "It is up to ' formation of tion of the blacks. It is embarrass the whites first by you," he told these ported your cause here. with this hope that the improving the situato reconcile the It will be simple, friends ofl fliberty have you. The interests of the owners with once you reflect on the suppatriots of the National what humanity matter, Assembly await from requires of 13 Sce, for you and from 177-83. example,the discussion of 14 Journal de Paris, Condorcer's views in Dubois, Colony of the Société des Amis February des 25, 1788. The Citizens, arship on the group out of Noirs' meetings has publication, rendered in 1998, of the minutes Société des Amis des Noirs date. See Marcel Dorigny and much of the earlier schol- of lesclavage (Paris: Editions 1788-1799. Bernard Gainot, and the Origins of the French UNESCO, 1998) Contribution and à T'histoire de eds. La to Deluge. Popkin, l'abolition de 15 On the evidence Revolution," in Kaiser and Van oimt-Doningue Kley, eds., Slavery "Sonthonax et Brissot," concerning Sonthonax's From Deficit in Dorigny, dir., Léger-Félicité relations with Brissot, see Dorigny, Sonthomax, 35-7. -1799. Bernard Gainot, and the Origins of the French UNESCO, 1998) Contribution and à T'histoire de eds. La to Deluge. Popkin, l'abolition de 15 On the evidence Revolution," in Kaiser and Van oimt-Doningue Kley, eds., Slavery "Sonthonax et Brissot," concerning Sonthonax's From Deficit in Dorigny, dir., Léger-Félicité relations with Brissot, see Dorigny, Sonthomax, 35-7. --- Page 107 --- You Are All Free the future Colonial Brissot's letter indicates Assembly a good plan on this sioners' that his thinking at the important subject. 916 had always departure was still confined to the moment of the commisunspecified characterized the Amis des Noirs gradualist framework that immediate improvement in the condition of group: he spoke only of an end to slavery. the slaves, the matter would be taken Farthermore, he hoped that the rather than an rather than being by representatives of the initiative on tic conviction imposed on them by the colonies that themselves, it would be metropole. Brissot's slavery reflected his simple to achieve optimisWhile Brissot characteristic lack of meaningful reform of thus seems political realism. secret unlikely to have goal, encouragement to make the given the Raimond was abolition of commissioners explicitly slavery an advantage of the opposed to the idea. Like immediate men of color in commissioners' departure to write Brissot, he took rumors Saint-Domingue. In the first a letter to the free circulating among the free place, he wanted to insinuating that he favored the colored activists in dispel one, as you will see, since abolition of slavery. "The Saint-Domingue lie suddenly ruin one can hardly was a crude in my whole family, which imagine that I would want to property in owns between 7 and in several Saint-Domingue, Raimond 8 millions discussions with the wrote, He had continued, and especially commissioners about their participated about mission, he what the method to use to get the one could offer them to insurgent slaves to return [to the damage to the interests of the improve their situation plantations] and ions were put forward owners and of the without doing too much the idea of giving them on this subject but there whole society. Different I observed that this a day to work for seemed to be agreement opin- on coming out of a plan could be themselves, in addition to that they would state of insurrection; dangerous, it would especially as they would Sunday, using it for work use this day to get together in be possible and even just be Also, they might whose profits would enable them groups and conspire instead probable of obtained one full day conclude from this kind of to improve their condition. using the same method. by staging an insurrection, capitulation that since they had they could obtain another by Raimond proposed instead age slaves to work harder in establishing order regulations that would freedom. He went on to to be able to purchase their encourcommissioners summarize the advice individual on strategy for ending the the group had given the insurrection. 16 Brissot, They should issue draft letter, June 19, 1792, in AN, 446 AP 13. --- Page 108 --- French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists a proclamation 'promising pardon and the rebels if they make the slaves their freedom to the leaders of ise a reform in the condition of return. This proclamation would soon as they return. the slaves that would be worked prom- out of the nation Speak to them in this as which will punish them proclamation about the power if they do, [the nation] will do ifthey don't obey; on the contrary, Whereas something to improve Brissot at least looked to the abolition their condition. --- French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists a proclamation 'promising pardon and the rebels if they make the slaves their freedom to the leaders of ise a reform in the condition of return. This proclamation would soon as they return. the slaves that would be worked prom- out of the nation Speak to them in this as which will punish them proclamation about the power if they do, [the nation] will do ifthey don't obey; on the contrary, Whereas something to improve Brissot at least looked to the abolition their condition. >17 range goal, Raimond limited himself of slavery as a longone can see that he was to vague ideas about its certainly not reform; consider doing away with the urging Sonthonax and Polverel to he foresaw that system. On the other hand, unlike change in the colony would Brissot, through the use of "the power of the have to be brought about power, in his mind, was to be the nation," but the main target of this A third figure who rebellious slaves, not their owners. missioners' views may have had some influence on the at the time they left France future comMilscent, a former was the journalist Claude the island by pro-slavery Saint-Domingue whites planter who had been driven out of had established a because of his reformist views and who colonial newspaper, the Créole lobby in Paris. Sonthonax would patriote, which opposed the to express his view that some reform write to him in February Milscent, however, of the slave system was 1793, 18 He had was also not an advocate of immediate necessary." consistently argued that the abolition. - color was essential if granting of rights to the free men of significance of the slavery was to be maintained, but he minimized the of the long history of August slave 179I slave uprising, putting it in the context jeopardized the system.19 In resistance, which, he argued, had never a letter really çoisi in March 1792, Milscent called published in Brissot's Patriote franof all natural rights," 99 but insisted slavery "the most revolting violation it, the colonists needed that since French laws had Thus to be reimbursed for the authorized he, too, is unlikely to have value of their property. 20 abolition of slavery as an immediate encouraged Sonthonax to think of the A final, if ambiguous, goal. Sonthonax and Polverel piece of evidence about the intentions comes from their of outspoken advocate of rights for the interactions with another Sonthonax, Chaumette blacks, Pierre Chaumette. was a contributor to the Like Révolutions de Paris 17 Raimond, letter of 18 Sonthonax to June r8, 1792, in AN, D XXV I3, d. 127. 19 (Claude Milscent), Milscent, Sur les February Troubles II, de 1793, in AN,. AA 55, d. ISII. français, 1791). Saint-Domingue (Paris: 20 Milscent, letter of Imprimerie du Patriote February 25, 1792, in Patriote françois, March I3, 1792. - - --- Page 109 --- You Are All Free and may have written some of the At Brissot's trial, he testified paper's articles about colonial that Sonthonax issues. tion of secretary to the commission. had offered him the posiclaimed, he had turned the After some discussion, Chaumette opinion that he was position down because he realized taking to the colony was not the "that the always been for the liberty of the blacks."2r same as mine; Il had de Paris at the time of the Articles in the Révolutions denounced commissioners' slavery and the slave trade, but the appointment had indeed that directly discussed the civil one article in the paper its chances for success. thonax issues. tion of secretary to the commission. had offered him the posiclaimed, he had turned the After some discussion, Chaumette opinion that he was position down because he realized taking to the colony was not the "that the always been for the liberty of the blacks."2r same as mine; Il had de Paris at the time of the Articles in the Révolutions denounced commissioners' slavery and the slave trade, but the appointment had indeed that directly discussed the civil one article in the paper its chances for success. To commission gave a gloomy assessment of would require bring peace to the colony, the journal humbling "the barbarous pride of wrote, coming the "wild and suspicious" the whites" and overthe black man in the character of the "mulattoes:" as for tiger who needs colonies, the revolt had made him to be tamed and rendered "an unchained Chaumette was, in fact, the author of this incapable of causing harm." If claimed to have provided the article - Julien Raimond also in this period - it is not clear journal with articles about the colonies Sonthonax because whether he declined the he thought the latter invitation to join he simply despaired of the mission's was too moderate or whether If they did not set sail from chances for success,1 with slavery, Polverel and France with clear intentions to do away convictions they shared Sonthonax did bring with them the with their political the revolutionary Jacobin milieu. Like all of of movement, they believed supporters national authority. "I will defend unswervingly in the principle the rights of the to my last breath the nation, and I will perish principles and ment on its sovereignty,' Polverel before I will allow any infringeproudly declared in February 1793.3 21 Bulletin du tribunel criminal Paris, Jérôme Pétion, a long-time révolutionnaire, of no. 4I. On June 19, a letter of ally Brissot in the 1792, the mayor of 22 Révolutions recommendation. de for Chaumette. AN, D XXV campaign d. against slavery, wrote Paris, April 13, I20, pour la suppression de la traite 7-14, des noirs" 1792, "Motion faite dans l'Assemblée Saint-Domingue," 5 June 9-16, ibid., "Envoi d'une nouvelle nationale article to argue that Chaumette 1792. wanted Jean-Daniel Piquet cites a passage commission of à with the black insurgents, but in the Commission to enter into direct this latter could hear the blacks, they would fact, realize the passage suggests that if the contact Piquet, Emancipation des noirs, that no compromise with them commissioners was the Révolutions de 187-8. On Raimond's possible. Domingue, Paris, see his letter to the leaders of the relations with the editor of April I5, 1792, in free men of color in mes de couleur, - Raimond, Lettres de J. à ses Saint23 Polverel, letter 69-70. Raimond, frères les homgénéral A. N. de to La General Salle La Salle, February 2, 1793, in A. Corre, ed., 122. (Saint-Domingue, 1792-1793) (Quimper: Papiers du Cotonnec, 1897), of the relations with the editor of April I5, 1792, in free men of color in mes de couleur, - Raimond, Lettres de J. à ses Saint23 Polverel, letter 69-70. Raimond, frères les homgénéral A. N. de to La General Salle La Salle, February 2, 1793, in A. Corre, ed., 122. (Saint-Domingue, 1792-1793) (Quimper: Papiers du Cotonnec, 1897), --- Page 110 --- A French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists embodied in its national legislature, could Only the nation as a whole, national territory, includmake laws, and those laws applied to the entire the will of the nation, as ing its overseas extensions. Any opposition to and needed to be expressed in the laws, was, in this view, illegitimate conscious, of opposed in the firmest manner. The Jacobins were acutely of the laws that not everyone in France accepted the authority course, assemblies. Measures such as the controverpassed by the revolutionary Catholic Church had caused widespread protest. sial restructuring of the suspect: opponents of To the Jacobins, such resistance was inherently interthe national legislature were defending particular laws passed by whole. Revolutionary ideolests in conflict with that of the nation as a who refused to recognize the notion oflegitimate opposition; anyone ogy and any organized resisted duly passed laws was a counterevolationary, decrees was a coneffort to prevent the enforcement of revolutionary divide the Furthermore, the revolutionaries' tendency to popuspiracy. of the movement implied that all lation into supporters and opponents Whatever of the latter were, in reality, members of a single conspiracy. saw them issue they might be identified with, the revolutionaries specific 3 bent on re-establishing a society based on as "royalists" or "aristocrats," arbitrary authority and social inequality. in 1792 was a hotbed From the Jacobin point of view, Saint-Domingue will that needed to be resistance to the national of counterevolutionary Distrust of the white colonists had become an brought back to obedience. denounced the colonial whites article of faith among the Jacobins: they that had maineither for being nostalgic supporters of the monarchy the tained the slave system, or else "independentists" bent on separating "aristocrats colonies from the mother country; in any case, they were the free people of color their natural of the skin," determined to deny on December rights. In a three-hour speech to the Legislative Assembly of Brissot insisted that the slave rebellion was a consequence I, 1791, forward by the white colonists since the "the system of independence put toward the start of the Revolution" and of their "aristocratic tyranny" their of color. The white planters wanted to avoid paying free population and the petits blancs were "adventurers, men metropolitan creditors, and nearly all of them without morality. >24 without principles Jacobin ideology regarded their servitude As for the slaves, although Marat only a few extremists such as the journalist Jean-Paul as unjust, endorse their violent attempt to liberate themselves. were prepared to 14 Brissot, Discours du premier décembre 1791, 61-5, 4, 7. their "aristocratic tyranny" their of color. The white planters wanted to avoid paying free population and the petits blancs were "adventurers, men metropolitan creditors, and nearly all of them without morality. >24 without principles Jacobin ideology regarded their servitude As for the slaves, although Marat only a few extremists such as the journalist Jean-Paul as unjust, endorse their violent attempt to liberate themselves. were prepared to 14 Brissot, Discours du premier décembre 1791, 61-5, 4, 7. --- Page 111 --- You Are All Free leaders claimed to be fighting to restore the The fact that the insurgent fuel for the belief that they were king to his throne provided powerful royalist and aristocratic conbeing manipulated by the all-encompassing behind all of the revolution's troubles. spiracy that, Jacobins were sure lay and Polverel concluded that Upon their arrival in the colony, Sonthonax circulating in France had, if the reports of the slaves' royalist beliefs slaves speak of liberty as understated the situation. The "only > anything, in making them take up arms, they something almost inconsequential minister of the navy, after their first wrote to Gaspard Monge, the new their good king Louis month in Le Cap. "They say they want to avenge who falls him back on the throne. Woe to anyone XVI, they want to put tricolor of liberty, he is pitilessly into their hands wearing the symbol Even in the is in the white cockade or scarf."2s attacked, the only safety the commissioners maintained face of this discouraging reality, however, from France: if the slaves could the conviction that they had brought the they would only be disabused of their misguided loyalty to throne, to work on understand that their proper course of action was to return that and wait for the nation's representatives to enact their plantations by Brissot and his supporters that simple program of reforms promised without damaging the interwould grant the slaves their natural rights ests of their owners or those of the nation. the white colonists as inveterate counterrevolarionaries Classifying dupes of the counterrevolution, the and the black slaves as unwitting group of the were led to put their trust in the only remaining Jacobins the free people of color. Ignoring inconveSaint-Domingue population: the coalition between the wealthy nient contradictory evidence, such as and the free colored proprietors white landowners in the West Province of the libres de couleur there, and oblivious to the fact that the majority role assigned to them, women and hence unable to play the political were themselves that this group's interests necessarily the Jacobins convinced cause. Jacobin rhetoric made them loyal supporters of the revolutionary the only genuattributed to them all the virtues: not only were they whereas the in the island, but they were also hardworking, ine patriots idleness and the slaves shirked labor whenwhites preferred pampered the free people of color, it could. In view of their other virtues, ever they to the French nation for would also be eternally grateful was assumed, of their natural rights through the law of ensuring them the enjoyment of the group, knew that the April 4, 1792. Julien Raimond, a member minister of the navy, October 26, 1792, in AN, CC9 A 7. 25 Commissioners to they were also hardworking, ine patriots idleness and the slaves shirked labor whenwhites preferred pampered the free people of color, it could. In view of their other virtues, ever they to the French nation for would also be eternally grateful was assumed, of their natural rights through the law of ensuring them the enjoyment of the group, knew that the April 4, 1792. Julien Raimond, a member minister of the navy, October 26, 1792, in AN, CC9 A 7. 25 Commissioners to --- Page 112 --- M Colonists and Saint-Domingue French Jacobins the letter he wrote to the free men much of situation was not SO simple; arguments popular among was devoted to refuting would be better of color in June 1792 of the West that their rights the free colored landowners than by one based on revolutionby a strong royal government Polverel sailed for Saint-Domingue protected and color 26 But Sonthonax find in the free population of ary principles." conviction that they would the national will in with the for their mission of enforcing of the colony the firmest support for the western part from Once he left Cap Français was different the colony. Polverel realized that the situation "In general, we can in late October, revolutionaries had assumed. he wrote to what the metropolitan the citizens of color," the men among for and on enlightened think themselves, count "but the mass of them don't the Convention, the [white] coontercrerolationarie keeps them dependent on however, Sonthonax gratitude them earlier. >927 In Cap Français, eager for his backwho protected from the local free men of color, found firm support with the more numerous whites. to the ing in their struggle Polverel had certainly been exposed their While Sonthonax and the whites in the colonies, Jacobin rhetoric against minister Lacoste, had quite impassioned prepared by the navy for the problems of official instructions, Rather than laying all the blame destruca different tone. Lacoste emphasized the mutually the island. The the colony on the whites, and the free men of color on tive behavior of the whites the free men of color of "the greatness and commissioners were to remind of all their rights of liberty the deed that restores their exercise order and of the "respect of duty to help restore the 99 but also of their who elevated them from equality," never lose toward those Code noir which they must of a clause from the 1685 still of a rephrasing of African descent state servitude," when free, individuals were that implied that, even the whites. As for the whites, they show deference to of needed to rational self-interest dictated acceptance told be reminded that their who were to with the free men of color. The commissioners, in the free people equality sentiments of gratitude and respect the whites. to inspire specified equivalent instructions regarding all of color, were not given themselves were warned to treat parties Finally, the commissioners owes to our brothers, even in punishthat one 928 Officials in with *the consideration and the security of the country." ing them for the interest letter of June 18, 1792, in AN, D XXV 13, D XXV d. 127. 56, d. 557. 26 Raimond, December 3, 1792, in AN, 27 Polverel to Convention, 1792, in AN, D XXV 13, d. 123. a8 *Mémoire du roi," June 17, Finally, the commissioners owes to our brothers, even in punishthat one 928 Officials in with *the consideration and the security of the country." ing them for the interest letter of June 18, 1792, in AN, D XXV 13, D XXV d. 127. 56, d. 557. 26 Raimond, December 3, 1792, in AN, 27 Polverel to Convention, 1792, in AN, D XXV 13, d. 123. a8 *Mémoire du roi," June 17, --- Page 113 --- You Are All Free Lacoste's ministry met regularly with nists and were attentive representatives of the white coloto their concerns. Just before the instance, the colonists were assured that the ships sailed, for change the motto on their troops had been ordered to the flags from "Live free or die" Law, and the King,' 72 to make to "The Nation, ideas in the island.:9 sure that they did not spread dangerous Along with the conflicting advice associates and the they received from their Jacobin government, the commissioners were guidance on how they were to given very little Lacoste, who carry out their mission. Both Brissot and agreed on very little else, the commissioners would succeed expressed the pious hope that representing in installing a new colonial a racially mixed electorate, that would assembly, for the reform of slavery. Lacoste then work out a plan had been elected, their reminded them that once the assembly rebellious powers were limited to "exhortation." >> As slaves, some highly optimistic arithmetic for the to conclude that the commissioners allowed the ministèr at their disposal. In addition would have 13,000 or more soldiers missioners, he to the 6,000 men being sent with the counted the permanent garrison, the compatched in December 1791, after the arrival reinforcements disuprising, and even the sailors of the first reports of the he made no allowance on the warships sent to the and for the staggering losses from colony, every unit of European soldiers disease that befell reduced the number of sent to the Antilles, which had actually of the commissioners' combat-ready soldiers to about 2,000 at the time arrival. He therefore sioners would have no trouble concluded that the commisIn metropolitan imposing their authority.o France itself, the Revolution was about to procedure for dealing with the kind of situation improvise a were to find themselves in Sonthonax and Polverel once they landed in appointment of deputies on mission, members Saint-Domingue: the dispatched to a particular of the national legislature region as direct representatives ofthe sovereign 29 "Registre des délibérations du bureau de la Commission partie française de Saint-Domingue," AN, D de l'Assemblée coloniale de la out of this order, see General La Salle's XXV 76,. July 20, 1792. On the carrying ed., La Salle, 27. report to Desparbès, July II, 1792, in 30 "Mémoire du roi," June Corre, mary of the forces supposedly I7, 1792, available in AN, D XXV I3, d. 123. A more detailed sumNovember I, 1791, 5.734 more sent in in late the colony listed 1,941 troops there as of soldiers and 4,344 National Guards 1791, and an additional 1,876 of 13,895 men. "Tableau de being sent with the commissioners, for regular a total D XXV 68, d. 690. For the actual l'expédition number à of St. Domingue au 5 juin 1792," in AN, Blanchelande's report to the commissioners, men available in September 1792, see n.d., in AN, D XXV 4, d. 32. listed 1,941 troops there as of soldiers and 4,344 National Guards 1791, and an additional 1,876 of 13,895 men. "Tableau de being sent with the commissioners, for regular a total D XXV 68, d. 690. For the actual l'expédition number à of St. Domingue au 5 juin 1792," in AN, Blanchelande's report to the commissioners, men available in September 1792, see n.d., in AN, D XXV 4, d. 32. --- Page 114 --- - French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists with authority to commandeer local resources, to supersede or nation, local officials, and to take all necessary measures to guarantee the replace several hundred of whom nation's security. These deputies on mission, while Sonthonax would be named at various times during the period in Saint-Domingue, were the architects of what came and Polverel were > They enforced the emerto be known as "revolutionary government." for ensurmeasures of the Terror and could claim responsibility gency of the Revolution during the critical years of 1793 and ing the victory Sonthonax and Polverel would, in the end, carry out 1794.31 Although more radical than anything any of the depuchanges in Saint-Domingue could have dreamed of, the colonial commisties on mission in France developed in the metropole. For sioners were not copying the techniques direct role in had had no making one thing, they were not deputies; they to enforce, and they were always acutely the laws they were attempting their actions. Equally conscious that the legislators might not uphold they sailed from France before the fall of the monarchy on significantly, and the creation of the system of deputies on mission. a August IO, 1792 what other were doing across the ocean in Only dimly aware of Jacobins and Polverel were forced late 1792 and the first half of 1793, Sonthonax to improvise their own version of revolutionary government. version of revoThe two men's achievement in creating a colonial unlike the lutionary government was all the more remarkable in that, mission in France, they soon found themselves at the far deputies on by orders of end of a highly uncertain chain of authority. Appointed before the they sailed from France a few weeks the king in June 1792, the monarchy and the entire journée of August IO, 1792, which toppled They would constitutional system created with SO much effort in 1791. about these events until October 2, 1792, several weeks after not learn Before handing over powers to the National they landed in the colony3 did confirm the commisConvention, the rump Legislative Assembly of sioners' powers, but at the time of the June 20, 1793 crisis, supporters Galbaud would not hesitate to remind the commissioners that General the fallen king, whereas the general owed his they had been appointed by the commissionoffice to the Republic. With the fall of the monarchy, with new ministers - first Gaspard ers found themselves corresponding mission, see the pathbreaking work of Michel Biard, Missionnaires 31 Onthe deputies on du peuple en mission (1793-1795) (Paris: Comité de la République. Les représentants des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, 2002). Assembly, October 2). 32 Moniteur général, October 3, 1792 (Colonial : - whereas the general owed his they had been appointed by the commissionoffice to the Republic. With the fall of the monarchy, with new ministers - first Gaspard ers found themselves corresponding mission, see the pathbreaking work of Michel Biard, Missionnaires 31 Onthe deputies on du peuple en mission (1793-1795) (Paris: Comité de la République. Les représentants des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, 2002). Assembly, October 2). 32 Moniteur général, October 3, 1792 (Colonial : - --- Page 115 --- You Are All Free Monge, then Jean Dalbarade had nothing to do with their - whom they had never met and thing of a appointment. who had euphemism: the meant that conditions two-month delay for "Corresponding" letters is somecommissioners had often changed crossing the ocean send the got any response to their beyond recognition before the commissioners messages. themselves only a handful of Monge was able to were facing a new crisis that had missives before they appointed: the outbreak not been found to the other points of war with anticipated when they on their Britain and Spain. In civilians, now had to agenda, the addition As Sonthonax oversee military commisioners, both of them and Polverel were operations on both land and problems, the Convention attempting to sea. Onj July 16, 1793, was changing its manage these multiple even before it mind about 1793, it would received word of the colonial policy. They were not officially vote to recall and indict disaster on June 20, officially notified of this Sonthonax and Polverel. Sonthonaxlearned the news from decision until June shortly after he issued his unofficial sources by 1794, but 1793, and before Polverel edict of general September 1793,0 Less determined made his own emancipation on August 29, their radical men might well have emancipation proclamations. policies in these abandoned their posts or sibility of a death sentence for circumsrances. Even with the at least heads, however, Sonthonax abusing their authority very real posrevolutionary and Polverel pursued hanging over their deliver the decree government until an official from France their experiment in The recalling them. finally arrived to going in lengths their to which the two to attempt commissioners would find seen as they set out to carry out their mission could themselves they knew from the cross the ocean in the not. have been foretion to their start that they would summer of 1792, although colleague encounter sion -he only arrived in Ailhaud's evident lack of difficulties. In addiand the port of enthusiasm for the Polverel - they soon Rochefort two weeks misthe man realized they were after Sonthonax itary appointed to replace Blanchelande going to have problems with commander in as governor Why this elderly Sain-Domingus, general and milnever been aristocrat had been Jean.jaeque-Plere Desparbès. vice and the explained. "When one is appointed 72 to such a critical post has gout, one should not come years old, with 57 years of to serSaint-Domingue in 33 Stein, troubled 34 His appointment Sonthomax, I04. the white colonists was in noted, Paris without any special on June 9, 1792, AN, enthusiasm, D XXV76. by the representatives of - ain-Domingus, general and milnever been aristocrat had been Jean.jaeque-Plere Desparbès. vice and the explained. "When one is appointed 72 to such a critical post has gout, one should not come years old, with 57 years of to serSaint-Domingue in 33 Stein, troubled 34 His appointment Sonthomax, I04. the white colonists was in noted, Paris without any special on June 9, 1792, AN, enthusiasm, D XXV76. by the representatives of - --- Page 116 --- and Colonists French Jacobins Saint-Domingue in the wrote.35 Desparbès certainly did times," 99 another officer colony During the enthusiasm for the Revolution. not share the commissioners' dined with the ship's two-month voyage across the Atlantic, Desparbès Sonthonax and emphasizing his superior social status, while captain, table with the ship's other offiPolverel were seated at a less prestigious the commissioncers.36 By the time the party arrived in Saint-Domingue, to distrust of the man who was supposed ers had developed a thorough their mission. the military support they would need to execute ensure had fewer worries about the troops themselves. Three-quarters They the expedition were members of the of the soldiers accompanying created in the wake of the stormNational Guard, the new citizen army commitment to of the Bastille. Many of them shared the Jacobin ing members of the Ist battalion from the Aube departracial equality. The be included in the expedition SO that they could ment had petitioned to to one of "our brothers, called the men of color," according support chain of command, a captain in the their officers.7 Defying the military to the commissioners before they sailed, 4ISt regiment wrote directly that the troops are announcing that "Since my arrival, I have observed mission, the National Guard is animated well disposed to support your to rise to the demands excellent all the battalions are ready by an spirit, Even if his unit was ordered back to France, the of the circumstances." defend the cause of our oppressed captain insisted, "I would stay to just are worth a brothers, the men of color, who, in courage and in virtue, these than their these unworthy whites, hundred times more oppressors, for all the misfortunes of Saintcolonial princes, who bear the blame to role in the events leading up Domingue. 938 A particularly important the men of one of the the journée of June 20, 1793 would be played by known as the the 16th dragoons, older "line" units sent with expedition, of that unit's officers, a the "dragoons of Orléans," and especially by one lieutenant-colonel named Étienne Laveaux. Recommending 42-year-old before he sailed, the unit's commanding officer him for a decoration just and obtained beyond the call of duty, sought noted that Laveaux, "going this bound for the permission to sail with the 200 men from regiment white would do colonies. "39 Next to Sonthonax and Polverel, no other to La Salle, October 20, 1792, in Corre, ed., La Salle, 44. 35 Rochefontaine 36 AN,D XXV 13, d. I20. lieutenant-colonel, in AN, D XXV 80, d. 787. 37 "Mémoire" from Pierre Mazingant, 38 AN, D XXV 13, d. I20. de l'armée de terre (SHAT) 7 Yd. 137 39 Letter of April 27, 1792, in Service historique of which was sent to the colony, had (Laveaux). Despite its name, the unit, only part - , 44. 35 Rochefontaine 36 AN,D XXV 13, d. I20. lieutenant-colonel, in AN, D XXV 80, d. 787. 37 "Mémoire" from Pierre Mazingant, 38 AN, D XXV 13, d. I20. de l'armée de terre (SHAT) 7 Yd. 137 39 Letter of April 27, 1792, in Service historique of which was sent to the colony, had (Laveaux). Despite its name, the unit, only part - --- Page 117 --- IOO You Are All Free more to further the triumph of freedom and racial than Laveaux. equality in the colony Encouraged by the enthusiasm of the the not seem to have paid as much attention troops, commissioners do July 1792, France to the attitudes of the sailors. In was not yet at war with its and the commissioners great naval rival, Britain, probably did not realize how was going to become in their important the navy in operations. The sailors common with the slaves than ordinary had more were largely illiterate and any other group of whites: the seamen subject to harsh discipline on their 1792, France's sailors had already ships.4] By ment of revolutionary proved themselves to be a major eleunrest, and in fact, both the which the commissioners crew of the ship on crossed the ocean, the and Jupiter, the flagship of the America, that ofthe in the series of mutinies Saint-Domingue squadron, had participated that rocked the navy's main Brest in the fall of 1790.41 The Atlantic port of men on the ships in the station, or squadron, professed Saint-Domingue them were anxious to return home revolutionary after sentiments, but many of long stays in the Eole, one of the three ships of the line in the Caribbean. The there since 1790, and its sister colony, had been on duty the newly ship, the Jupiter, since early appointed squadron commander 1791.Noting about the crews' homesickness in Joseph Cambis's concern that "reason will be early 1793, a naval official remarked on the side of the men.' %2 In addition to their desire to return to France, the threat to the commissioners' mission sailors posed a the new values of racial because they refused to accept equality embodied in the law of "Prejudice has always led the sailors sent April 4, 1792. timent of white to the islands to share the sensuperiority over the men of color," one commented.4 The commissioners French official bond with the America's may have succeeded in establishing a sailors during their crossing: that vessel would been stationed in Rennes since the outbreak of the a reputation for its "sustained patriotism," Revolution, where it had earned municipality in May 1792 included in according to a testimonial from the Ai measure of the sailors' low level ofl Laveaux's dossier. city's men of the America on July 23, literacy The is provided by a document drawn up by the declaration made an "x" rather 1793. than vast majority of the 290 men who William S. Cormack, writing their own names. AN, D XXV signed this (Cambridge: Revolution and Political Conflict in the French Navy 54, d. 523. Cambridge 42 Report of February University Press, 1995), 104-5, IO7. 1789-1794 report from Ports et Arsenaux 16, 1793, in Service historique de la marine (SHM), BB 4 department, 24; "Réflexions sur l'affaire du Cap françois," February in 14, 1793, in AN, CC9A. Genet papers, reel 6. Library of Congress (hereafter LC), (Cambridge: Revolution and Political Conflict in the French Navy 54, d. 523. Cambridge 42 Report of February University Press, 1995), 104-5, IO7. 1789-1794 report from Ports et Arsenaux 16, 1793, in Service historique de la marine (SHM), BB 4 department, 24; "Réflexions sur l'affaire du Cap françois," February in 14, 1793, in AN, CC9A. Genet papers, reel 6. Library of Congress (hereafter LC), --- Page 118 --- Colonists IOI and Saint-Domingue French Jacobins whose men did not join the major warship in the colony events of that day would be the only them on June 2.0, 1793. As the the attiuprising against and Polverel failed to understand disaffection show, however, Sonthonax the effect their of most of the sailors or to anticipate tudes situation in Saint-Domingue. commight have on the political of the troops, if not of their ostensible with the Confident of the loyalty were more concerned Desparbès, the commissioners their intended point of arrival. mander, awaiting them in Cap Français, discussed the possibility reception official instructions from Lacoste them to land there. Via Even their make it impossible for the might tried to persuade that opposition of color in the colony Julien Raimond, the men altogether and put ashore in Saint-Marc, had commissioners to avoid Le Cap white plantation owners the free men of color and the wealthy to the all-white where "Council of Peace and Union" challenge decided to established the Français." The commissioners decision Colonial Assembly in Cap Français before making a reactions to their mission in Cap was still almost a month out test destination. When the America on an aviso, a about their their secretary, Olivier Delpech, their powers to of port, they dispatched copies of the law specifying the boat, to carry situation in city.4 fast messenger back a report on the political a situation difLe Cap and to bring 12, Delpech found When the aviso arrived on September had been led to expect. Chastened and ferent from what the commissioners defeat at Les Platons in early August Blanchelande's catastrophic in Cap Français on August by that had taken place was necessary to by the near-disaster authorities were ready to do whatever of 4, 1792; the white the law April 13-14, that they accepted the who, they convince the commissioners the arrival of troops they wanted at all costs to facilitate the slave to uprising. would finally put an end the commissioners' arrival, hoped, than threatening to obstruct an elaborate welcoming Rather immediately announced and the whites in Le Cap Assembly, the Provincial. Assembly before ceremony for them. The Colonial to meet the commissioners' all sent delegations the Municipality Raimond, in AN, DXXV 13, unsigned but probably by, Julien Couleur et liberté, 44 Letter of June 29, Council 1792, of Peace and Union, see Yvan while Debbasch, they were waiting to sail, d. 120. On Another the letter sent to the commissioners them that if they went to Saint-Marc, to 215, 221. former printer in Cap Français, warned to issue their proclamations. Mozard from they would a not have access to a printing D press XXV 13, d. 120. June 18, 1792, in AN, 1792, from Sonthonax, Polverel, Ailhaud, a commissioners, Cambis, August 23, 45 Instruction to captain in AN, D XXV 13, d. I20. and Desparbès, September 14 and 15, 1792. : 46 Moniteur général, a a 221. former printer in Cap Français, warned to issue their proclamations. Mozard from they would a not have access to a printing D press XXV 13, d. 120. June 18, 1792, in AN, 1792, from Sonthonax, Polverel, Ailhaud, a commissioners, Cambis, August 23, 45 Instruction to captain in AN, D XXV 13, d. I20. and Desparbès, September 14 and 15, 1792. : 46 Moniteur général, a a --- Page 119 --- IO2 You Are All Free they landed. The city authorities decreed that when arrived, all businesses would close for the the commissioners would line the quays. The three local day. The local National Guard political deputations to greet the new arrivals and lead assemblies would send where the members of the assemblies them to the city's church, would be done to convince the would await them.47 Everything of a loyal and patriotic commissioners that they were in the midst The commissioners citizenry, ready to obey the national will. ent harmony, they needed understood that in order to maintain this had to give the colonists the apparnot arrived with hidden intentions, assurance that they this direction by the veteran white They were strongly urged in who would later become agitator, one of their leading enemies. Larcheveqque-Thiband, In Larchevesqse-Thibaud had publicly denounced April 1792, but he now managed to persuade the the free men of color, law of April 4, 1792,18 commissioners that he favored the had warned their Representatives of the white colonists in Paris ticular, colleagues in Saint-Domingue that was a dangerous abolitionist. Sonthonax, in parboth spoke to the crowd in the church Sonthonax and Polverel, therefore, unequivocally on the day of their arrival promised to maintain slavery. and colonial We declare that assemblies, once they are. only the right to pronounce on the condition .constitutionally of the formed, have the ery is necessary for the slaves. We declare that slavSonthonax announced, agriculture and the prosperity of the $ "It was not the moment to colonies," opinion about the go into my ing why he had been emancipation of the blacks, >> he said in 1795, private willing to make such a explainsome political writings, Ihad statement. "It is true that, in cipation of the slaves, but the expressed opinions favorable to the emanthe conduct of a public official opinion ofa private person is one thing, something else. P50 responsible for carrying out the law is Having pledged to uphold the slave ers found themselves system, the Jacobin commissionnists. P.J. Raboteau, plunged into the alien political world of the colopresident of the Colonial harangue repeating the colonists' catechism Assembly, delivered a long blacks were better off on the on the subject of slavery: the the maintenance of the plantations than they had been in Africa, stricted system required that the masters authority over their slaves, and the French have unreconstitution explicitly 47 Moniteur général, September IS, 1792. 49 Lanchevesque-Thibaud Moniteur général, to Leborgne, September 17, 1792, in AN, D XXV 5o Débats entre les September 2I, 1792. 80, d. 784. accusateurs et les accusés dans l'affaire des colonies, 6: 372. : the the maintenance of the plantations than they had been in Africa, stricted system required that the masters authority over their slaves, and the French have unreconstitution explicitly 47 Moniteur général, September IS, 1792. 49 Lanchevesque-Thibaud Moniteur général, to Leborgne, September 17, 1792, in AN, D XXV 5o Débats entre les September 2I, 1792. 80, d. 784. accusateurs et les accusés dans l'affaire des colonies, 6: 372. --- Page 120 --- - Colonists IO3 French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue slavery to the discretion of the colonists. Jeft all regulations concerning that the commissioners intended to He referred openly to the rumors then "you cannot do less, free the slaves, saying that if that was the case, and homithe most striking injustice with a ferocious without combining these slaves back to the place where your cidal barbarism, than to send of the provincial assembly European brothers got them." The president of the destruction followed Raboteau's speech with a grim description he assured the commiscaused by the slave insurrection. Nevertheless, unfortunate slaves, seduced, sioners, "You will soon recognize that our the blind revolt masters they cherish, are only armed, made to against the Revolution and of France manipulate instruments that the enemies of these diaP5I The commissioners made no protest against as they please. immediately in the Moniteur gnéral. tribes, which were both published insurrection would have broken out Ifhe had said anything critical, "an the into the mission then and there," > Sonthonax testified at hearings Guillaume Castaing, who that the Convention ordered in 1795.5 Charles of color in the fall of as one of the leaders of the free men had emerged role at the time of the troubles 1791 and who had played an important his group's hope in August 1792, also spoke at the ceremony, expressing a would implement the law of April 4, 1792; that the commissioners about slavery.:9 plantation owner himself, he said nothing unequivocal endorseThe arrival of the troops and the commissioners' the whites. regarding slavery raised hopes among ment of the status quo of the marquis de Gallifet's properOn September 25, 1792, the manager for funds SO that he could ties near Le Cap wrote to his employer asking The Commission their plantations back in operation.4 begin putting for less than two weeks when news arrived had been in Saint-Domingue and the Constitution of 1791 had been from France that the monarchy Jacobins had often denounced overthrown. Although the metropolitan royalist sentiments, many of the whites in the colony for their supposed as any of the "executive power" the colonists were as rabidly suspicious of regime in France did not metropolitan revolutionary, and the change commissioners were quick to alter the situation in Cap Français. The had confirmed their powers publicize the fact that the French legislature SI Moniteur général, September 22, 1792. dans l'affaire des colonies, 6: 372. Sa Débats entre les accusateurs et les accusés In addition to Castaing and the presidents of 53 Moniteur général, September 24, 1792. and the town's curé also gave short : the two assemblies, the mayor of Cap Français : speeches. September 25, 1792, in AN, I07 AP 128 (Gallifet papers). I 54 Mossut to Gallifet, a fact that the French legislature SI Moniteur général, September 22, 1792. dans l'affaire des colonies, 6: 372. Sa Débats entre les accusateurs et les accusés In addition to Castaing and the presidents of 53 Moniteur général, September 24, 1792. and the town's curé also gave short : the two assemblies, the mayor of Cap Français : speeches. September 25, 1792, in AN, I07 AP 128 (Gallifet papers). I 54 Mossut to Gallifet, a --- Page 121 --- IO4 You Are All Free and, indeed, extended them (although, unbeknownst navy minister, Monge, had also assured the to them, the new that "the National white colonists in France Assembly had no intention ofe Negroes the edict concerning extending to the unfree liberty and equality. P)55 announcement read to the Colonial According to the retary, Delpech, "the national Assembly by the Commission's secsioners' assembly has converted the civil power to give orders into a dictatorial commisdoubt decided was needed for the power, which it has no the events of August regeneration of the colony. "56 While tion of the IO, 1792 in France and the subsequent Republic in September 1792 did not alter proclamawhite population in Le Cap, had the opinions of the they a powerful insurgents in the nearby mountains. If their impact on the black turn against their king, the black leaders white enemies were going to ruler's favor. saw an opportunity to the Biassou, one of the two main black gain loyalty to the deposed monarch, "Louis leaders, reaffrmed his rior," and even assumed the title of XVI, king of France, our supefor the orders of the viceroy, saying that he was king, our master, and I "waiting to uphold his rights. "57 hope with the aid oft the Lord The commissioners' first attempt to use their however. Knowing that the strength of their powers decisively failed, ish once the soldiers army would quickly diminbegan to contract the attacked Europeans diseases that invariably arriving in the the launch an immediate offensive country, Commission tried to against the black tary resources were unexpectedly insurgents. Their miliwhen an additional augmented at the end of September 3,000 troops commanded Vimeur de Rochambeau arrived in by general D. M. J. force had been destined to reinforce Saint-Domingue. Rochambeau's of Martinique, but royalist metropolitan control of the colony ing. On October opposition there had kept them from land5, 1792, the Moniteur général volunteers for the imminent "general printed an appeal for son not to attack. The assault"; "There is no more reagovernment has been we suspected are no longer in command. renewed; the officials who patriotic and regular The town will be guarded by and troops, by public officials and by the everyone understands that we need to older men, conquer our homes!" Instead, 55 AN, D XXV 76, entry for August 25, 1792. met with Danton, who "showed the Three days later, the white colonists Domingue." greatest interest in the misfortunes of Saint56 Moniteur général, October 3, 1792 (Colonial Assembly, appointed as October - firm their navy minister after August IO, 1792, wrote to the 2.). Gaspard Monge, 57 Biassou, letters appointments of on August 25, 1792. AN, D XXV II, d. commissioners to conAugust 24, 1792 and December 18, 1792, in AN, IO3. D XXV 5, d.48. the white colonists Domingue." greatest interest in the misfortunes of Saint56 Moniteur général, October 3, 1792 (Colonial Assembly, appointed as October - firm their navy minister after August IO, 1792, wrote to the 2.). Gaspard Monge, 57 Biassou, letters appointments of on August 25, 1792. AN, D XXV II, d. commissioners to conAugust 24, 1792 and December 18, 1792, in AN, IO3. D XXV 5, d.48. --- Page 122 --- Colonists IO5 French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue and General Desparbès, who nothing happened: the commissioners accused each other of being was supposed to command the campaign, the troops in motion.s unwilling to take the responsibility for setting about his plans for putFour weeks after he had written optimistically Mossut was Gallifet back in operation, the manager ting the plantations soldiers <fall sick by the hundreds and in despair. The newly arrived from the soil of the colony new will disappear even die : : these troops For the shame of the human species, we without having been ofany use. and personal hatreds."9 are occupied with nothing except vengeances the commissioners found Rather than taking the war to the insurgents, itself. with political conflicts in Cap Français themselves preoccupied and the troops gave the white politiThe arrival of the commissioners win their against cal leaders in Cap Français the opportunity to officials struggle and, above their local enemies, the remaining royal colonial The day after officers of the permanent garrison. all, the commanding presented the commisthey set foot on shore, the Colonial Assembly their principal bête sioners with its accusations against Blanchelande, his resignation; the noire.so Blanchelande had, in any case, submitted concluinterrogated him and decided that there was no commissioners intentions, but decided that sive evidence of his counterrevolutionary the raised against him forces us to regard prolonga- "the general cry for public order. 961 They tion of his stay in Le Cap as very dangerous himself over to the National ordered him to take ship for France and turn their demand for the Assembly. Once the commissioners had accepted their camthe local white "patriots" stepped up ouster of Blanchelande, enemies. "You cannot bring about the paign against the rest of their by expelling, by putting triumph of the party of the revolution except blade of the laws the chiefs of the opposing party," under the avenging Larchevesque-Thibaud wrote to them. and Desparbès to commissioners, September 27, 1792, both se Commissioners to Desparbès Sonthonax, 50; draft report of commissioners, n.d., in in AN, D XXV 4, d. 32; Stein, final version, October 2.2, 1792, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 35. AN, D XXV 13, d. 125, and AP 128. 59 Letter of October 22, 1792, in AN, I07 initial list of charges on September 21, the 60 AN, D XXV 47, d.444.After submitting *Mémoire" an attacking Blanchelande on September Assembly forwarded a voluminous of the commissioners nevertheless 25, 1792. Suspicious as they were Blanchelande, with any actual evidence that *is both concluded that the colonists had not come up allow one to conclude with certainty that sufficiently serious and sufficiently proved that to have agitated and continue to agitate the he deliberately stirred up the troubles letter of September 30, 1792. colony." AN, D XXV 47, d. 444bis, 61 AN, D XXV 47, d.. 444bis. September 30, 1792, in AN, D XXV 73, 6s Larchevesque-Thibaud to commissioners, d.731. with any actual evidence that *is both concluded that the colonists had not come up allow one to conclude with certainty that sufficiently serious and sufficiently proved that to have agitated and continue to agitate the he deliberately stirred up the troubles letter of September 30, 1792. colony." AN, D XXV 47, d. 444bis, 61 AN, D XXV 47, d.. 444bis. September 30, 1792, in AN, D XXV 73, 6s Larchevesque-Thibaud to commissioners, d.731. --- Page 123 --- IO6 You Are All Free In early October, the commissioners, solved the all-white Colonial following theiri instructions, dismember Interim Assembly and replaced it with a twelveby the former Colonial Commission, composed of six white members selected civil commissioners Assembly and six free men of color chosen by the commissioners' themselves. This procedure had been foreseen in the cile the instructions; they justified it as "the to necessity of having a representative only way reconinterests of a people body for the colony with the political which, at war with its slaves, has no discussions." P63 The free colored time to waste on ers of that group, including Pierre members were established leadas a spokesman for the Pinchinat, Castaing, who had men of color in Le Cap in emerged Boisrond, whose nephew, November 1791, Louis drafting the Haitian constitution Boisrond-Tonnerre, is usually credited with François. 64 In the of 1804, and Julien Raimond's 1793, white colonists would brother, ers' "arbitrary" choice of members make the commissiontheir major accusations to the Interim Commission one of there against Sonthonax and were few protests about the Polverel, but at the time, Raboteau, who had matter. The white members included harangued the defend slavery at the ceremonies commissioners about the need to prominent "patriot" fire eaters from welcoming them, and several other to create a governing body with the Colonial Assembly; the decision had the approval of white leaders representatives of the free men of color worked closely with the such as Larcheveagque-Thibaud, who mission.6s The white colonists' commissioners during the first weeks of their up on their success in attention was still focused on using the commissioners following against Blanchelande by demanding.a to avenge themselves Facing the loss broader purge of their enemies. which was the dterestemeitummeladn dissolved on October 12, 1792, the ColonialAssembly, followed the model of municipal revolutions self-proclaimed patriots ofthe Paris uprising of August in metropolitan France and des Amis de la Convention IO, 1792 by organizing a club, the Société on October nationale, which held its first I5, 1792. The club announced that it would open meeting "work to shape 63 Proclamation of October I2, 1792, Le Cap, in papers. CAOM, F 197, Moreau de 64 A letter published in the. Patriote Saint-Méry (a free black), François Raimond françois listed them as Pinchinat, Letter from Cap (a brother of Julien Raimond) and Castaing, Latortue 65 Extrait des registres Français, de l'Assemblée November 5, 1792, in Patriote françois, January Boisrond-Daquin. 9, d. 892; coloniale, October 13, 1792, in 1793. D XXV Larchevesque-Thibaud to the civil AN, D XXV, II2, 73, d.7 728. commissioners, October 12, 1792, in AN, from Cap (a brother of Julien Raimond) and Castaing, Latortue 65 Extrait des registres Français, de l'Assemblée November 5, 1792, in Patriote françois, January Boisrond-Daquin. 9, d. 892; coloniale, October 13, 1792, in 1793. D XXV Larchevesque-Thibaud to the civil AN, D XXV, II2, 73, d.7 728. commissioners, October 12, 1792, in AN, --- Page 124 --- Colonists I07 and Saint-Domingue French Jacobins it of this aristocratic madspirit in the colony, and to purge it "keep a close eye the public . 99 and that would of the ness, innate in Saint-Domingue still be aimed at the happiness plots that may members of on all the perfidious in the club included not only leading revolucolony." 66 Participants but also some of the ardently the colonial "patriot" movement, whom it must have looked like the revosoldiers from France, to from the metropole, and sailors tionary clubs they were familiar with arrived French soldiers lutionary in the harbor. As the newly receptive from the warships diseases, they were particularly to tropical of poibegan to succumb counterrevolutionary conspirators a club accusing the politique, to propaganda drink.5 In the pages of Journal soning their food and Colonel Cambefort complained pubhostile to the club, the newly arrived local newspaper agitators' efforts to influence licly about the "patriot" the club's troops. 68 from the 16th dragoons spoke at a Timmeunt-odlandlaeesust and soldiers from his unit provoked inaugural meeting on October 15, accused officers from the regiment crisis the next day when they publicly of having insulted the new garrison troops, to keep the du Cap, the city's permanent Sonthonax had to rush to the scene violence; republican constitution. units from escalating into open confrontation between the two both units to stage a public reconhe succeeded in getting soldiers from familiar from French revolutionary ciliation at the club.s In a scenario In deficlub became a virtual countergovernment, list of "names politics, the rapidly the club circulated a printed ance of the commissioners, demanded their arrest and deportation of traitors to the country" and Cambefort, and over a hundred France. The list included Desparbès, to into a mass meeting, other turned Tenumtemnerolatonateve suspected club's session of October 17, 1792 free men of color comThe the appearance of a battalion of at the time of the highlighted by of the leaders of the group manded by Cairou, one their support for the protest against August events, who announced with the group to give the commissioners Cambefort. Sonthonax pleaded October 16, 1792. nationale (Cap Français: Parent, 66 Moniteur général, des amis de la Convention 67 Mémoire de AN, la D Société XXV II2, d. 892. October 9, 1792. 1792), in civil in Journal politique, 16 oct. 1792," in CAOM, 68 Cambefort to commissioners, October I7, 1792; "Suite du supplément, 69 Moniteur Moreau général, de Saint-Méry papers. in CAOM, F 3 197, Moreau de Saint- - a F3 197, patriotes," printed by Baillio, 70 "Avis aux citoyens Méry papers. I , la D Société XXV II2, d. 892. October 9, 1792. 1792), in civil in Journal politique, 16 oct. 1792," in CAOM, 68 Cambefort to commissioners, October I7, 1792; "Suite du supplément, 69 Moniteur Moreau général, de Saint-Méry papers. in CAOM, F 3 197, Moreau de Saint- - a F3 197, patriotes," printed by Baillio, 70 "Avis aux citoyens Méry papers. I --- Page 125 --- I08 You Are All Free time to consider their demands, but the Moniteur on the October 18, club members had général reported that own hands, renouncing their nearly taken matters into their leagues only because the intention to seize Cambefort and his colthe Place d'Armes night was too dark for them to see. "All echoed with shouts," Moreau de night, spondent reported.z: On the morning of October Saint-Méry's correwas sounded throughout the city, and 19, the general alarm of whites but also of some of the town's a large crowd, made up not only bled at the Place d'Armes. As armed free men of color, assemfrom the harbor they would on June 20, came ashore and offered their 1793, "the sailors gered brothers," the club's official services to their endanrefused the crowd's demand account claimed.72 General Desparbès that he hand over battalion of the Aisne, one of the units from Cambefort, but the 3rd tion, disobeyed Desparbès and joined the Martinique expedidragoons. The civil commissioners the crowd, along with the 16th the demand for the decided that they needed to yield to deportation of Cambefort in violence. They sent orders to the order to avoid further an escort to enforce the deportation governor general, Desparbès, to prepare that he report to them order, and to Cambefort, SO that they could insisting tion.73 Desparbès refused put him under their to obey and protechis unit's barracks, them, Cambefort took refuge in several protected by loyal soldiers. The furious cannon from the city arsenal and crowd seized racks. At this point, the mounted prepared to attack the barNational coats, tried to drive the crowd Guards, wearing their yellow the Government out of the Place Montarcher in House. Yellow was the color front of the leader of the of the prince of Condé, angry crowd reacted counterevolationary by émigré army in Germany, and the his men.74 massacring the unit's commander and several of With great effort, Sonthonax, Laveaux, and the other units managed to defuse the soldiers from some of casualties.s Cambefort and the crisis, although there were several themselves be officers loyal to him finally put onto a ship that would carry them back agreed to let to France. The 71 Moniteur général, October 20, 1792; "Suite du F3 197, Moreau de supplément, 16 oct. 72 Mémoire de la société Saint-Méry papers. 1792,"in CAOM, d. 892. des amis de la Convention nationale, in AN, D XXV 73 Draft report of II2, 74 Moniteur universel commissioners, n.d., in AN, D XXV 13, d. 125. 1792). (Paris), December 19, 1792 (letter from Le Cap, October 75 The marquis de Gallifet's 21, Mossut to Gallifet, October correspondent 22, 1792, in AN, Mossut claimed seven people were killed. I07 AP 128. papers. 1792,"in CAOM, d. 892. des amis de la Convention nationale, in AN, D XXV 73 Draft report of II2, 74 Moniteur universel commissioners, n.d., in AN, D XXV 13, d. 125. 1792). (Paris), December 19, 1792 (letter from Le Cap, October 75 The marquis de Gallifet's 21, Mossut to Gallifet, October correspondent 22, 1792, in AN, Mossut claimed seven people were killed. I07 AP 128. --- Page 126 --- French Jacobins and Saint-Domingse Colonists Moniteur général, which had IO9 nent, crowed over the enchusiastically supported the port, surrounded spectacle of the club moveary anthem. by a crowd singing the royalist officers marching to the harbor, the Cambefort remembered the ça ira, the French revolutionthe waterfront, the "atrocious" scene shouts, the insults the battery were filled with armed bitterly: "the chests, the demand that threats, the muskets men; the cries, been brought they surrender their pointed at the officers' Horty.' >9 At the along, finally seven or eight arms, the cannon that had the members following day's club thousand men to take slaves on "a triumph that meeting, its president away in rebellion, since assures you the congratulated xors, their suppliers. "76 you have taken away their quick defeat of the club radicals' The commissioners guides, their navy point of view. In a draft of were not far from protecdescribing the events, a letter to the sharing the the government officials they asserted that "the minister of the claimed that without and the rebellious connivance between and the measures taken slaves was obvious" correspondents of on the October and white Coblentz and 19, "the friends 19 October standard," the symbol of the Martinique were going to raise was for the royalist the metropole, they colony what the journée movement. of *The journée of control of the wrote.77 They were aware IO August was for the members city to the club, but that they had to end their meetings, they claimed to have practically lost dangerous in a country since "these outbursts persuaded the The events of with slavery." 78 of liberty could be rid themselves of October 19, 1792 also allowed the offensive against Desparbès, the slave whom they blamed for commissioners to to deport Cambefort. insurgents and for refusing to take the return to The elderly general disobeying their orders mander France; the agreed to his of the Commission appointed resign post and later, the same troops meant for Rochambeau, in the comRochambeau would Martinique, his Ten Napoleon to reinstate take command of place. years for his cruelty in slavery in the colony and would the forces sent by as a staunch fighting the blacks. In 1792, become notorious to have abolitionist supporter of the new republican however, he was regarded emancipate the slaves sympathies. "I foresaw that regime, who even claimed repent for having she was then fighting France would one day given legal cover in the New against, and that she would World to 76 Moniteur massacres of 77 Draft report général, of October 20, 21, 1792; 78 Civil fcommissioners, n.d., in Cambefort, D Mémoire Commisioners to Minister of the Navy, AN, XXV 13, d. 125. justificatif, 36. October 26, 1792, in AN, CC9 A, 7. who even claimed repent for having she was then fighting France would one day given legal cover in the New against, and that she would World to 76 Moniteur massacres of 77 Draft report général, of October 20, 21, 1792; 78 Civil fcommissioners, n.d., in Cambefort, D Mémoire Commisioners to Minister of the Navy, AN, XXV 13, d. 125. justificatif, 36. October 26, 1792, in AN, CC9 A, 7. --- Page 127 --- IIO You Are All Free those who claimed the benefit of the take principles that >> up arms in Europe," he had made the French have an energetic wrote.79 The commissioners, relieved to republican officer they could count ministerin France that "his first on, assured the will show successes . : against the rebellious you that if he is supported by the will slaves war won't last long. P80 good of the citizens, the The news of the commissioners' first Domingue impressed their accomplishments in SaintRaimond, who principal supporter in France, congratulated Sonthonax on "the Julien carried out in Le Cap. What! miracles that you have dine between you have gotten Larchevesque two black men and he didn't Thibaud to miracle, I don't know how eat them up; if that it not a Paris to describe one." Even the were "singing the praises" of the white colonists in hated royalist officials. The commissioners for deporting the Commission fulfilled appointment of the racially mixed Interim ral Raimond's dreams; as he "it thing to see animals of the same wrote, is a natuthey are of different species live together even though colors, but the the minds of the problem was to open the eyes and colonists, and that it what you have Raimond could see, there was done." As far as need to do is to get the slaves only more task to carry out: "All we still one has had the idea of to return to order. How can it be that no and a proclamation that I think would salutary effect? One does much have a great armed more harm in men, than if one would promise them granting freedom to work and the that they could it practice of virtues. "8I gain by With the crisis in Cap Français tary situation in the North seemingly resolved and with the miliProvince apparently in commissioners decided that the time had good hands, the three rest of the colony. Their instructions come to pay attention to the had rate if they felt the need to do and given them permission to sepaAilhaud SO, on October 29, 1792, Polverel departed to extend the Commission's and South Provinces,": authority to the West and and Sonthonax was left alone to face to deal with the North Province's the club movement other pressing problems. Their 79 D. M. J. Vimeur de Library. This Rochambeau, "Sur les Antilles," ms. after the manuscript is undated but seems to have been written Ruggles in 410, the Newberry sion emancipation decree of 1794, when mid-1790s, to the Caribbean. Rochambeau was sent on a 80 Draft second mis81 Raimond report of commissioners, h.d., in AN, D XXV to Sonthonax, December I3, d. 125. Sonthonax's letter of 21, 1792, in AN, D XXV 16, d. 158, November 8, 1792. responding to Sonthonax, report to Convention, n.d., in AN, D XXV 4, d. 4I. 1794, when mid-1790s, to the Caribbean. Rochambeau was sent on a 80 Draft second mis81 Raimond report of commissioners, h.d., in AN, D XXV to Sonthonax, December I3, d. 125. Sonthonax's letter of 21, 1792, in AN, D XXV 16, d. 158, November 8, 1792. responding to Sonthonax, report to Convention, n.d., in AN, D XXV 4, d. 4I. --- Page 128 --- French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists III success on October 19, 1792 had for power. "Should only whetted the club you allow a small leaders' appetite jobs, driven by the desire for number ofa ambitious men, without vengeance, to designate victims appointments, or blinded by hatred and asked the members in and mislead the an open letter on people?" Sonthonax was ignored.*s "Every crazy October 31, 1792, but his imagine, thing the human appeal every atrocity that fanaticism spirit in delirium could spectacle that the city of Le Cap could inspire, that was the awful club, one colonist later offered" under the wrote.4 domination of the Tension remained high in the the crew of the Eole visited city; on November II, a had been the club to complain that delegation from impugned by civilians, and there their patriotism might open fire on the town.8s Violence were rumors that the warship 14, when whites attacked a broke out again on November Rochambeau after the group of prisoners sent back to the eastern tip of the North capture of the town of city by Province. The Ouanaminthe, at the ers, and the Moniteur général dead included two white deserteditorializing that "soldiers, came close to excusing the who had marched under furious no doubt at the massacre, the same flag with thought that men enough to join slave them had been of their brothers, brigands, and to stain their hands barbarous could not restrain with the blood Rochambeau reacted sharply. The themselves, but Sonthonax and attempt to assure the slaves that incident undermined Rochambeau's rendered, and it renewed they would not be punished if by the club, Sonthonax's fear that the they surhad was gaining control of the 86 white mob, egged on become embroiled in a city. Meanwhile, Sonthonax of his effort to dispute with his colleague Polverel perate need for impose an emergency tax to meet the because the Colonial money. The measure had actually been government's desInterim Assembly before its dissolution and proposed by Commission, 87 but Polverel then endorsed by the authority to take such action and questioned both the tributions. He the wisdom of to Commission's preferred to try to raise money in his trying compel conregion by appealing 33 Moniteur général, 84 Dalmas, November I, 1792. 8; Moniteur Révolution général, de Satnt-Doningue, 64-5. 86 Moniteur général, November November 14, 1792. tion of Sonthonax), IS, 1792 (report of 87 Pouget, letter to November 17 (proclamation of killings), November 16 (proclamacommissioners, Rochambeau). desregistres del la September 13, 1792, in AN, D XXV no. 3 (November Commsuneisrethared 7, 1792), in AN, D de la partie française de 4, d.4r; Extrait XXV 63, d. 639. Saint-Domingue, 1792. tion of Sonthonax), IS, 1792 (report of 87 Pouget, letter to November 17 (proclamation of killings), November 16 (proclamacommissioners, Rochambeau). desregistres del la September 13, 1792, in AN, D XXV no. 3 (November Commsuneisrethared 7, 1792), in AN, D de la partie française de 4, d.4r; Extrait XXV 63, d. 639. Saint-Domingue, --- Page 129 --- II2 You Are All Free for voluntary donations. Sonthonax state of responded irritably, "In the things, one can't take the time to debate present act, we must save the colony, and this is the principles, we must The argument between the only means left to us. 88 two men, which soon became major distraction for Sonthonax and public, was a his authority. undermined his effort to impose At the end of November, Sonthonax and direct confrontation with the Amis de la Rochambeau came into apparent harmony between white Convention Nationale. The that had prevailed in October "patriots" and the free men of color had now dissolved. The free pressed Sonthonax to show that the law of men of color ing by appointing some of them April 4, 1792 had real mean- "Since as officers in their lack of education and predominantly white units. the citizens of color from civil deep knowledge naturally excluded tary jobs for which positions, it was just to let them have milithey are well suited, 92 the free in their account of events in the fall of colored leaders wrote acceptance of the law of April 1792.89 Despite their ostensible these demands. The 4, 1792, many of the city's whites rejected brother prominent Philadelphia merchant wrote to him complaining that "the Stephen Girard's class of the m's [mulattoes] criminal, execrable and low above occupies a position on the level my class, which represents its benefactors. 990 with, or club, there were angry charges that Within the Le Cap Sonthonax and favoring the men of color and their Rochambeau were to military and own supporters for appointments government posts. Étienne the I6th Laveaux, the commander dragoons, came under attack for his defense of of 4 and his public promise that the the law of April unit would next vacant officer's go to a man of color.9: position in his white opponents of the law Sonthonax, for his part, charged that diers copies of a forged were stirring up trouble by showing the solConvention decree that forbade appointment of free colored men as officers in white supposedly the ing them to resist the integration of the units and encouragofficer corps.92 88 Sonthonax to Polverel and 89 "Les citoyens de couleur et Ailhaud, nègres libres November de la 21, 1792, in AN, D XXV I2, d. IIO. Convention nationale," " February partie française de à la Saint-Domingue, Jean Girard to Stephen Girard, 20, 1793, in AN, D XXV IIO, p. 18. of Impure Lava': Saint-Dominguan November 1792, cited in Ashli White, "A Flood (Ph. D. diss., Columbia Refugees in the United States, 91 Letter of Gervais, University, 2003), 31. 179I-1820," 92 Copies of Sonthonax's January "Rélation 29, 1793, in AN,D XXV 80, d. 782. 4,5, 6, 7, et 8. X.bre 1792" are in officielle AN, D XXV des événemens arrivés au Cap les x.er, 2, 3, used the.version in D XXV 5. 5, d.. 43, and D XXV 12, d. III. Ihave ervais, University, 2003), 31. 179I-1820," 92 Copies of Sonthonax's January "Rélation 29, 1793, in AN,D XXV 80, d. 782. 4,5, 6, 7, et 8. X.bre 1792" are in officielle AN, D XXV des événemens arrivés au Cap les x.er, 2, 3, used the.version in D XXV 5. 5, d.. 43, and D XXV 12, d. III. Ihave --- Page 130 --- French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists II3 On December I, 1792, Sonthonax decided the moment had for a showdown. He banned a communal assembly come day and forbade further announced for that any meetings of the Amis de la Nationale. On December 2, 1792, the régiment du Cap, whose Convention said that they would not accept the men had appointment of an officer of race, were ordered to assemble on the Champ de Mars to take mixed to obey the law of April 4, 1792. The unit's an oath of many," >9 a white chronicler "resistance had the support recalled, while "the most violent resentment" against the recalcitrant mulattoes-showed the soldiers.93 To against any disturbances, Sonthonax also summoned both white guard free colored National Guards to the Champ de Mars. The white and Guards never responded, leaving several hundred armed National from the Sixth Battalion men of color confronting the soldiers from the who continued to defy Sonthonax's commands.4 Cap regiment, News ofthe standoff on the Champ de Mars set off out the city. Rumors exaggerated the number of agitation throughinvolved. One witness free men of color saw Louis Verneuil, one of Sonthonax's nents from the club, in the streets telling people "that if all the oppowere like him, the civil commissioner would citizens that this was the soon be on board a ship, only way to restore calm, adding that he was a (ic), a philanthropist, that if he hadn't been paid off by the Jacobite he wouldn't be SO keen on enforcing the so-called Iaw.' "95 men of color, the white crowd neared the Champ de At 2 P.M., as the Mars, a bizarre incident tense standoff between the troops there. A man shattered entered the square and carrying a large sack approached the free colored National Guards. Stopped by several whites, he said that he was just bringing the some bread; they had been standing in formation since soldiers The whites claimed, however, that under the biscuits in early morning. cartridges, proof that the free colored his sack were the unarmed soldiers from the troops were preparing to fire on Cap regiment.96 News of the incident spread rapidly, and white activists sounded the call to arms throughout the town. Verneuil immediately ing a crowd of whites to the arsenal, was seen leadcrying "I'm to ons for you, and we're going to march going get weapagainst the mulattoes and the 9 Laplace,Histoire des desastres de 94 "Rapport fait au comité des colonies, Saint-Domingue, 249. pp. 49ff. par Guadet," II fri. III, in AN, D XVI 3, M Deposition of Antoine Balley, December 96 Sonthonax, "Relation 8, 1792, in AN, D XXV 14, d. 127. officielle," in AN, D XXV S, d. 43. we're going to march going get weapagainst the mulattoes and the 9 Laplace,Histoire des desastres de 94 "Rapport fait au comité des colonies, Saint-Domingue, 249. pp. 49ff. par Guadet," II fri. III, in AN, D XVI 3, M Deposition of Antoine Balley, December 96 Sonthonax, "Relation 8, 1792, in AN, D XXV 14, d. 127. officielle," in AN, D XXV S, d. 43. --- Page 131 --- II4 You Are All Free civil commissioner. "97 The whites took rifles headed toward the barracks behind and several cannon and the leadership in the the Government House. While Verneuil, a planter and movement member seems to have come from figures like also joined the assault. Several of the Colonial Assembly, petits blancs a merchant's clerk named witnesses testified that they had heard against the national civil Perier utter "the most incendiary things idea was to bring on the commissioner, saying loudly that his only general to whip up the white citizens' emancipation of the slaves, and tive of the nation and hatred and rage against the trying whites against the citizens of representawould do as he did, the entire color, adding that if all the be wiped out. #98 The caste of mulattoes would soon broken out. long-feared race war inside the city had finally As the white crowd chaos. "We saw a column approached, of the Champ de Mars exploded into and bringing up a cannon. We furious men, led by a man on horseback, the brave Laveaux, commander were indignant and saddened to learn that outraged, of the province had been mistreated, and had been attacked, Sonthonax wrote. Soldiers from the exposed to the greatest dangers," while the free colored National Cap regiment joined the attackers, their Guards of the Sixth weapons. Sonthonax Battalion prepared moment, shots rang out, followed appealed to them not to open fire, but at that of the Sixth Battalion by a round from a cannon. The him. surrounded the Civil Commissioner men "Iescaped by a miracle from two to protect musket fire," Sonthonax told his cannonballs and some sustained fatalities in the square, and other colleagues. There were a half dozen most of the deaths, killings elsewhere in the town, with white side; other witnesses according to Sonthonax's report, occurring on the men of the Sixth Battalion gave higher estimates. IOO Outnumbered, the retreated city to the village ofHaut du through the southern part of the town from the black Cap, which guarded the main road into the make contact with "the insurgents. From that position, they could plain that leads to the principal easily camps of the 97 Deposition of Pierre 98 Deposition of Jacques Gignoux, Contois, December 7, 1792, in AN, D XXV 14, d. 127. Chateau-Briant and Généviève François Renaud, Benjamin Courroy, d. 127. Voyart, December II, 1792, in Cathérine 99 Sonthonax AN, D XXV 14, Ioo Sonthonax, to "Relation Polverel and Ailhaud, December 8, 1792, in AN,D XXV December officielle," in AN, D XXV d. 12, d. III. François I3, 1792, in AN, I07 AP 128 (12 white 5, deaths 43; Mossut to Gallifet, Raimond, letter of December and I2 men of color); 1793 (6 men of color and more than 18, 1792, in Patriote françois, 30 whites). February IO, oo Sonthonax, to "Relation Polverel and Ailhaud, December 8, 1792, in AN,D XXV December officielle," in AN, D XXV d. 12, d. III. François I3, 1792, in AN, I07 AP 128 (12 white 5, deaths 43; Mossut to Gallifet, Raimond, letter of December and I2 men of color); 1793 (6 men of color and more than 18, 1792, in Patriote françois, 30 whites). February IO, --- Page 132 --- French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists brigands," >9 as one account of the IIS let the black insurgents events noted: if they chose, "This invade Le Cap. IOI they could encampment and the action of state of war that spread fear the whites threw the city into report. Some ofthe white among the citizens,' 9 Sonthonax a to get their wives citizens blamed him for the wrote in his and children to crisis; othershastened demanded an all-out assault safety on ships in the harbor. excite the on the Sixth Battalion: Agitators troops, they did "They continued to they even recruited everything to keep them in a some sailors, state of revolt, Sonthonax everything breathed himselfwas at a loss: Three fury and war.' S102 that he even offered to resign his admittedly hostile accounts claim the situation."s Sonthonax post and let the local authorities handle Rochambeau reported that was too ill to provide throughout the crisis, General himself asserted that "I succeeded any leadership, although Rochambeau and effort" in calming by force of determination, the things down. A strong lungs, next day and a half prevented drenching rainstorm that lasted for The key figure in further fighting. 104 the leaders of the free resolving the crisis was Pierre Council of men of color from the West Pinchinat, one of Peace and Union in Province and of the to the Interim Commission. Saint-Marc, whom Sonthonax had named them accused him of being "the Detested by many of the whites - one of the crisis - but soul of the conspiracy" that oracle of his recognized even by his opponents as "the had caused caste" and as guide and the talent to speak and write possessing "intelligence, with >9 education, even the by the Interim Commission skill," Pinchinat headed a of the Sixth Battalion and the municipality to try to delegation sent into giving their talk the men ing to the town. IOS He had difficulty up fortified position and returncalming the men down: Many of jor Letter from Cap téraire, par le Citoyen Français, March 6, 1793, in Indicateur papers, F 3 197. Petit, no. I, May II, 1793, in politique, mercantile et lit102 Sonthonax, CAOM, Moreau de : "Relation Saint-Méry Ag Letter of Gervais, January officielle," in AN, D XXV S, d. 43. Dufresne, "Considérations 29, 1793, in AN, D XXV 80, d. 782; particulièrement sur celle de politiques sur la Révolution des colonies Guillaume Thomas Ms. n.a.f.. 4372, 18I; Saint-Domingue," françaises mais de4 Sonthonax, "Relation Laplace, Histoire des desastres Bibliotheque de nationale de France, Antilles," in Newberry officielle," in AN, D XXV S, d. Saint-Domingue, 43; 250. March 6, 1793, in Library, Ms. Ruggles 410, p. 64; letter Rochambeau, "Sur les papers, F3 197; Mossut Indicateur, no. I, May II, 1793,in from Cap Français, to CAOM, Moreau "Rapport," s in AN, D Gallifet, December I3, 1792, in AN, de Saint-Méry P G. F. Mahé [de] XVI3. I07 AP 128; Guadet, Domingue, jusqu'à Corméré, "Précis des faits relatifs à la l'epoque du ier avril 1793. Et malheureuse colonie de Ste. historique fidèle des evenemens de II, 1793,in from Cap Français, to CAOM, Moreau "Rapport," s in AN, D Gallifet, December I3, 1792, in AN, de Saint-Méry P G. F. Mahé [de] XVI3. I07 AP 128; Guadet, Domingue, jusqu'à Corméré, "Précis des faits relatifs à la l'epoque du ier avril 1793. Et malheureuse colonie de Ste. historique fidèle des evenemens de --- Page 133 --- II6 You Are All Free them were determined to exact revenge for what unjustified attack on them and their they saw as the whites' their legal rights. After two days of persistent refusal to acknowledge an agreement, but when the talks, Pinchinat finally worked out men of the unit on the morning of December began to return to the city "brothers" from the S, 1792, they were met by some of town who warned them that the their plotting to massacre them. They whites were still du Cap, determined to fortify "immediately went back up to Haut and cursing this barbarous themselves there more strongly than ever town from which one cannot humanity, or good faith, or justice, 99 Sonthonax expect either Sonthonax, for his wrote.' 106 white part, was making frantic efforts to population. He attempted to establish pacify the en masse that the National a local version of the levée announcing that all males Convention would impose in France in between the 1793, would be summoned to ages of sixteen and the help defend the town. that fifty-five explosive atmosphere in the city reflected Recognizing part of by the loss of revenue from the an economic crisis caused on plantations, he unpaid rents. In order to "put to rest proclaimed a moratorium spread about our principles, 9> he and . : the uneasiness that was being ocal pledges they had made earlier Rochambeau repeated the unequivment was printed and to defend slavery; Sonthonax's statewhite posted on walls around the city. colonist, he also initially threatened According to one soldiers who had left the to declare the free colored return city "traitors to the to their posts. I07 The deadlock country" if they did not December 5, 1792. After was finally broken on the night of placate the whites, dithering for several days and then to the Sonthonax decided on a decisive seeking arrest of four men - Verneuil, stroke: he ordered Charles Jean Baillio, - Gervais whom he had identified Claude Fournier, and makers. as the They were seized leading white troublethe by some of the loyal night and hustled aboard a troops in the middle of given orders to set sail ship in the harbor whose was as quickly as possible for captain On the same night, the black France. Battalion at Haut du insurgents tested the resolve of the Cap, "imagining, 5> as Sonthonax Sixth wrote, "that they sa perte & ruine absolue, depuis le Ier avril 14, d. 127; Dalmas, Révolution de jusqu'au 29 juillet " in 2: 1793," AN, D XXV Sonthonax, "Relation officielle,' 99 Saint-Domingue, 4-5. 107 Proclamation of December in AN, D XXV 5, d.43. May 1793, in Georges Bruley, 4, ed., 1792, Les in Antilles AN, D XXV 5, d.. 44; C.-D Duny, letter of 18 la correspondance inédite de pendantla Révolution française, à Touzs le 22 juillet 1758 (Paris: César-Dominique. Editions Duny, consul de France à Curaçao, d'après né Caraibéennes, 1989 (orig. 1890)), 41. .43. May 1793, in Georges Bruley, 4, ed., 1792, Les in Antilles AN, D XXV 5, d.. 44; C.-D Duny, letter of 18 la correspondance inédite de pendantla Révolution française, à Touzs le 22 juillet 1758 (Paris: César-Dominique. Editions Duny, consul de France à Curaçao, d'après né Caraibéennes, 1989 (orig. 1890)), 41. --- Page 134 --- French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists would not meet any resistance II7 tunity to be from men to whom they revenged on their offered an to try to win them over. The enemies. They even used several women oppor- - horror, and, régénérés rejected these forgetting their propositions with assaulted them and vigorously grievances, they protected those who had of firing caused panicin the resisted the brigands' attacks." 99 The sound the city, and that these town, but "when they learned who shown that men were as generous as had saved they deserved their they were brave and had the whites finally rights and justified the law of "The citizens of color accepted the agreement worked out 4 April," of the saw only the general by Pinchinat,s rest of the welfare and the "which earned colony 2 Julien Raimond's conservation them the thanks of the colonial brother François wrote, constituted authorities." "109 The armed commission and ofa all the the town and were greeted by men of color marched back into rejected petitions from the Sonthonax and other officials. Sonthonax pardon the four men arrested municipality and the Interim the Commission to purge the Cap regiment of its previous day, and he was now able The journée of December most intransigent soldiers as well. to Français in just four months, 2, 1792, the third major crisis in catastrophe of June was in many ways a dress Cap 20, 1793. It revealed the rehearsal for the developed between the city's whites and depth of the hatred that had start of the Revolution, and the the free men of color since the violence to defend themselves. The willingness of both groups to resort to had already made this clear, but the clashes on August I3 and I4, more serious, involving fighting on December 2 was much 1792 By occupying the strategic organized military units and the use of showed that they position at Haut du Cap, the free cannon. the black were prepared to threaten to men ofcolor insurgents, thus raising the open the city's to The outcome of the crisis stakes in the conflict to their gates limit. destroy the city or to turn it showed, over however, that their goal was not their own rights within it. At the to the insurgents, but rather to secure to 1792 demonstrated that the same time, the journée of December of staging a violent city's white civilian 2, color in riot, but not population was capable a showdown. The free capable of defeating the free men of town's whites were not. men of color were trained about their families Furthermore, the whites were soldiers; the and their property, and distracted by fears many were ready to flee the 1o8 Sonthonax, "Relation s 109 François Raimond, letter officielle, of in AN, D XXV 5, d. 43. 1793. December r8, 1792, in Patriote françois, February IO, color in riot, but not population was capable a showdown. The free capable of defeating the free men of town's whites were not. men of color were trained about their families Furthermore, the whites were soldiers; the and their property, and distracted by fears many were ready to flee the 1o8 Sonthonax, "Relation s 109 François Raimond, letter officielle, of in AN, D XXV 5, d. 43. 1793. December r8, 1792, in Patriote françois, February IO, --- Page 135 --- You Are All Free I18 color had nowhere else to go. the free population of but none colony, IIO whereas regiment had joined the riot, white soldiers from the Cap against their comSome units in the town had revolted success. A group of the other military rouse the sailors had little on manders, and the effort to de Mars during the fighting did drag a cannon to the Champ their ships; Admiral Cambis ofthem but most remained on their >III December 2, 1792, calm; the crews stayed at posts.' himwrote that *the harbor was Sonthonax did not exactly distinguish Even by his own account, crisis. Although he was well aware self in dealing with the December the outbreak, he probuilding up in the days preceding the du Cap of the agitation with the soldiers of régiment It took confrontation the town. voked a public to prevent trouble in things under without making preparations he took any firm action to bring was three full days before and for the city, that Pinchinat control. It was fortunate for him, in his group from escalating in and prevent the hotheads of color, eager to able to step and other leaders of the free men in a campaign the crisis. Pinchinat alliance with Sonthonax, collaborated a more consolidate their in the December events; they gave did." In to exalt Sonthonax's courage than the commissioner himself heroic account of his conduct would be at the other end of the colony, and June 1793, however, Pinchinat the whites in the South Province, against of color to take overseeing a campaign figure among the free men the fact that there would be no equivalent Sonthonax also benefitted from national his place in Cap Français. who could claim to represent the not there was no rival on the scene role in the crisis, Rochambeau did Whatever his actual government. contest his authority. between the journée ofl December 2, 1792 The most striking difference was the absence of any involvement free and that of June 20, 1793, however, Neither the whites nor the of the slaves of Cap Français. Sonthonax on the part to rouse them. In June 1793, people of fcolor made any attempt freedom in exchange for military support, would offer the slaves their repeated his oath to defend slavery. but in December 1792, he instead the men of the Sixth Battalion their retreat to Haut du Cap, of the city, with During the Petite Guinée neighborhood had to pass through December 13, 1792, in AN, 107 AP the 128. of the National IIO Mossut to Gallifet, sailors at the Champ de Mars, see deposition XXV 4, d.3 38; for the state III For the role of the Lachaise, December 7, 1792, in AN, D d. 521. Guard commander ship's journal, in AN, D XXV 54, and Pinchinlat), letter of of the harbor, Cambis, letter of December 18, 1792, 1793. 112 François Raimond, in Patriote françois, February IO, December.8, 1792, IIO Mossut to Gallifet, sailors at the Champ de Mars, see deposition XXV 4, d.3 38; for the state III For the role of the Lachaise, December 7, 1792, in AN, D d. 521. Guard commander ship's journal, in AN, D XXV 54, and Pinchinlat), letter of of the harbor, Cambis, letter of December 18, 1792, 1793. 112 François Raimond, in Patriote françois, February IO, December.8, 1792, --- Page 136 --- French Jacobins and Saint-Domingue Colonists its dense black II9 appeal for population, but there is no mention of support. The whites certainly their making any marquis de Gallifet's feared the slaves - Mossut, the the town were terrified correspondent, of told him that the white women in for sixteen months have "perishing at the hands of their Fis seen their fellows in slaves who very happy"s - but on this a condition that they think the numerous accounts of these occasion, their fears were unfounded. In Thave found events preserved in the only one reference to French archives, claimed that when a few sailors involvement by a slave: one witness to join the fighting, they had agreed to try to rally their drum,"4 The inertia of a black beat out the comrades the city's slave general alarm on a demonstrated that they were not, population on December 2, 1792 the whites, waiting contrary to the fear often their impatiently for the first expressed by masters; it also indicates that opportunity to turn against free population of color to see the they were no more eager than the offered the hope of a tangible city destroyed. Only when intervene in the struggle benefit - their freedom - would they the were Français. between the two groups of free slaves people in Cap Although he had nearly been on December 2, 1792, Sonthonax overwhelmed by the whites' wild assault political strategy. Already after the emerged from the crisis with a new ten to Monge that "it is a journée of October 19, he had writthat there is a single white strange in the error that prevails in Europe to believe the free citizens of color. PIIS In the colony who is sincerely the friend of his fury at the whites wake of the December explode. They events, he let politan revolution, he wrote to might use the rhetoric of the metro- "A few intriguers, Paris, but they were consumed with complete tion in ambition, have carried hypocrites. Saint-Domingue to put themselves out a revolupeople and constitution, they have in power : They have talked an ignorant multitude to follow formed assemblies, they have same time, they have them, they claim to be gotten broken with patriots : At the they have fought to the last ditch France, they have fought against her, covered the earth with human against the rights of free men, they maintain the blood in the interest have most absurd of of their pride and to this report to Brissot, Sonthonax aristocracies PII6 Forwarding a of added that the only way of copy restoring 113 Mossut to Gallifer, Z14 Deposition of Jacques December 13, 1792, in AN, I07 AP 128. *15 Letter of October Contois, in AN, D XXV 14, d. XI6 Sonthonax, "Relation 26, 1792, in AN, CC9 A7. 127. officielle," in AN, D. XXV 5, d. 43. to this report to Brissot, Sonthonax aristocracies PII6 Forwarding a of added that the only way of copy restoring 113 Mossut to Gallifer, Z14 Deposition of Jacques December 13, 1792, in AN, I07 AP 128. *15 Letter of October Contois, in AN, D XXV 14, d. XI6 Sonthonax, "Relation 26, 1792, in AN, CC9 A7. 127. officielle," in AN, D. XXV 5, d. 43. --- Page 137 --- I20 You Are All Free peace to the colony was "a the slaves." > It was no good law that will they were SO vulnerable use sending more white ameliorate the fate of of color, French to tropical diseases, but troops, he insisted, since himself principles will "united with the SO openly because the triumph." 117 Sonthonax men the weakness of the white December events had also could express their bluster, the whites "patrior" movement in shown him the free men of had shrunk from an all-out Cap Français. Despire the face of the slave color, knowing that it would leave them confrontation with toothless protests against insurrection, and they had limited defenseless in From the December Sonthonax's arrest of their leaders. themselves to nial whites, although they events, Sonthonax drew the lesson safely be treated were incorrigibly that the colopolicy toward as a negligible factor in local hostile to the Republic, could them their them would be one ofharsh politics. His subscquent the French powerlessness to oppose him. confrontation, meant to show vinced troops - after the of For support, he that none of them purge the Cap counted.on national would defy the regiment, he was congovernment - lawful as Raimond and Brissot and, above all, on the free representative men of the the free men of color had promised before the of color. Just French policy. Sonthonax had proved to be the only reliable commissioners left, December 2, and their was convinced that they had saved supporters of by Pinchinat and to defend willingness to accept the his life on the compromise strated, in his eyes, that city against an worked out whereas the whites they sincerely wanted insurgent his attack demonan unswerving were trying to sabotage it. He mission to succeed, alliance with the "citizens of was now committed to 4 April." 117 Sonthonax to Brissot, 195. January 4, 1793, in Dorigny, ed., Leger-Félicité Sonthonax, convinced that they had saved supporters of by Pinchinat and to defend willingness to accept the his life on the compromise strated, in his eyes, that city against an worked out whereas the whites they sincerely wanted insurgent his attack demonan unswerving were trying to sabotage it. He mission to succeed, alliance with the "citizens of was now committed to 4 April." 117 Sonthonax to Brissot, 195. January 4, 1793, in Dorigny, ed., Leger-Félicité Sonthonax, --- Page 138 --- Creating Revolutionary Government in the Tropics I The crisis of December 1793 in 2, 1792 foreshadowed the many respects, but for the journée of June 20, intense agitation in Cap Français that moment, it ended the period of Sonthonax now realized that he had begun in the summer of tion from the white did not need to worry about 1792. by the city's slaves. population of Cap Français, or about an opposiDespite Sonthonax's uprising whites in his report to the blanket condemnation of the fact, divided. Some of Convention, he had seen that they in city's séneschal them, such as Guillaume Henry were, and cousin of the prominent Vergniaud, the Vergniaud, actually sided with him and Girondin deputy Pierre his actions. Others, even if they distrusted provided essential support for demagogic agitation that had led to the Sonthonax, also opposed the Gallifet plantation manager, violence on December 2. The club firebrands for Mossut, an avowed royalist, denounced the makes them antagonizing the free men of color, "whose indispensable and whose interests situation According to Mossut, many whites are the same [as ours)." 99 colony as quickly as possible, and those simply wanted to get away from the pared to accept any who could not leave were their properties. government that could restore order and preprotect By late February, when he decided to leave problems in the West Province, Cap Français to deal with porters in the city whom he Sonthonax had built a base of trusted to keep him informed about sup- the Letter from Le Cap, 2 Mossut to Gallifet, November 5, 1792, in Patriote Moniteur général, December I3, 1792, in AN, I07. françois, AP 128. January 9, 1793. February 27, 1793. I2I that could restore order and preprotect By late February, when he decided to leave problems in the West Province, Cap Français to deal with porters in the city whom he Sonthonax had built a base of trusted to keep him informed about sup- the Letter from Le Cap, 2 Mossut to Gallifet, November 5, 1792, in Patriote Moniteur général, December I3, 1792, in AN, I07. françois, AP 128. January 9, 1793. February 27, 1793. I2I --- Page 139 --- I22 You Are All Free situation there. The most important of these allies military leaders of the free men of color. were the political and Pinchinat was evident in the Sonthonax's respect for Pierre about the crisis in December. report he sent to the National Convention Even before had established himself as the main Sonthonax's arrival, Pinchinat throughout the colony; figure among the free men of color commissioner, he had his although he was willing to work with the civil cerned with affairs in the own ideas about policy, and he was more conWest and South of color had created their Provinces, where the free men own autonomous Français. In early February, Pinchinat movements, than with Cap colored strongholds in the West departed for a tour of the free before its destruction.1 Province; he would not return to Le Cap Sonthonax was closer personally to Charles referred to by a well-informed white Guillaume Castaing, "ame damnée, 2> his most trusted colonist as the commissioner's who owned a substantial advisor.s In November 1790, Castaing, Grande plantation in the Sainte-Rose Rivière, had been compelled to make parish near demnation of Ogé's rebellion in front a humiliating public connevertheless of the whites of his managed to avoid being accused of parish. He plot, even though Ogé had visited complicity in Ogé's when he returned from France.7 Castaing's mother's house in Le Cap the leaders of the city's free Castaing was recognized as one of addressed the Colonial men of color by November 1791, when he less obsequious Assembly on behalf of his group, this time in terms; he spoke for them again at the coming the commissioners in September ceremonies welto Sonthonax after the latter 1792. The letters that he wrote set out for the West give a sense of the Province in early 1793 and Sonthonax. relationship that had developed between In one ofthem, Castaing Castaing I do more than that, I adore like exclaimed, "Ilove you; It think In a subsequent you a lover who idolizes his letter, he told the rabidly anticlerical mistress." "my mother has had masses said for Sonthonax that your health and your triumphs," Moniteur général, 3 Laplace, Histoire des February désastres 9, 1793. de Benzaken, "Documents inédits sur Saint-Domingue, la famille 296n. On Castaing, see Société Archéologique de Tarn-et-Garonne Castaing de Saint-Domingue," 3 Bulletin Jean-Charles de la Noir des Castaing, ou l'insolite ascension d'une 129 famille (2004), 8I-86, and Eric Noel, "Le Sang siècles)," Bulletin du Centre d'histoire des des isles (milieu XVIIle-fin XIXe Castaing, speech of November espaces atlantiques 7 Ogé, interrogation, 2, 1790, cited in Benzaken, "Documents (1995), I7I-82. Castaing was the uncle January of his 20, 1791, in AN, D XXV 58, d. 574. According inédits," 83. to Garrigus for sharing with me his collaborator, Chavannes. I would like to thank Ogé, transcript of the Ogé interrogation. John milieu XVIIle-fin XIXe Castaing, speech of November espaces atlantiques 7 Ogé, interrogation, 2, 1790, cited in Benzaken, "Documents (1995), I7I-82. Castaing was the uncle January of his 20, 1791, in AN, D XXV 58, d. 574. According inédits," 83. to Garrigus for sharing with me his collaborator, Chavannes. I would like to thank Ogé, transcript of the Ogé interrogation. John --- Page 140 --- Government Creating Revolationary mixed-race mistress from Sonthonax's he also passed along greetings of color in Le Eugénie." the other leaders of the free men the Whereas Castaing and with strong roots in the colony, were solidly established figures inner circle tended to occupy Cap who became part of Sonthonax's Louis Dufay, who would deliver whites positions in its society. National Convention to pass more marginal would persuade the French born in Paris and the speech that slavery on February 4, 1794, was the American its decree abolishing after serving in the French forces during off as an aristocame to the colony had passed himself He reportedly to which he acquired propwar ofindependence. marriage, thanks When he crat and made a favorable where he may have known Castaing. him for having erty in Grande Rivière, white colonists denounced before arrived in France in 1794, wife and his mistress in the years its scandalously abused both his refused to accept him as his parish had supposedly behavior? Vergniaud, who, the Revolution; because of his immoral leading up to the military commander role in the events would play a crucial Le without a position like Dufay, had "vegetated at Cap secretary crisis of June 20, 1793, according to the civil commissioners' attention and without resources," He may have attracted Sonthonax's Girondin colJean-Baptiste Picquenard. the same as that of Brissot's because his family name was seneschal in the fall of 1792, "his patriAppointed as the city's fortune for himself. He was soon league. consisted in making a quick numerous domestics and a otism furnished apartment, with himself another of living in a richly to Picquenard, who was sumptuous table," according attached himself to the commisioners." mésfigures who entourage were the marginal who became part of Sonthonax's Other whites ofthem, the future Saint-Domingue alliés married to womenofcolortwo Garnot and the army captain, deputy, Pierre Nicolas Convention in AN, D XXV 16, d. 158. letters of March 7 and May Marie 4, 1793, Eugénie Bléigeat, the free colCastaing to Sonthonax, mentioned in this letter is probably killed in the 1791 uprising, and whom The "Eugénie" white colonist who had been ored widow married of a in 1796. Stein, Sonthonax, 129. of Barré St. Venant, in AN, F 7 4685, Sonthonax of Dufay, IO plu. II, and testimony 233n. 9 Interrogation Histoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue, mess. II, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 794. d. Dufay, and to Prieur de la Marne, 13 would try to insist that he 10 Lettér of Picquenard return to France in 1794, Vergniaud of Vergniaud, n.d., in AN, Arrested after his famous Girondin orator. Letter in Jean-Baptiste wasnot related to the see Chris Bongie, "Introduction," Chris Bongie, ed. DXXV78, d. 766. On Picquenard, de Zoflora et de documents inédits, Picquenard, Adonis suivi 2006), ix-xiii. (Paris: L'Harmattan, Lettér of Picquenard return to France in 1794, Vergniaud of Vergniaud, n.d., in AN, Arrested after his famous Girondin orator. Letter in Jean-Baptiste wasnot related to the see Chris Bongie, "Introduction," Chris Bongie, ed. DXXV78, d. 766. On Picquenard, de Zoflora et de documents inédits, Picquenard, Adonis suivi 2006), ix-xiii. (Paris: L'Harmattan, --- Page 141 --- You Are All Free Pierre Charles Sonthonax's Robquin, were married to sisters of white Castaing," While of whites and free supporters were clearly willing to accept the men of color, there is no equality had supported the abolition of indication that any of them fortunes to those of Sonthonax slavery prior to 1793. They had tied their reasons. Given the for personal, rather than hostility he encountered ideological, members oft the white population, among the more established on the few allies he could Sonthonax had little choice but to trust, but his rely most of the other white colonists closeness to men who despised accentuated his and were despised by them in return tendency to regard all the other whites as Keeping Cap Français under control had been enemies. occupation since his arrival in Sonthonax's main prehis departure in late February Saint-Domingue in September 1792; until confident that his allies 1793, he had hardly left the city. would keep order Now, in the West. Although Le there, he set off to join Polverel missioners' Cap was not at the center of the civil comis essential preoccupations during the next to understand their actions in this three-and-a-half months, it the origins of the crisis that period in order to grasp them to make their historic exploded in the city on June 20, which led that Sonthonax appeal to the slaves. It was this and Polverel first during period black population, which confronted the issue of slavery and the the conflicts they had initially put aside while they dealt arising from their efforts to with 1792. Faced with a new crisis in the form implement the law of April 4, and Spain, the two men were also ofimpending war with Britain sion of what the driven to establish their own verrepublicans in France would government. >> soon label Abandoning any idea of "revolutionary chosen by local citizens, the creating functioning institutions name of the French nation commissioners created a dictatorship in the recruited and did not hesitate to use largely from the free men of military force, May 1793, they had disarmed color, to impose their authority. By population in most regions and any taken potential opposition among the white prevent any further spread of the slave measures that they thought would to be able to turn their full attention insurrection; they then expected itself against threats from the British to preparing the colony to defend Domingo. in Jamaica and the Just as the commissioners Spanish in Santo for war, however, they found their were completing their preparations intervention on the part of the plans jeopardized by an unexpected governor for the metropole. The arrival of a new colony, sent to's 'strengthen republican military authority, instead XI Noel, "Le sang noir des Castaing," 173. that they thought would to be able to turn their full attention insurrection; they then expected itself against threats from the British to preparing the colony to defend Domingo. in Jamaica and the Just as the commissioners Spanish in Santo for war, however, they found their were completing their preparations intervention on the part of the plans jeopardized by an unexpected governor for the metropole. The arrival of a new colony, sent to's 'strengthen republican military authority, instead XI Noel, "Le sang noir des Castaing," 173. --- Page 142 --- Creating Revolautionary Government revealed how unstable the Français situation Sonthonax really was. had left behind in Once the events of December Cap the white agitators in Le 2, 1792 had shown him the his control of the Cap, Sonthonax moved weakness of city. On December decisively to consolidate denouncing the reluctance ofthe 16, 1792, he issued a ony. Ignoring white whites to take up arms to proclamation the creation protests that the law of April defend the coldecreed the ofinstitutions limited to members of 4, 1792 had outlawed creation of military "free a single racial sively of free men of companies," > to be group, he he could color, thus an composed excludepend. 12 Polverel creating armed force on whose high-handed protested against loyalty the measures, but Sonthonax Sonthonax's policies being followed in France replied that they were increasingly in line "to make a horde of white itself, and argued that it with colony to a civil war between brigands take flight, rather than was better end with the the two colors, which would to expose the about the annihilation of ours. P13 sooner or later tax he had announced Alrhough his dispute with Sonthonax was convinced in November was still Polverel measures he decided that the situation justified dragging on, the levy would be collected were necessary, On December 22, whatever he emergency the other in the North Province, announced that tion of the commissioners agreed." By this time, regardless of whether Republic in France on September news of the proclamaDomingue, encouraging 22, 1792 had reached On December 30, 1792, he Sonthonax to take an even more militant Saintpeople is free, France is announced that "the throne is tone. tutionalized now. a Republic, One and overturned, the authorities are Indivisible, all the part of the French provisionally instiempire. "IS As in maintained, the colonies are a required to take an oath to the France, all soldiers and At the new regime. officials were beginning of and deportation of several January 1793, Sonthonax ordered Raboteau and more prominent white the arrest Assembly before Daugy, both of whom had been "patriots," including its dissolution, and presidents of the Colonial Larchereique-Thiband, the former 12 Sonthonax, proclamation of 1792. December 16, in 1792, Moniteur Sonthonax to général, December 14 Sonthonax, Polverel, December 23, 1792, in D 17, 1792. Sonthonax proclamation of December 22, 1792, AN, in XXV 12, d. IIX. D XXV 5, justified his action in a letter to Moniteur général, 15 Sonthonax, d.46. Delpech, January 8, December 1793, in 22, 1792. proclamation of December 31, 1792, in AN, Moniteur général, December 31, général, December 14 Sonthonax, Polverel, December 23, 1792, in D 17, 1792. Sonthonax proclamation of December 22, 1792, AN, in XXV 12, d. IIX. D XXV 5, justified his action in a letter to Moniteur général, 15 Sonthonax, d.46. Delpech, January 8, December 1793, in 22, 1792. proclamation of December 31, 1792, in AN, Moniteur général, December 31, --- Page 143 --- You Are All Free had at first whom the commissioners' deputy to the National Assembly, measure had the desired effect ofintimially. His the regarded as a political embarkments continue, the other whites. *The nocturnal are afraid to sleepin dating torn from their beds, and many one zealous patriots are Meanwhile, Louis Boisrond, s9 one of them wrote. own their homes," Interim Commission, proudly reported of the free men of color on the free [the free colored miliRaimond that "it was the companies out the arrests." A month to Julien had created] who carried of color as army tia that Sonthonax to appoint a few free men of color earlier, Sonthonax's attempt when he sent armed men officers had set off a bloody riot; now, there was no resistance. The white political figures, at this evidence of to arrest leading colored movement were ecstatic leaders of the free from the French government's representa- in the backing they now enjoyed rare even in a period awash in a degree of hyperbole like a god." tive. Indulging wrote that "Sonthonax behaved overstatement, Boisrond sides of the Atlantic, Larchevesque-Thibaud Well known on both purges, even thoughrhe target of Sonthonax's of his frequent was the most prominent fellow colonists because often distrusted by his own him was who had earlier appointed changes of political position. Sonthonax, him at length as an positions, now denounced and to several local political from the mother country" advocate of "revolt and ofindependence himself with a horde of assasthat che constantly surrounded P17 On arrival in claimed of his vengeances." sins, the executors and accomplices able to show that he had supported was and to comFrance, Larchevesque-rhubaud Interim Commission of the mixed-race His presence the appointment by a man he "truly loved." plain that he had been betrayed against Sonthonax and Polverel in Paris would galvanize the campaign himself as a patriot who had <been where he presented one of the firmin the capital, the vote of his fellow citizens chosen seven times by where it has encountered of the Revolution in a country simpliest supporters than in France," 18 but his deportation obstacles greater perhaps in Saint-Domingue considerably. problems fied the commissioner's Louis Les Antilles pendant la Révolution, 38; C.-D. in Bruley, ed., in Patriote françois, 16 Letter of Duny, letter to Raimond, January 9, 1793, Boiron (sic-Boistond), For Sonthonax's earlier February 25, 1793. 18, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 45him as the civil17 Proclamation of January as a political ally and to appoint November 4, 1792,in attempt to use tarctensqse-muteats see Sonthonax to Ailhaud, ian overseer ofthe navyinstallations, 14, 1793, in AN, D XXV 12, d. IIO. ministre," $ from Rochefort, February 18 Larcheresque-Thibaults to "Citoyen AN, CC9A 8. 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 45him as the civil17 Proclamation of January as a political ally and to appoint November 4, 1792,in attempt to use tarctensqse-muteats see Sonthonax to Ailhaud, ian overseer ofthe navyinstallations, 14, 1793, in AN, D XXV 12, d. IIO. ministre," $ from Rochefort, February 18 Larcheresque-Thibaults to "Citoyen AN, CC9A 8. --- Page 144 --- Creating Revolationary Government No longer concerned turned his attention about another crisis in a year and a half, to dealing with the black the city, Sonthonax now After November the former slaves had kept insurrection. For almost effort to drive 1791, Governor Cap Français under there them out of the Blanchelande had decided siege. was a substantial northern plain would have that any black rebels had been infusion of troops from to wait until embryonic able to build up fortified France. As a result, the principal leaders society of their own. camps and create an who had emerged Jean-François in and Biassou, the Boukman, the original chief of the fall of 179I after two held territory between the insurrection, had the death of end of the them, with divided the blackVice province in the town of Jean-François, based at the Admiral or Grand eastern R was Ouanaminthe, in the Admiral, while assuming the title of called valley of the Grande Rivière Biassou, whose himself Governor south of the headquarters other - in late August General, The two leaders did northern plain, plaining about 1792, Jean-François wrote not trust each avoided Biassou's intrigues to the Spanish open conflict,s against him - but comers who Loosely subordinate in general, commanded particular to them were they Toussaint de Bréda, the towns Or lesser leadof Biassou, Biassou future black leader, regions; among them was dinates and nominally under the on a regular basis, Jean-François corresponded with orders Biassou still has the issued passes - one their suborand held occasional remnants of an official document given out by nor councils to wax seal in the Biassou, both of whom had discuss policy. Neither cornerto - rection, seem to have been able been slaves until the start Jean-François of secretaries with some to write, but they were the insurand ragged syntax in degree of literacy, even if the able to call on greater fluency and many of their letters phonetic spelling who had been clearer contrasts sharply with a free man handwriting in letters dictated the scnibes-handisork. before 1789 and who by Toussaint, The violence was able to read his rection that had characterized subsided as conditions the first months of the killings in the early of stabilized. Whites who insurheld stage the had survived the territory were insurrection and who assigned to plantations where remained in black19 Jean-François, they could be kept de Santo letter of August 26, 1792, cited in 3:: xi-xii, Domingo, 4 VS. (Santo Antonio del 10 Passport Domingo: Imprenta de Garcia Montey y Tejada, Historia AN, D XXV headed "De par le roy," (By the Hermanos, 1890-92), 20, d. 198. king], November 9, 1792, signed Biassou, in assigned to plantations where remained in black19 Jean-François, they could be kept de Santo letter of August 26, 1792, cited in 3:: xi-xii, Domingo, 4 VS. (Santo Antonio del 10 Passport Domingo: Imprenta de Garcia Montey y Tejada, Historia AN, D XXV headed "De par le roy," (By the Hermanos, 1890-92), 20, d. 198. king], November 9, 1792, signed Biassou, in --- Page 145 --- You Are All Free under surveillance, but their lives military were former slaves operations to carry out, the black usually not in danger. 21 With no This took over plantation lands population dispersed rudimentary to grow itself, as large army economy did not produce crops for themsclves. 1792, Blanchelande concentrated in one place for any enough resources to supply a North told the length of time; in Province - about commissioners that September controlled by the a third of the total 60,000 blacks in the camped in insurgents, but that no population - were in areas tially any one location.: The more than 3,000 of them supported itself by insurgent movement were 1792, a more plundering the may have ininow in the French organized economy was plantations it overran, but by archives include functioning again. missioner of war" to an order to Documents tions for some pay for cattle Jean-François's "com250 milliers of delivered to his plantations - to be credited coffee - the produce of troops and instrucmajor concern for the to his account,s Obtaining several good-sized overran the insurgents. The weapons munitions was a them, and their plantations could not have been they had seized as they the only source of sufficient to arm Spanish in Santo powder and ammunition most of Biassou could offeri in Domingo. The main resource was trade with as slaves. A letter from payment for these supplies were Jean-François and other explaining that the Jean-François to the Spanish blacks, sold not having the heart individuals concerned were justified his policy, ask to destroy "very bad you to take them out of them we appeal to people, and the benefit of the the country. We would your good heart to the 24 king and use the rather sell . army In selling their same sums to buy useful them for behaving like the black captives, the black things for with victims. rulers in Africa who leaders were of course kept the slave Much ink has been trade supplied joined the insurrection spilled over the question of French Revolution. were inspired by the whether the slaves who As we have seen, the only ideas and rhetoric of the insurrectionary of leaders that document attributed Man, the supposed "letter explicitly cites the to the of fJean-François, Declaration of the Rights Biassou and 21 Sec, for Belair" from tories until example, the testimonies of three whites in Popkin, January 1793 - the abbé de la who had lived in the Facing Racial Haye, Marie Jeanne black-held terri23 Blanchelande to Revolution, 156-68. Jouette, and Dr. d. Note ofJuly 12, commisioners, 1792 and had., in AN, D XXV 4, d. Thibal, 24 Letter 198. "Compte du café livré à M. Titus," 32. both signed by Jean-Frangois and in AN, D XXV 20, Binjamin, n.d., in AN, D XXV 20, d. 198. acial Haye, Marie Jeanne black-held terri23 Blanchelande to Revolution, 156-68. Jouette, and Dr. d. Note ofJuly 12, commisioners, 1792 and had., in AN, D XXV 4, d. Thibal, 24 Letter 198. "Compte du café livré à M. Titus," 32. both signed by Jean-Frangois and in AN, D XXV 20, Binjamin, n.d., in AN, D XXV 20, d. 198. --- Page 146 --- Creating Revolutionary Government the summer of 1792, is of dubious unquestionably emanate from the leaders authenticity. Those documents that however, that they had their of the insurrection matic, for putting themselves own reasons, both ideological and suggest, alty rather than forward as proponents of religion pragthe French. adopting the language of natural and royAs their rights willingness to barter other proclaimed by exchange for supplies indicates, the blacks to the Spanish in a consistent position against slavery. insurrectionary leaders did not take The insurgent leaders' letters and about religion and royalty than about proclamations speak much more tion of did slavery. That the black French Saint-Domingue not share the populaJacobins should hardly be a antireligious sentiments of the French colonies prior to the surprise. Both in Africa and in the tured by belief in supernatural Revolution, the blacks lived in worlds strucAfrican and Catholic beliefs and powers. Vodou, the syncretic mixture of themselves in the colony, rituals that the slaves had created for role in uniting the was central to black culture and played a religion, insurgents,s Not only did the key but, to a certain extent, the church blacks remain loyal to of the priests in the North Province remained loyal to them. Most the insurrection. The had stayed in their parishes despite a number of these clergy. insurrectionary leaders had close contacts with of the Haitian Church "Among the black insurgents," the historian tolerated but they had Alphonse Cabon wrote, "priests were not in Le Cap claimed that great he influence. "26 In 1793, the public only tion of masses had seen receipts for payments for the prosecutor requested by celebrarecords of one priest suspected Jean-François, of Biassou, and Toussaint in the relied on the abbé de la the sympathy for the uprising. 27 Biassou Haye, curé of a headquarters, to perform religious services Dondon, town close to his and even asked him to serve 25 On vodou during the revolutionary Empoissonmeurs. De Saint-Domingue à era, Haiti see Pierre Pluchon, Vaudou, Sidney Mintz and Michel-Rolph (Paris: Karthala, 1987), Sorciers, and Donald J. Cosentino, ed., Sacred Trouillot, Arts of "The Social History of Haitian 54-139, Museum of Cultural Haitian Vodou Vodou," in 26 Alphonse Cabon, History, 1995), 123-52, (Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler (1789-1860) Narwerianerontgiee d'Haiti. Dela also Laennec (Port-au-Prince: Hurbon, Petit Séminaire Collège Révolution au Concordat Laënnec Hurbon, dir., "Le clergé catholique et l'insurrection Saint-Martial, de 1933), 41. See 1791). Actes de la table L'Insurrection ronde des esclaves de Saint-Domingue," in 1997) (Paris: internationale de Saint-Domingue (22--23 aotit 17 Leclerc, "Notes Karthala, 2000), 29-39. Port-au-Prince (8 au IO décembre CAOM, bound in de Recueil Monsieur Le Clerc sur le Précis historique de M. Méry. colonies, 2e série, 36, Bibliothèque de Moreau Gros," de ms. in Saint- la table L'Insurrection ronde des esclaves de Saint-Domingue," in 1997) (Paris: internationale de Saint-Domingue (22--23 aotit 17 Leclerc, "Notes Karthala, 2000), 29-39. Port-au-Prince (8 au IO décembre CAOM, bound in de Recueil Monsieur Le Clerc sur le Précis historique de M. Méry. colonies, 2e série, 36, Bibliothèque de Moreau Gros," de ms. in Saint- --- Page 147 --- I30 You Are All Free as his speechwriter when he declared himself viceroy for the Louis XVIin December 1792; around the same time, another imprisoned eral wrote to the same priest asking him to use his influence black genthe black women in the camp that they needed to persuade to continue doing their customary work.a8 The blacks were aware of the Revolution's toward the Church, and there is little reason to doubt the hostility their conviction that in opposing the whites, sincerity of they were cause of religion. upholding the In addition to defending the Church, the black to call themselves "the king's men." In insurgents were proud August that "I have always stood up for our God and 1792,Jean-François the wrote a higher king. Like belief in power, acknowledgment of the legitimacy of value that had been shared, until kingship was a 1789, by Africans and the who brought them to the Americas. The that the by whites Louverture story future Toussaint was the son of an Arada chief or prince is not not unlikely that the true, but it is the African young Toussaint grew up listening to stories about kingdoms from which his father and other slaves had taken,0 As the African historian John Thornton has been West Africa, the source of most of shown, blacks from simply superstitious Saint-Domingue's slaves, were not worshipers of arbitrary authority. rulers They judged their according to their respect for justice and their success in maintaining order and defeating their enemies - criteria similar to those by European populations.3: Starting in 1789, if not before, the blacks applied in Saint-Domingue undoubtedly began to overhear their masters denouncing their own monarch as a "despot. >9 One ofthe signs of that according to the colonial whites, was that the king and his despotism, wanted to limit slave owners' arbitrary ministers colonial authority over their slaves. White "patriots" thus helped implant in the blacks' minds the that the king of France was on their side, a belief notion crystallized in the rumor spread that he had granted the slaves three wideon their own behalf. days a week to work The slaves' beliefin Louis XVI's sympathy for them had fact. When news of the slave revolt reached little basis in France in October king was quoted as having consoled one of his courtiers whose 1791, the properties 28 Biassou to abbé de la Haye, December 18, 1792, and December 13, 1792, in AN, D XXV d. Fayette to abbé de la Haye, 29 Cited in Monte y Tejada, Historia; 3: 5, xii. 48. 30 Pierre Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture 31 John (Paris: Fayard, 1989), 56. Thornton, "I am the Subject of the King of Haitian Revolution, 2 Journal of World History Kongo': African Ideology and the 4 (1993), 181-214. 1792, and December 13, 1792, in AN, D XXV d. Fayette to abbé de la Haye, 29 Cited in Monte y Tejada, Historia; 3: 5, xii. 48. 30 Pierre Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture 31 John (Paris: Fayard, 1989), 56. Thornton, "I am the Subject of the King of Haitian Revolution, 2 Journal of World History Kongo': African Ideology and the 4 (1993), 181-214. --- Page 148 --- Creating Revolutionary Government in I3I Saint-Domingue had been devastated the preachings of the abbé by saying, *That is the result of blacks." "32 But as far Grégoire and the other so-called as the blacks in the friends of the d ary assemblies had even less colonies could see, the revolutionhad seated deputies concern for them. The National ily representing the white Assembly - promised that no changes would be plantation owners and explicthey were proposed by the slave made to the slave system unless news of the slave uprising, the owners themselves. Confronted with had sent some 12,000 Legislative Assembly, by the fall of troops to 1792, Negroes wore the colors of the Saint-Domingue to put it down. "If the that no longer exists, it is because counterrevolution, the ifthey invoked a power were fighting them wore the civil and military authorities ed,33 The patriotic colors, 92 Colonel who Legislative Assembly's law of Cambefort assertconcession to the colony's free April 4, 1792 had been a too well, they had men of color, but, as the major a large stake in the slaves knew only declared purpose of the law was to maintenance of slavery, and the insurrection. The insurrection's strengthen the forces opposing the were some French revolutionaries leaders had undoubtedly heard that there may well have had some who were opposed to slavery, and summoned hopes for the Second they Jean-François and other leaders Commission; when Biassou 20, 1792, he may have been to a conclave on September in Cap.Français. If the black responding to news of the group's arrival Polverel were leaders understood that regarded as abolitionists, Sonthonax and appointed when they learned that the however, they must have been disuphold the slave system and two men had taken public oaths to himself viceroy in December suppress the uprising. When he proclaimed commitment to 1792, Biassou was both principles of religious and reaffirming his following the adage that the enemy of political legitimacy and also and the French revolutionaries his enemies - the white colonists The Second Commission must logically be his friend.35 leaders of the black made no effort to communicate with the ony. At the same time, insurrection during its first months in the colwere not sent into the field however, as we have seen, the French troops Biassou had feared when against the blacks, as Jean-François and been baffled: the they first landed,36 The whites continued to insurgents must have proclaim the of 3a indispensability Gazette universelle, October 33 Cambefort, Mémoire 24, I791. 34 Letter from Biassou, justificatif, pt. 3,9. 35 Letter from Biassou to September abbé 20, 1792, in AN, D XXV d. 36 Spanish memorandum de la Haye, in AN, D XXV 20, 198. of September 30, 1792, in Monte S, d. 48. y Tejada, Historia, 3: XV. claim the of 3a indispensability Gazette universelle, October 33 Cambefort, Mémoire 24, I791. 34 Letter from Biassou, justificatif, pt. 3,9. 35 Letter from Biassou to September abbé 20, 1792, in AN, D XXV d. 36 Spanish memorandum de la Haye, in AN, D XXV 20, 198. of September 30, 1792, in Monte S, d. 48. y Tejada, Historia, 3: XV. --- Page 149 --- I32 You Are All Free defeating the insurrection and of maintaining tary action; at the same time, they showed slavery, but took no milipeace. no signs of Biassou, more active than wanting to make consolidate his own Jean-François, responded by trying to government. Rather than guage of liberty used by his enemies, appropriating the lanciples of religion and monarchy. however, he appealed to the prinLouis XVI in France, Having learned of the overthrow of with Biassou had his followers proclaim him Toussaint, the future viceroy, he turned to the abbé Louverture, as his second-in-command, and who had remained in his Guillaume Silvestre de la Haye, a white priest parish during the beg you to shape my words for me SO that I insurrection, for advice. "I thank them for the confidence that can address the people and after a solemn grand they have shown in me, to be read been mass to be held for this purpose. After received, Ibeg you also to give us a law, by which I this has government that will maintain order while mean a form of the king our master, whose awaiting instructions from the Lord, until it rights I hope to support, with the of he pleases him to send us his own help wrote.37 established laws," The black insurgents' sense that the white hostile to them than the king could republicans were more major offensive that Sonthonax only have been confirmed by the Cap Français finally ordered in January 1793. The coloniale": "Allons newspaper cheered the troops on with a "Marseillaise / De cette horde enfans de PAmérique, / le jour de gloire est arrivé; had frenetique / poursuivez le reste "38 overseen preparations for the égaré Rochambeau just before the campaign, but he left operation began in order to Saint-Domingue in Martinique. Elevated to the command finally assume his post Province in his place, Étienne of the troops in the North took charge ofthe Laveaux, the leader of the I6th campaign and conducted it dragoons, La Tannerie, Grande-Rivière, brilliantly. *The camps of with sword in hand, by the brave Grand-Pré and Dondon have been taken, our troops from Europe," young men of Le Cap, united with 1793. "We have Sonthonax wrote to Polverel on January captured 18 cannon, with 22, on the heels of Biassou and he their equipment - We're probably will not escape. In a word, the 38 37 Biassou to abbé de la Haye, in AN, D XXV 5, d. "Arise, children of the fatherland, the 48. of this frenzied horde." 9 Moniteur day of glory has arrived. Pursue the remnant "Marseillaise," printed a day carlier, général, warned January the slaves IS, 1793. Another version of the clemency / Of your masters, your / that "You have worn out the their hearts: Vengeance!" benefactors, You have left only one sentiment /In 38 37 Biassou to abbé de la Haye, in AN, D XXV 5, d. "Arise, children of the fatherland, the 48. of this frenzied horde." 9 Moniteur day of glory has arrived. Pursue the remnant "Marseillaise," printed a day carlier, général, warned January the slaves IS, 1793. Another version of the clemency / Of your masters, your / that "You have worn out the their hearts: Vengeance!" benefactors, You have left only one sentiment /In --- Page 150 --- Creating Revolutionary Government operations of General Laveaux had united soldiers from are almost a miracle. "39 The made up of free men of color, France, white volunteers from Le expedition and - Guard, whose such as the 6th Cap, units men published a letter battalion of the National ing for support and praising in the Moniteur général town until he has Laveaux, who had appealseen every "sworn not to return to exterminated this horde of brigands plantation-owner. restored to his and almost the same time, Polverel who cause all our misfortunes." home, 740 Province, who had defeated reported that the insurgents in the South At been routed, "Last Blanchelande's troops in at Platons. Three Sunday, we overran all the August of 1792, had hundred of these camps the slave rebels flight and are dispersed. Some brigands were killed; the others took wandering in the woods like returned to their work teams, others Adrien de La Salle, savage beasts," 39 Polverel wrote are French adding, "One must admit that to General soldiers] have done me a bad these patriots was to grant the slaves turn, if it were true [the Polverel's liberty. 742 With the slaves that my plan the whites only concern, as he wrote to at Platons defeated, who continued to believe that Monge, was the distrust ing to abolish slavery. the commissioners were among For the black prepartion that strengthened insurgents, the French offensive was a their stinging humiliaand Jean-François hostility toward the commissioners. weakened, Biassou quarrels with each according to other - were both chased Spanish reports, by their occupied since the fall of I79I and out of the the Spanish border.4 forced to fleeinto the camps they had had built for At La Tannerie, the mountains along himself went up in "royal palace" that his position, flames; when Laveaux's forces Biassou horse," s> a white "Jean-François was lucky to escape, but he lost attacked at the participant in the his warmoment when Sonthonax campaign reported.1s In general emancipation, was about to issue his August 1793, the January Toussaint Louverture was still proclamation of wrote campaign. "You had us smoldering about to the commissioner. 46 Both pursued like ferocious beasts,' s he commissioners had clearly signaled 39 Sonthonax to 40 Moniteur général, Polverel, January 22, 1793, in AN, D. XXV 41 Polvetel to January 28, 1793. 12, d. II3. 42 Polverel to Sonthonax, La Salle,, January IS, 1793, in AN, D 43 PolveréT to January I7, 1793, in XXV 12, d. II3. Cabrera to Monge, January 22, 1793, in AN, Corre, D XXV Papiers de La Salle, 108. 5 Laplace, Histoire Casasola,, des January 28, 1793, in Monte y II, d. IOI. 46 Toussaint desastres de Tejada, Historia, 4: II-2. Louverture, letter of August Saiut-Domingue, 27, 260, 264. 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. ISII. . II3. Cabrera to Monge, January 22, 1793, in AN, Corre, D XXV Papiers de La Salle, 108. 5 Laplace, Histoire Casasola,, des January 28, 1793, in Monte y II, d. IOI. 46 Toussaint desastres de Tejada, Historia, 4: II-2. Louverture, letter of August Saiut-Domingue, 27, 260, 264. 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. ISII. --- Page 151 --- I34 You Are All Free that they took their if they assignment to defeat the armed decided to make any concessions insurgents seriously; from a position of force. The to the slaves, they would do SO Cap Français National Guard participation of the 6th battalion of the ported this policy. Morale showed that the free men of color wake of these among the whites in Le Cap soared supvictories. Large numbers of in the Rivière alone, according to one white slaves - 14,000 in Grandemissioners. Mossut, the Gallifet chronicler - submitted to the comemployer's plantations, where he manager, was able to visit two of his had set up a camp to take in slaves found the buildings intact; Sonthonax "well fed and put to light work, 47 who surrendered, where they were Buoyed by his success at Platons, Polverel paign. "Let's defeat or exterminate urged a broadened camprovinces,' >2 he told General La the insurgent slaves in the three governor general of the Salie, who had been elevated to interim Sonthonax colony after soon became less optimistic, Rochambeau's departure. could not stand up to the of however. White troops simply side. "It was rigors a prolonged campaign in the decided, on account of the number countrytents and the of the sick, the deserters, to retire without having malconalthough they were already almost subdued the brigands, Girard, a participant in the reduced to the last extremity, 99 Jean Philadelphia. In fighting, wrote to his brother a long letter to the National Stephen in explained that although Laveaux's Convention, Sonthonax entire northern plain, they had troops had indeed reclaimed the army before their been unable to destroy the own losses and a insurgent the offensive to a halt. The blacks' shortage of supplies had brought night attacks; they charge "method is to harass our camps with vigorously, a first round of firing and, when rarely try to hold a position after into the they are pursued, they mountains or the woods usually retreat them," 99 he reported.so where it is almost impossible to follow Captured documents and interviews abbé de la Haye, Biassou's with prisoners, including the ture of the black advisor, gave Sonthonax his first direct movement, "There seems to be picare resolved to die rather a considerable mass than surrender, >) he wrote, but this who was not 47 Laplace, Histoire des desastres de 48 4, 1793, in AN, I07 AP 128. Saint-Domingue, 264 ; Mossut to Gallifet, March Polverel to La Salle, 49 Jean Girard, letter of February 2, 1793, in Corre, Papiers de La 5o Sonthonax to National February 14, 1793, in APS, Girard papers, Salle, roll 9. 123. Convention, February 18, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 48. astres de 48 4, 1793, in AN, I07 AP 128. Saint-Domingue, 264 ; Mossut to Gallifet, March Polverel to La Salle, 49 Jean Girard, letter of February 2, 1793, in Corre, Papiers de La 5o Sonthonax to National February 14, 1793, in APS, Girard papers, Salle, roll 9. 123. Convention, February 18, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 48. --- Page 152 --- Government Creating Revolutionary notions of liberty had become imbued with French-style because they and natural rights: Negroes fight of the fury of a bloody cause, the believe unfortunate they are destined to Unthinking agents religion and for their king, whom they tickled by titles, deconly for their throne. Their passions stirred up, their vanity in their own hands, restore to the rod wrested from their masters and put that the barbaric orations, the iron these are the odious means them the lures of pillage and of idleness, these simple men and incite have used to mislead chiefs who dream less emissaries of despotism in their minds, if you set aside the that inspires to crime. Liberty is not slaves. It is not this noble sentiment ofl being free than of ruling over matter, like a benefit that they might they speak of it only as a secondary understand its" them; but that they desire as little as they ask for, needed to take some National Convention, Sonthonax argued, that its true The show the mass of the black population eneaction that would not with its counterrevolutionary interests lay with the Republic, Convention when to undertake a com- "I don't pretend to tell the "but ifit is not promptly mies. of the colonial regime," > he wrote, of the slaves, it plete reform is made in the condition can be modified, if no improvement misfortunes of Saint Domingue to see how the be issued on this subject is impossible decree that will the brought to an end. The salutary of April 4, 1792; it will assure will be the natural sequel to the law in the colonies." Above Convention of respect and authority of "the class that is the National reform would cement the loyalty of 4 April" all, a proper the welfare of the colony, the citizens most concerned with in a letter to the abolihis even more clearly Sonthonax laid out thoughts a few days prior to his memorandum tionist journalist, Milscent, written that he did not want any more troops the Convention. After saying to the wages to needed money pay France, although he desperately in the colony, he confrom of those who were already it's the only and medical expenses do for the slaves; "Get the Convention to something for a king whom tinued, it. These poor men fight to make them appreciate the nation dared to remind way would detest, if the representatives of for the same they the slaves in the New World are fighting not to themselves that warned Milscent pubthe French armies." >53 Sonthonax the cause as that the idea of abandoning the fight against on lish his letter: He knew would set off a firestorm of opposition slaves and abolishing slavery 18, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 48. to National Convention, February in D XXV 5, d. 48. $1 Sonthonax Convention, February 18, 1793, AN, 52 Sonthonax to National February IX, 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. I5II. 53 Sonthonax to Milscent, cause as that the idea of abandoning the fight against on lish his letter: He knew would set off a firestorm of opposition slaves and abolishing slavery 18, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 48. to National Convention, February in D XXV 5, d. 48. $1 Sonthonax Convention, February 18, 1793, AN, 52 Sonthonax to National February IX, 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. I5II. 53 Sonthonax to Milscent, --- Page 153 --- I36 You Are All Free both sides of the Atlantic. His public letter diplomatic, speaking only of to the Convention was more stressing the need to maintain "improvement" the in the slaves' situation and as Sonthonax well support of the free men of color, knew, were by no means in favor of who, Polverel, however, Sonthonax had abolition. Unlike ing the black insurrection clearly abandoned any idea of defeatby force. A genuine detestation of change of heart; another slavery was one motive for Sonthonax's was the and Spain. Although the official looming danger of war with Britain reach Saint-Domingue until late proclamation of hostilities did not ing in Le Cap by the middle of the February, rumors were already swirlunease.4 Sonthonax reacted month, driving up prices and causing ters that the quickly, long before he received the navy minister Monge had written him at letFebruary 1793 announcing the various dates in merchant shipping, dispatch of a naval squadron to urging the commissioners to protect of which you are capable, "deploy all the energy new military informing them of the of governor, a certain General appointment a ing them to "consider whether it would Galbaud, and even encouragthe insurgent slaves against the not be possible to make use of can give you useful advice Spanish. Consult those who you think the state of on this subject; consult the public spirit, let them be your guides. "55 circumstances, already decided that he and his fellow Sonthonax had to confer about the measures commissioner Polverel needed Before leaving Le Cap, he took necessary to prepare the colony's defense. black prisoners taken steps to ensure that the hundreds of marily executed in his during Laveaux's offensive would not be sumabsence. His insistence that given some kind of trial kept them alive they needed to be to preserve the possibility of and showed that he wanted rebels.s6 On some kind of accommodation with the February 2.6, he boarded the nied by a number of men from the 16th warship America, accompaWest Province, leaving Le dragoons, and set sail for the Interim Commission.7 Capin the hands of General Laveaux and the Before departing, Sonthonax forbade government from taking any political decisions the local dictator wants to keep us in the in his absence. "The same condition, and there is no longer 54 Moniteur général, February ss Monge to Sonthonax, 17, 1793. Sonthonax, February 26, February 2 and IS, 1793, in AN, D XXV II, d. S6 Moniteur général, 1793, in AN, D XXV II, d. IO2. IO3; Monge to of ventôse, An II, in February AN, D XXV IO, 1793; d. letter of Bernard Barthélemi Leclerc, znd décade 57 Moniteyr général, 81, 789, denouncing Sonthonax's February 27, 1793. policy. 1793. Sonthonax, February 26, February 2 and IS, 1793, in AN, D XXV II, d. S6 Moniteur général, 1793, in AN, D XXV II, d. IO2. IO3; Monge to of ventôse, An II, in February AN, D XXV IO, 1793; d. letter of Bernard Barthélemi Leclerc, znd décade 57 Moniteyr général, 81, 789, denouncing Sonthonax's February 27, 1793. policy. --- Page 154 --- Creating Revolationary Government any talk of his white critics Fundertaking a new campaign to finish At the complained.s off the rebels," one of moment of region was in much Sonthonax's arrival in the West his colleague Ailhaud greater had disorder than the North, Province, that ing the South Province forced Polverel to take The desertion of been able to as well as the West. Unlike on the task of managdeal with a bewildering concentrate on problems in one small Sonthonax, who had white factions mosaic of local conflicts. area, Polverel had to free men of opposed each other; in In some of them, rival color, who others, whites two men's outnumbered them in were fighting the was disagreement about Sonthonax's many rural districts. As the December temperamentally inclined to avoid tax levy had shown, 1792, at almost the confrontation when Polverel provoking violence to force same moment when he could. In ment of free colored the regiment du Sonthonax had risked integrate the officers, his colleague had Cap to accept the National appointtest the whites' Guard in the southern abandoned his effort to was resolve to resist him.s9 In city of Jacmel rather than major oversecing slave revolt the campaign against the January slave 1793, while Polverel of broke out in the plain of insurgents at Platons, a into fCniedes-Boequen the hands near. Cul-de-Sac, part of the ofa a white Port-au-Prince. Control of parish head who had led faction headed by Auguste that city itself fell in 1792 and resistance to any agreement with Borel, a violent hot2, 1792 before participated in the troubles in the free men of color military force returning to the West. Cap Français on in the Under Borel's December sistently refused region, the command, the main military commander. to obey orders from Port-au-Prince General National Guard, permenaced and Supporters of the La Salle, the even province's a virtual imprisoned. 60 By the commisioners end in the city were the hostage in of January, La troops he needed Fortau-Prince, to unable either to Salle was escape from the city. put down the gain command of desperate All through the spreading slave letters begging month of insurrection or to naval force to Polverel and February, La Salle wrote While rescue him, 61 Sonthonax to send the whites in troops and a the republican Port-au-Prince were commisioners, Pierre rejecting the authority of Pinchinat, the free colored d Anon., letter of leader 59 Proces-verbal of March 9, 1793, in AN, D 6 Declaration of Polverel's trip to XXV 80, d. 782. 61 Corre, ed., Catineau, in AN, Jacmel, D XXV December 8, 1792, in AN, D Papiers de La Salle, I14-18, 82, d. 804. XXV IS, d. 146. 145-9. rejecting the authority of Pinchinat, the free colored d Anon., letter of leader 59 Proces-verbal of March 9, 1793, in AN, D 6 Declaration of Polverel's trip to XXV 80, d. 782. 61 Corre, ed., Catineau, in AN, Jacmel, D XXV December 8, 1792, in AN, D Papiers de La Salle, I14-18, 82, d. 804. XXV IS, d. 146. 145-9. --- Page 155 --- You Are All Free Sonthonax had learned to trust during the crisis in 1792, was working to win his Le Cap in December early February, he had left group over to the republican cause. In West Province, where Cap Français for the northern part of the been many of the free colored happy to ally themselves with white plantation owners had Peace and Union, as Polverel had royalists in the Council of region the previous fall.6 complained when he had arrived in that ing to the men of color Pinchinat made a tour of the region, why he now explainas their firmest ally and regarded the republican Sonthonax the National getting them to sign a lengthy memorandum Convention excusing their earlier to and pledging their loyalty to the new support for the royalists Pinchinat wrote to French regime.6 At the same slave Sonthonax to underline the time, revolt in Cul-de-Sac and the seriousness of the new continued to resist the national necessity of bringing the whites who "The moment has come when the government's representatives to heel. use all the mandatories of the powers they have been for Republic should order and public granted the reestablishment of tranquility to silence the the colony," >> he insisted. "Ifthose dissidents who want to govern the national with bad intentions continue to authority, we are lost without resource. 64 ignore Sonthonax landed at Saint-Marc on March bling forces for an expedition 5, 1793 and began assemsouth, Polverel bypassed against Port-au-Prince. Coming from the La Salle also finally succeeded Port-au-Prince and joined his colleague; General in city and making his extricating himself from the rebellious way to the commissioners' they planned a full-scale assault on Borel and his headquarters. Together, 2I, 1793, Sonthonax issued a supporters. On March criminals" in the city to submit proclamation warning the "audacious face severe themselves to the lawful punishment. 65 To bolster their authorities or called on the free men of color in the forces, the commissioners nish volunteers for the districts around Saint-Marc to furhad forged in Cap campaign, thus tightening the alliance Sonthonax of the law and let Français. "Let us rally around the our bodies fall a representatives of our wretched enemies rather thousand times under the blows than to let the laws of the republic be 6a Polverel to National 63 "Les Citoyens de couleur Convention, et December 3, 1792, in AN, D. XXV nègres libres de la 56, duss7. Convention nationale," - February partie française de à la 20 and March 7, 1793, the document 20, 1793, in AN, D XXV IIO, 18. Saint-Domingue, Between in Saint-Marc, was signed by large numbers of February 64 Pinchinat Saint-Louis de Mirebalais, free men of color to Sonthonax, Verettes, and Petite-Rivière. 65 Sonthonax, proclamation, February March 20, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 46. 21, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 5o. 3, the document 20, 1793, in AN, D XXV IIO, 18. Saint-Domingue, Between in Saint-Marc, was signed by large numbers of February 64 Pinchinat Saint-Louis de Mirebalais, free men of color to Sonthonax, Verettes, and Petite-Rivière. 65 Sonthonax, proclamation, February March 20, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 46. 21, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 5o. --- Page 156 --- Creating Revolutionary Government treated with >> Marc contempt," an appeal from in announced. 66 Under Borel's the free men of color in Port-au-Prince influence, the Saintslaves to help build prepared to resist, ordering all municipal government the province that fortifications, and citizens to send their the "a protested to the other nation's frightening proclamation has parishes of commissioners representative; he is deceived been extorted from were implacable, however, about our intentions," municipality, "It is Polverel sternly The respect for the national indispensable, it is urgent to replied to the too long. It is precisely authority that has been treated reestablish order and we need to deal promptly because we are on the eve of a outrageously for the colony is lost. 967 with the criminals who have foreign war, that On April 5, sworn to see that board the America, 1793, the commissioners arrived off an assault, the city's blockading the harbor. In a last Port-au-Prince on sider the effect the merchants appealed to the attempt to forestall merce. "Can destruction of the commissioners to conyou be sure city would have on on the city, the merchants' that, at the moment when French comthink you will be held warehouses will be you order an attack from their responsible for the spared, and don't you colony instead looting, or their burning?" losses commerce will that of saving it, and they wrote. "You will suffer France has not suffered, under the pretext of ruin the ery, and you will avenging insults consternation." 68 The plunge her into ing unconditional commisioners ignored mourning, misequally submission to their orders, and them, demandmanded uncompromising. It took the the Borel faction by General La Salle, commisioners' 1,200 was April 12, after the city another week to arrive troops, comder, Sonthonax and government had refused a by land, but on America and a smaller Polverel ordered an attack. The summons to surrenpreparing the way for an frigate bombarded the town seventy-fourgun for "Fortunately the houses assault on the city's eight hours, are made of hastily erected damage," one inhabitant wood, SO there wasn't defenses. casualties. "You will reported, but he counted at too much a woman resident appreciate what I had to suffer least fifty civilian wrote, "hearing at every moment during the siege," 93 the AN, D XXV 48, d. whistling of the 9 Affiches 461 (n. d.). 68 Adresse américaines des (Porr-au-Prince edition), Nationaux- Civils, Négocians à de la ville du March 28, 31, April 7, F. Chaidron & Cie, bord de LAmérique Port-aw-Prince, en rade du aux citoyens 1793. forty of the city's April 8, 1793), in AN, D. XXV Port-au-Prince commissaires merchants. 5, d. 46. The address (Port-au-Princer was signed by . d.). 68 Adresse américaines des (Porr-au-Prince edition), Nationaux- Civils, Négocians à de la ville du March 28, 31, April 7, F. Chaidron & Cie, bord de LAmérique Port-aw-Prince, en rade du aux citoyens 1793. forty of the city's April 8, 1793), in AN, D. XXV Port-au-Prince commissaires merchants. 5, d. 46. The address (Port-au-Princer was signed by --- Page 157 --- You Are All Free balls that menaced our lowered was exposed to the most heads, and knowing that my husband lengths to which the immediate dangers. P69 Finally realizing the erate elements in the commissioners white were prepared to go, the more modhim and his population turned against Borel and supporters to flee the city, which forced commissioners" forces. "Four hundred was then occupied by the ened with embarcation (for citizens are in prison, and threatdent in Marseille. France]," one resident wrote to a "About two hundred fled with correspon- [Borel], and two hundred the Captain arrested whites are in hiding to avoid arrest. P70 General were put aboard ships that Most of the Français, where, in accordance with were ordered to sail to Cap large convoy was instructions received from assembling in the harbor, France, a help it evade British privateers and waiting for a naval escort to up along the Atlantic the enemy blockade that coast when the war was had been set Their assault on Port-au-Prince formally declared.: sioners had developed their showed that the two civil in metropolitan own version of what had come to be commisFrance as known same "revolutionary government." imperatives as the Driven by the and Polverel "deputics on mission" in were now ready to demand France, Sonthonax their orders, to use the military unquestioning compliance with the destruction of a city in order against their foes, and to risk arrests and to put down a rebellion. causing deportations Sonthonaxhad. carried Whereas the the affair of December out in Cap Français after Prince, the commissioners' 2, 1792 had been narrowly targeted, in Port-authough everyone recognized dragnet that swept up hundreds of suspects, even diehard the guiltiest - supporters - had fled the city. The parties Borel and his been achieved by commissioners' forging an alliance with the victory had Their leader, Pinchinat, had played region's free men of color. and Polverel to a key role in adopt a confrontational convincing Sonthonax army consisted of free colored strategy, and the bulk of their Confident of the strength of troops. these free to treat the acting forces, the commissioners also felt His failure to stand governor general La Salle as a mere up to the Borel movement before subordinate. dilatory conduct during the the crisis and his campaign had disappointed them. During 69 Rey la Rousse, née 70 Letter ofLestuges, Vaudez, April 19, 1793, in AN, D XXV 81, d. of April 24, 1793 to April David 23, 1793, letter signed "Ton frère," 790. 71 Sonthonax had Maystre in Marseille, in AN, D XXV April 24, 1793, and letter begin embargoed departures for Europe and 80, d. 783. organizing a convoy on February ordered Admiral Cambis to 1793)_This was a standard procedure, used 14, in 1793 earlier (Moniteur général, February 14, trans-Aclantic wars. , D XXV 81, d. of April 24, 1793 to April David 23, 1793, letter signed "Ton frère," 790. 71 Sonthonax had Maystre in Marseille, in AN, D XXV April 24, 1793, and letter begin embargoed departures for Europe and 80, d. 783. organizing a convoy on February ordered Admiral Cambis to 1793)_This was a standard procedure, used 14, in 1793 earlier (Moniteur général, February 14, trans-Aclantic wars. --- Page 158 --- Creating Revolutionary Government the fighting, Sonthonax I41 colored subordinates and Polverel suddenly gave one of an La Salle's free in the city, they independent command, and once they landed had been occupying. unceremoniously When took over for themselves the with his La Salle complained about their house he authority, they interference on your part that violates brusquely the informed him that "the first action Convention and the instructions relations that the decrees of the National between you and us will be the of Executive Council have established sent to answer to the National signal of your destitution, and you will be encounter with General Convention." 972 Even before their fateful clear that, in their Galbaud, Sonthonax and Polverel view, even the had made it colony owed them total obedience. highest-ranking La military official in the a letter to the minister Salle restricted himself to ary line between the Monge, asking him "to trace for me the writing boundGalbaud would authority of the civil not be SO submissive.zs commissioners and myself," The Port-au-Prince Jacmel, which had defied campaign Polverel's and the subsequent occupation of the south, left only the whites in the authority during his earlier stay in of the South Province's long Grande Anse, at the western end commissioners' authority. peninsula, in open rebellion against the to deal with the issue of the Sonthonax and Polverel now had a free slave population. After hand Port-au-Prince, the main area affected the occupation of the plain of Cul-de-Sac by an active slave broken near that city, where rebellion was out just as the commissioners the insurrection that had gencies in the northern were inflicting defeats on the plantation plain and at Platons continued. A insurmanager in the region described the letter from a confronting the slaves after three months exhaustion of the forces ally in the camps, of fighting: "We are One has to sleeping on the ground and fed as continumount up and go on badly as to attack the camps with patrol all the time . The blacks possible. badly unbelievable come armed, some have lances and audacity. Most of them are come at us as if they were some who don't have any very back and how armed. You can imagine how weapons many we are forced to we drive them sioners' occupation of Port-au-Prince, kill." In the wake of the commisHyacinthe, offered to however, the insurrection's our 9> negotiate an end to the leader, hearts," a letter from Port-au-Prince revolt.4 "Hope revives in reported at the beginning of 72 Corre, Papiers de La 73 La Salle to Monge, n.d., Salle, in letters of April 13, April 16, 74 Lestuges to Corre, Papiers de La. Salle, April 27, 197, 204, 206. "Monseigneur," April 23, 1793, in AN, D XXV 207. 80, d. 783. to the leader, hearts," a letter from Port-au-Prince revolt.4 "Hope revives in reported at the beginning of 72 Corre, Papiers de La 73 La Salle to Monge, n.d., Salle, in letters of April 13, April 16, 74 Lestuges to Corre, Papiers de La. Salle, April 27, 197, 204, 206. "Monseigneur," April 23, 1793, in AN, D XXV 207. 80, d. 783. --- Page 159 --- You Are All Free May. *The Cul-de-Sac plain is finally fifteen atteliers have returned beginning to return to order. Some The commissioners to their respective plantations "75 de-Sac boasted that they had to return to work at the price of persuaded the slaves of Culthe republic only two grants of minimal concessions. "It cost the United States, Edmond liberty," they told the French minister in the Code Noir was strictly Genet, "and a promise from us to see that lamation prohibiting slave executed."76 On April 23, they issued a owners from procto their plantations.7 On May punishing slaves who returned their effort at 5, 1793, they went further and extended pacification to the entire remarkable one: four months after the colony. Their procedure was a resentatives of the French Republic execution of Louis XVI, the repthe legal charter of reissued Louis XIV's edict of slavery in the French 1685, ordinance of December empire, along with the 1784, which royal abuses of their powers. attempted to limit slave owners' The decree of May 5, 1793 was the tive with respect to slavery commissioners' last major initiaunderstanding its prior to the events of June 20, 1793, and before significance is crucial to they were confronted with that evaluating their intentions the Code Noir were not a crisis. Obviously, the provisions of the commissioners' program for the abolition of action reaffirmed that the slavery. Instead, previous laws concerning slavery in effect. Revolution had left the understood the commissioners' The defenders of slavery ever. Major provisions of the actions in a very different sense, howprovide the slaves with Code noir, particularly those meant been some protection from their to enforced, and defenders of slavery had masters, had never tion would fatally undermine the insisted that their applicaClaude-Corentin institution. The pro-slavery journalist, Tanguy-Laboissière, initiative by reiterating this responded to the commissioners' position: It has always been judged SO absurd that It is completely contrary to the spirit of its execution has never been attempted. interposed between the master and the slave. slavery that any authority should be respect and obedience that the one owes to the other. Obviously this undermines the Montesquieu wrote in his great work, The See, in this respect, what the principle of despotic government.,* Spirit of the Laws, on the nature and 75 Affiches américaines (Cap Français edition), May 2). May IO, 1793 (letter from 76 Sonthonax and Polverel to Port-au-Prince, 77 Moniteur général, May 5, Genet, July 8, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 1793. 46. Tanguy-Boisière to General Galbaud, May 17, 1793,,in AN, D XXV 47, d. 453. despotic government.,* Spirit of the Laws, on the nature and 75 Affiches américaines (Cap Français edition), May 2). May IO, 1793 (letter from 76 Sonthonax and Polverel to Port-au-Prince, 77 Moniteur général, May 5, Genet, July 8, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 1793. 46. Tanguy-Boisière to General Galbaud, May 17, 1793,,in AN, D XXV 47, d. 453. --- Page 160 --- Creating Revolutionary Government The most radical feature however, was not its of Sonthonax and In addition content but the Polverel's to form in which it proclamation, missioners had reprinting it the French text of the Code was published. black population, translated into Creole, the noir, the comand read aloud with instructions that it be language of the to colony's to the slaves. They posted on all bring the blacks under thus clearly plantations to take the protection of the signaled their intention advantage of its law and to ars of slavery, who have provisions. In contrast to some enable them the "social death" argued that the essence modern scholhis master" of the slave who "had of slavery consisted in and was denied no social existence and Polverel any enforceable claim outside of attempted to institute a situation to rights, Sonthonax Sain-Domingue, have while still in which the slaves had a certain minimum obligated to work for their of the government,s of guaranteed masters, would Their rights and stake. "Have pro-slavery opponents protection from agitator you read the proclamation understood what was at Thomas Millet wrote. translated into ers, after having spread "There we see that the Creole?" the a spirit of civil nists, are now doing the same dizziness among all the colored commissionthinking of among the colothem . as the only slaves, by The arbiters of their accustoming "80 them to of proclamation of May 5, 1793 destiny. slavery as the white colonists was thus a challenge to the certainly intended it as a understood them. The bases to the Creole version gesture to the black commissioners the blacks from stated that they were population. The preamble issuing their decree did not hold the mistreatment, and the to protect slaves commissioners added the Negro slaves responsible for the that they uprising, that one needs to look insurrection: to "It is not The they are not the leaders of it find the cause of the among decree of May 5, 1793 it is others who your along the lines that was meant as an misled you. >81 February Sonthonax had "improvement" of 1793. At the same recommended to the slavery, ued to insist that they time, however, the Convention in institution. In were not aiming at the immediate commissioners contintor of a journal Port-au-Prince, Polverel's abolition of the devoted to the secretary, the spread by the whites commissioners' Picquenard, edithat the party, denounced step. "It knows, better than Convention was moving toward rumors you yourselves, that this such a 79 Orlando Patterson, class of men is not MA: Harvard Slavery and Social Death: 80 Thomas Millet University Press, 1982), A Comparative 8: Proclamation to Galbaud, May 28, 38. Study (Cambridge, of May 5, 1793, Creole 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 453. version, in Moniteur général, May 26, 1793. the party, denounced step. "It knows, better than Convention was moving toward rumors you yourselves, that this such a 79 Orlando Patterson, class of men is not MA: Harvard Slavery and Social Death: 80 Thomas Millet University Press, 1982), A Comparative 8: Proclamation to Galbaud, May 28, 38. Study (Cambridge, of May 5, 1793, Creole 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 453. version, in Moniteur général, May 26, 1793. --- Page 161 --- You Are All Free ready for freedom . It knows that the first use dom is to murder the man who a slave makes of his freehas broken, and that freedom kept him in chains with the irons that he a dagger in the hands granted to these would be as of a child." >82 dangerous as The most important argument the of their decree was that it commissioners made in defense ence had shown that offered a chance of success, whereas experiGeneral Galbaud, Sonthonax military measures were insufficient. In a letter to and Polverel as a method for bringing the slave argued that force had failed itary operations rebellion to an end. against the insurgents would Continuing millives, leaving the colony defenseless cost too many soldiers' lamation offered an alternative against foreign enemies. Their procend the war against the slaves solution to the problem: "If one could ful means, wouldn't in the North and the South by the Convention, you prefer that to any hostile measure?"ss peacethey reported the success of their To Province in glowing terms: "In eight measures in the West their atteliers. All it coSt the days, all the Negroes returned to us the owners was two promise to compel the whites emancipations, and from execrable as it is, would nevertheless to obey the Code noir, which, as tion of the Africans in constitute a softening of the condito you, citizens,' >9 Sonthonax Saint-Domingue. Itis impossible to communicate and Polverel sations we experienced when continued, "the delicious senand trust were we came together with them. painted on their faces. They cried Happiness long live the civil commissioners. 'Long live the off Our fathers won't Republic, our ears or to bury us alive or to throw allow anyone to cut pleased our masters,' they said." "84 us in ovens for having disOn the eve of the crisis of June believed that they had found 20, 1793, Sonthonax and Polverel thus consistent with their mandate. a solution to the slave uprising that was legal regulation, they left the door By reasserting that slavery was subject to national open to further legislature, but they did not modifications by the place. They could presume to act in the Convention's the truthfully say that all they had done existing laws on the subject. They had was reiterate way that they hoped would communicate nevertheless done SO in a Republic's genuine to the black concern for their welfare. The population the success of their policy 82 Ami de l'égalité (Port-au-Prince), de l'égalité, see his letter of 6 ther. May 9, 1793. On Picquenard's 83 Sonthonax and Polverel Iin. AN, D XXV 81, d. authorship oft the. Ami 84 Sonthonax and Polverel, to Galbaud, May 22, 1793, in AN, 798. D XXV report to Convention, June 18, 1793, in AN, 47, D XXV d. 450. 5, d. SI. Port-au-Prince), de l'égalité, see his letter of 6 ther. May 9, 1793. On Picquenard's 83 Sonthonax and Polverel Iin. AN, D XXV 81, d. authorship oft the. Ami 84 Sonthonax and Polverel, to Galbaud, May 22, 1793, in AN, 798. D XXV report to Convention, June 18, 1793, in AN, 47, D XXV d. 450. 5, d. SI. --- Page 162 --- Creating Revolutionary Government in terminating the uprising in the plain of Cul-de-Sac them that no more radical measure had convinced Their policy also avoided was necessary for the time being. the main base of their any confrontation with the free men of color, selves slave support; many members of that were themowners with no desire to see the immediate group institution, and some of the free men of color who had abolition of the missioners' forces had even brought their joined the comThe civil commissioners own slaves along as servants.8s hoped that they could now to their most pressing problem, turn their attention itself against attacks from the British preparing Saint-Domingue to defend and the issues that they tried to resolve in Spanish, as well as other the a string of proclamations issued occupation of Port-au-Prince: the financial crisis after the fate of plantations whose facing the colony, tion of owners had abandoned the military rations. 86 them, allocaMeanwhile, the situation in Cap The main threat to order in the Français was rapidly deteriorating. tion: a complaint from city did not come from the slave the commander of one of the populathe approaches to the city that he had found slaves outposts defending ies and exchanging food with the "outside the boundartions of concern about their brigands" was one of the rare indicabehavior.87 The the beginning of April, the Cap Français city's two newspapers at aines, which had been edition of the Affiches américcontinued suspended for some time, resumed to carry routine advertisements of slaves for sale publication 1 about runaways until the morning of June and notices the city's 20, 1793. The main stability came instead, as it had since the danger to from elements of the white start of the Revolution, his population. Sonthonax's absence opponents to raise their heads again. Just days after he left emboldened Marc, the municipal council for SaintCommission, challenged the authority of the Interim Sonthonax proposing to hold elections for a new colonial had to write a stern letter forbidding such assembly. 88 At the end of March, Claude-Corentin any action. from the South Province who had been Tanguy-Laboissière, a white Commission in appointed to the Interim January to replace one of the members Sonthonax, resigned and denounced the deported by 21 against the Borel commissioners decree of March party in Port-au-Prince. "Your proclamation has 85 Captaîn Nully to civil commissioners, 86 Moniteur général, April 28, June I2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 20, d. 208. 87 Dubuisson, commander at Morne 30, May 4, 1793. 38 Moniteur général, March IO, Rouge, in Moniteur général, April 7, 1793. 25, 1793. and denounced the deported by 21 against the Borel commissioners decree of March party in Port-au-Prince. "Your proclamation has 85 Captaîn Nully to civil commissioners, 86 Moniteur général, April 28, June I2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 20, d. 208. 87 Dubuisson, commander at Morne 30, May 4, 1793. 38 Moniteur général, March IO, Rouge, in Moniteur général, April 7, 1793. 25, 1793. --- Page 163 --- You Are All Free spread fearand and dismayed the consternation in Cap,' 99 he wrote. "Itl has Laboissière spirits of honest friends of chilled all hearts then created his own domestic peace. "89 among other things, the text of newspaper, in which he Tanguyof December Sonthonax's published, 2, 1792, copied official see for themselves from a Paris report on the events what the newspaper. His readers against a large number of journalist called "the libelous could see themselves treated citizens of this city that it statements citizen as violent men, contains; many will commissioner as enemies brigands, and what he of France," >) as well designated by the stigmatized as as the our new brothers," 99 Sonthonax's "exclusive evidence of them and which, he claimed, "is predilection in favor of us, that eternal reviving of 4 April was seedbed of divisions and distinctions between confined supposed to eliminate. 790 hatred, which the law but he on board a ship in the Tanguy-lLaboissière was had harbor, pending quickly per, the Moniteur supporters in the city. The editor of the deportation to France, of Sonthonax's général, was also briefly arrested city's main newspareport,sr for Political publishing parts agitation was not the looming on the horizon, the only danger facing Le cal problem. By early alarming state of the army Cap. With war Interim April, General Laveaux was another critipay the Commision on an almost daily basis was complaining to the troops and the about the lack the soldier shortage of supplies. "The of funds to the Moniteur complains about his situation,' 9> he camps lack everything, aid soldiers général /launched a warned.s: The of confined to the campaign to collect private publisher Laboissière seized the hospital; from his shipboard donations to 33 livres.s With British opportunity to win favorable prison, TanguyInterim Commission privateers threatening publicity by pledging civilian was also preoccupied with shipping in the area, the warning population. them On April 17, 1793, its finding supplies for the that "the members received and cannot do anything public warehouse is out of every kind a report about it, since its ofnecessity, resources are 89 Adresse de exhausted. 994 (Cap Français, Tangay-Laboissière àl la Commission 90 Journal des March 29, 1793), in CAOM, Nationale-Ciuled 198 de SaintSonthonax's Révolutions de la Partie F3 (Moreau de Domingue report had in Française de Saint-Méry papers). I3, 1793. appeared the Paris Moniteur journal Samt-Domingue, Courrier de April I, 1793. général, April I, l'Egalité on January Laveaux to 1793. 93 Batilliot, in Moniteur Interim Commision April IO, 1793, in 1793. général, April 12, Moniteur général, 94 Mapiteur 1793; Tanguy, in Moniteur April I3. général, April 19, 1793. général, April 14, I3, 1793. appeared the Paris Moniteur journal Samt-Domingue, Courrier de April I, 1793. général, April I, l'Egalité on January Laveaux to 1793. 93 Batilliot, in Moniteur Interim Commision April IO, 1793, in 1793. général, April 12, Moniteur général, 94 Mapiteur 1793; Tanguy, in Moniteur April I3. général, April 19, 1793. général, April 14, --- Page 164 --- Creating Revolutionary Government The morale of the city's white victories in January, plunged population, briefly raised by Laveaux's campaign would not again when it became confirmation of hostilities bring a quick end to the slave clear that the Domingue off from the with Britain, which threatened insurrection. The numbers of whites metropole for an to cut Saintto take to try to make indefinite period, led refuge in the United States. arrangements to return to large begin to cudgel my brains for "As soon as I arise from France or without loss from St. some means of getting my bed I Girard wrote to his brother Domingo which I regard as a away safely and ried increasing numbers in Philadelphia.s The local doomed land," Jean slaves, for sale and of Fadvertisements offering newspapers caruals concerned notifying creditors to file claims properties, including actually sailed departed. Because of the before the individfrom Cap embargo, no escape the colony found Français; those who had made however, the ships would be able to leave. The themselves in limbo, not knowing decision to undoubtedly population of the in when they de presented a different picture city the spring of Saint-Méry in 1789, although from that sketched by 1793 Many whites who normally precise statistics are hard Moreau uge in the city because resided on their to come by. slaves with of the slave plantations had taken refwith them - one white man would uprising. Some had brought their June ninety-nine slaves during the arrive in Norfolk, 20, 1793 - but other city slaves mass exodus following the Virginia, events insurrection or to escape the may have slipped of outset. An unknown massacres perpetuated away to join the the city before the number of whites had already by the whites at its of color who made imposition of the shipping managed to leave remained in the up the majority of that embargo. The free women plantation city; the number of free group before 179I owners fled the turmoil men of color may probably The population of in the rural districts. have risen as than it had been when soldiers and sailors in the city 1789. Even though Moreau de Saint-Méry made was his certainly more in 1792 had died, many of the thousands of calculations in posts throughout mostly of disease, and others troops sent to the island the normal the colony, the number in the had been dispersed to ing for the peacetime garrison. As more and city was still larger than also grew, departure of the convoy, the more ships gathered waittheir large particularly because of the floating population of sailors crews. Whereas presence of the Moreau de warships with Saint-Méry estimated the Jean Girard to Stephen Girard, crew March 31, 1793, in APS, Girard papers, roll IO. ations in posts throughout mostly of disease, and others troops sent to the island the normal the colony, the number in the had been dispersed to ing for the peacetime garrison. As more and city was still larger than also grew, departure of the convoy, the more ships gathered waittheir large particularly because of the floating population of sailors crews. Whereas presence of the Moreau de warships with Saint-Méry estimated the Jean Girard to Stephen Girard, crew March 31, 1793, in APS, Girard papers, roll IO. --- Page 165 --- You Are All Free of a typical French merchant vessel at 25 men, the full complement of a 74-gun warship was over 700. The commissioners themselves had mented the white population in the harbor by dispatching hundreds augprisoners from Saint-Marc and Port-au-Prince. Over all, the total of ber of whites - including civilians, soldiers, sailors, and numoners - was almost certainly higher than the total of political prisSaint-Méry had estimated four years earlier. The 7,200 Moreau de have shrunk somewhat, and the number of slaves may population of libres de couleur had probably increased modestly. Statistics gathered when the refugees from Cap Français arrived Norfolk in July 1793 give some idea of the composition of the in white population at the moment of its destruction. A city's about the unfortunates register of "Notes arriving in Norfolk," which eventually into the hands of Moreau de Saint-Méry came colony in June 1793) lists (who was not personally in the 635 individuals. Of the 562 who were identified by sex, 57 percent were men and ratio than that 43 percent women - a less lopsided traditionally estimated for the colonial may reflect a greater tendency for women than population, which city after the start of the men to take shelter in the uprising. Forty percent of the fied by age were children or adolescents under the refugees identithe 1O6 men identified by age of twenty. Of occupation, close to one-half - were either plantation owners or managers, and thus 46 percent - gees stranded in the city because of the slave insurrection. presumably refupercent were engaged in commerce, either as Twenty-seven négociants - traders - or marchands, selling to local wholesale made customers, or clerks. Artisans up 14 percent of the group, while the remaining I3 in service occupations, the percent were professions, or the military.s of sailors and soldiers on the warships (Most the coming from not allowed to come ashore in Norfolk.) The chaotic Cap Français were which refugees conditions under got on ships in Cap Français in June 1793 us to believe that this list is probably give reason tion representative of the white at that moment, since almost all whites made populabut it gives minimal information about an effort to leave, the other racial not participate as much in the mass exodus. Fifteen groups, who did them women, were identifed as individuals, all of "mulattoes,". and sixteen were listed blacks, but notes in the document suggest that black as arrived with their many slaves who masters were not recorded, including the blacks accompanying Monsieur Bouthillier. ninety-nine 96 "Notes sur les malheureux venus de St. Domingue à Norfolk en - F3 198 (Moreau de Saint-Méry papers). Virginie," in CAOM, in the mass exodus. Fifteen groups, who did them women, were identifed as individuals, all of "mulattoes,". and sixteen were listed blacks, but notes in the document suggest that black as arrived with their many slaves who masters were not recorded, including the blacks accompanying Monsieur Bouthillier. ninety-nine 96 "Notes sur les malheureux venus de St. Domingue à Norfolk en - F3 198 (Moreau de Saint-Méry papers). Virginie," in CAOM, --- Page 166 --- Creating Revolutionary Government By the end of April nearly half of them driven 1793, the mood among the white another quarter tied to the from their homes by the population, because of the flow of commerce that insurrection and low uprising and the had almost ceased point, An article in the embargo on shipping, was several letters written Courrier maritime du certainly at a this city is becoming around that time, warned that Havre, summarizing teers had more and more >> "the situation of stopped the flow of supplies precarious." Fear of British supplies were from the United privacity were running short,7 The whites feared States, and food rebels conspiring with the that the slaves in the have lots of reliable insurgents. "There is no doubt and send them informers who warn them that the ofl May reported, munitions of all sorts," >> a letter before any attack "All these written at the citizens to difficulties, beginning ings. despair, and give them no coming together, drive the good Indeed, it seems as though all hope of an end to their sufferextinguish the white race. "98 Whites possible misfortunes are united color, particularly those in also complained that free to streets,99 uniform, behaved men of The insolently to them in the soldiers serving in the as the white civilians. At the colony were as dispirited and the bands of black end of April, Laveaux tried discouraged insurgents who had to drive away surrounding the city despite the remained in the hills threatened to refuse January offensive. immediately to march to fight because Men in several units at all, Laveaux had they had not been to spend one day outside the to promise them that they paid; would get them citizens city before only volunteered to aid the returning. Very few of an exasperated condemnation soldiers, and the city the white kept their stores of shopkeepers who had government issued who agreed open, thus gaining an stayed home and to join the troops. Some advantage over their sending them to serve as laborers even "hid their blacks rather colleagues port caused resentment in the army.' > The lack of than white among the soldiers. civilian suppopulation, Laveaux demanded Furious at the tify all those capable of a census ofthe unsupportive fighting." 100 population to iden97 Indicateur politique, Saint-Méry mercantile, et 98 Letter from papers. Le littéraire, July 8, 1793, in F 3 198, Moreau de time this Cap, May 5, 1793, in Gazette had already long-delayed letter reached France, news française, September 6, 99 See the appeared in some of the other of the destruction of 1793. By the 100 Laplace, reports Histoire of street incidents on May 8: Paris and papers. Cap Français 1793 (Interim des desastres de IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV. 47, Commission, April 29); Samt-Domingue, May 5, 279 ; Moniteur général, d.451. 1793 (Interim Commission, May I, May 3). had already long-delayed letter reached France, news française, September 6, 99 See the appeared in some of the other of the destruction of 1793. By the 100 Laplace, reports Histoire of street incidents on May 8: Paris and papers. Cap Français 1793 (Interim des desastres de IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV. 47, Commission, April 29); Samt-Domingue, May 5, 279 ; Moniteur général, d.451. 1793 (Interim Commission, May I, May 3). --- Page 167 --- You Are All Free I50 and the immobilized merchant The sailors on the French warships soldiers. late 1792, condiships in the harbor were as unhappy as the By in the Saint-Domingue station, or squadron, tions on board the warships for nearly two years were alarming, as that had been in the Caribbean appointed at the beginning of Joseph Cambis, the new naval commander Polverel. The ships lacked sup1793, tried to explain to Sonthonax and and the Jupiter, his "sickness and death have done great damage," plies, men, a third of its normal complement, flagship, was down to only 250 the desire to return to France," he with most of those "havling] shown an instance of flagrant warned them. Two months later, he had to report sailor who disobedience on one of the vessels." IOI A dutiful professional his best to the since 1791, Cambis continued to do had been in colony frustrated athis inability carry out the orders, but he becameincreasingly the "great difficulties that make Sonthonax and Polverel understand to here from performing as it should for the honor prevent the naval service orders sent to Cambis in February of the French name. >I02 According to Britain, the ships of the on the eve of the declaration of war with con1793, to form the escort for a Saint-Domingue station were supposed vessels safely to the United States that would conduct the merchant voy was to coincide with the arrival of and France. The convoy's departure but, unbeknownst to the replacements for the squadron from France, officials in France had admiral and to the civil commissioners, naval for service in the concluded that they could not spare major warships Caribbean. had decided that the situation in the By early May, 1793, Cambis The Executive Council could harbor had become completely untenable. of supplies and naval how desperate the shortages not have imagined when it issued its order for the entire munitions were in the colony the commercial to sail as one group, he wrote. *In addition, convoy Some have had a full cargo for a long ships count on a rapid departure. loaded All insist that time; others have made sacrifices to get quickly. in harbor Finally, isn't it a risk to have their interests have preference. whose interests have been frustrated, of Le Cap an assembly of men December 24, 1792 and February I2, 1793, in AN, ror Cambis to civil commissioners, D XXV SI, d. 489. January 1793, in AN, D XXV 5I, d. 489. On Cambis's 101 Cambis to commissioners, BB 4 letter of February 16, 1793. length of service, see SHM, 24, in AN, D XXV 51, d. 489, cahier 2; 103 Ministry of Navy to Cambis, February bureau 13, of 1793, ports and arsenals, February 14, 1793, in memorandum, memorandum from AN, CC9 A8. SI, d. 489. January 1793, in AN, D XXV 5I, d. 489. On Cambis's 101 Cambis to commissioners, BB 4 letter of February 16, 1793. length of service, see SHM, 24, in AN, D XXV 51, d. 489, cahier 2; 103 Ministry of Navy to Cambis, February bureau 13, of 1793, ports and arsenals, February 14, 1793, in memorandum, memorandum from AN, CC9 A8. --- Page 168 --- Government I5I Creating Revolutionary - an E r lat SEHL VEX H à Captait Betrand Kerangutn, was killed at the Furst June Azvedomienpsrsn model ofdhe French 748u Eolc, wohost commander, Model of a French 74-gun warship. formed FIGURE 4.I. one of the 74-gun warships that part model of the Eole, Constructed to standardA contemporary station, or squadron, in 1793and supplies of the Saint-Domingue of the line carried crews of over 700 men and its comized plans, these ships months. The crews of the Eole sufficient for voyages of up to six roles in the events of June 20, 1793 in Cap panion ship, the Jupiter, played major in the United States later that year. Français and their prolongation Source: Musée de la Marine, Paris. of discontent that the wouldn't it be easier to prevent the spread half of and He that order know how to incite?" proposed a enemies of public with an escort comprising ships be allowed to depart, the the merchant a spy had reported that of the naval squadron. 104 Even though to mount an attack part in Jamaica was too small British naval squadron stuck to the letter of their Sonthonax and Polverel the to on Saint-Domingue, refused to authorize any of ships instructions from Paris and leave.' 1O5 (See Figure 4.1) Français harbor, the sailors in the sweltering heat in Cap main Trapped take out their anger on the commissioners' were only too ready to An incident on the Jupiter in early the free men of color. The vessel had supporters, of the sailors' attitudes. May demonstrated the intensity to chase away British prireturned to Le Cap after a short patrol to the just sent from the shore replace vateers, and new troops were being board to maintain order. Among military garrison that was stationed on free men of color from the for this duty were some of the the soldiers sent of May II, 1793, in AN, D XXV 19, d. 186. his 104 Cambis, memorandum du citoyen Voisin," May 13, 1793, summarizing had 105 "Précis historique du journal 26-March I, 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. 15II. of Voisin Saintvisit to Jamaica on February naval force in Jamaica was only half the size the determined that the British and Polverel to Galbaud, May 22, 1793 and May 31, Domingue squadron. Sonthonax 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 449. is, memorandum du citoyen Voisin," May 13, 1793, summarizing had 105 "Précis historique du journal 26-March I, 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. 15II. of Voisin Saintvisit to Jamaica on February naval force in Jamaica was only half the size the determined that the British and Polverel to Galbaud, May 22, 1793 and May 31, Domingue squadron. Sonthonax 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 449. --- Page 169 --- You Are All Free "The crew appeared very franches organized by Sonthonax. according to the ship's log, compagnies sent on board," and asked that they were being came forward upset muttered seditiously. A contremaitre of night' to guard white "and they officer why they were sending *faces told him to go sleep the duty seeing that the man was drunk, for all of men. The officer, a riot and one sailor, speaking The it off. At this, the crew began mulattoes could stay on the ship. said that neither blacks nor of Only with great difthem, cried out, 'No, no, no faces night." the sailors whole crew discipline and forcing did Cambis succeed in restoring ficulty about the mood to accept the garrison." response to Cambis's warnings him of a lack of The commissioners' oft the ships was to accuse and the condition have done their duty of the crews in Europe think they because "Do our generals the National Convention patriotism. by complaining to the comto the fatherland soldiers without shoes and uniforms?" hand and our ministers leave our they use the means they have at world. missioners demanded. "No, the leading powers of the French armies have triumphed over the along our coast, the the enemy dares to defy and guns the warships of the In Saint-Domingue, vessels in our very ports, in the harhe seizes commercial admiral Cambis stay anchored had commanded by rear By this time, Cambis Republic out what you need to do."107 and their polibors. Go figure disaffected with the commissioners States, become thoroughly the French minister in the United cies. In a letter that he drafted to he wrote, "It is my duty to tell but which was probably not sent, fallen on the white citizens, Genet, of misfortunes that has hatred France of the deluge which could not fail to be an indestructible >1O8 to the natural effect of [the free men of color). Faithful as for the caste that is now in power out the commissioners' orders Cambis continued to carry had little enthusiasm his duty, until June 20, 1793, but he obviously best he could were also for their policies. the free men of color in Le Cap "There was Sonthonax's allies among absence. unhappy with the commissioner's increasingly XXV On the prevalence of racial prejudice Genet May 9, 1793; in AN, D 54- du françois," s n.d., in LC, 106 Log ofJupiter, see *Réflexions sur Paffaire Cap among the sailors, D XXV 51, d. 489. reel 6. 1793, in AN, is S papers, and Polverel to Cambis, April 29, XXV 51, d. 489. This draft heavily 107 Sonthonax April'a6, 1793, in AN, D never decided what he - 108 Cambis to Genet, as though Cambis completely of correspondence overwritten with corrections, version of it appears in Genet's collection wanted to say, and no -received from Saint-Domingue. - a : V 51, d. 489. reel 6. 1793, in AN, is S papers, and Polverel to Cambis, April 29, XXV 51, d. 489. This draft heavily 107 Sonthonax April'a6, 1793, in AN, D never decided what he - 108 Cambis to Genet, as though Cambis completely of correspondence overwritten with corrections, version of it appears in Genet's collection wanted to say, and no -received from Saint-Domingue. - a : --- Page 170 --- Creating Revolutionary Government and their active surveillance of nothing to compare to their suspicion colonist later recalled.:09 Acutely everything the whites did," a white wrote to the commisaware of the mood among the whites, Castaing *when the cat is away, the rats sioner in early March to warn him that In early April, dance" and urged him to return as soon as possible. that forwarded copies of Tanguy's newspaper and reported Boisrond and supplies for his soldiers were causLaveaux's appeals for money he claimed; *the coming alarm. "All this comes from the aristocrats," he falls completely into mander Laveaux is completely duped by them, the he he is surrounded by a crowd who don't love revolution, their trap, what he thinks with the frankness that you will recogtells everybody told the commissioners, "the free companies nize." > In contrast, Boisrond attached to good order as and all the other mulattoes remain faithfully the agitation left them[] they do not cry out for money." Observing you awaited the commissioners' in the city, however, these loyal supporters return "with the greatest impatience.,' PIIO Sonthonax and Polverel, The contrast between the optimism of in the West inspired by their success in squelching white opposition in Cul-deand South provinces and in pacifying the slave insurrection mood of both the white population in Cap Français, Sac, and the glum alliance with the free men of color and resentful of the commissioners' well as that of the free men of suffering from an economic crisis, as would undermine the color, fearful that the absence of their protectors with they had achieved, created a situation fraught privileged position of the troops and, even more SO, of the sailors danger. The unhappiness coalition of white grumadded to the tension. So long as the disparate little chance of an blers in Le Cap lacked leadership, though, there was The free men of color, revolt against the commissioners' authority. open force in the city, supported them, and their representatives a significant made sure that the local government did not on the Interim Commission in many of the French cities become a focus of opposition, as happened and summer of 1793. the Convention in the spring that rebelled against Admiral Cambis, may have been The loyalties of the naval commander, General Laveaux, was solidly on the doubtful, but his army counterpart, however, a frigate carrying side of the commissioners. On May 7, 1793, governor genGalbaud, the newly appointed General François-Thomas harbor. A republican war eral of the colony, arrived in the Cap François 109 Laplace, Histoire des desastres de Saint-Domingue, 269. in AN, D XXV IIS. tIO Boisrond to Sonthonax and Polverel, April II, 1793, --- Page 171 --- You Are All Free hero with family roots in Saint-Domingue, he brought with him a brevet, or letter of appointment, approved by the National Convention, giving him powers limited only by those of the Civil Commissioners. Coming ashore, Galbaud instantly filled the vacuum created by Sonthonax's absence. No one contested his authority. Throughout Cap Français, everyone waited anxiously to see how Galbaud would respond to the crisis confronting the beleaguered city. 1 D a € and Polverel, April II, 1793, --- Page 171 --- You Are All Free hero with family roots in Saint-Domingue, he brought with him a brevet, or letter of appointment, approved by the National Convention, giving him powers limited only by those of the Civil Commissioners. Coming ashore, Galbaud instantly filled the vacuum created by Sonthonax's absence. No one contested his authority. Throughout Cap Français, everyone waited anxiously to see how Galbaud would respond to the crisis confronting the beleaguered city. 1 D a € --- Page 172 --- A Model Republican General Short stature was one of the few qualities General François-Thomas Galbaud Bonaparte. Barely five feet tall, Galbaud shared with Napoleon the "Little Corporal." Like was an even less imposing figure than but no one would have Napoleon, he was described as having lively eyes, a mistaken him for his Corsican contemporary: he had blond eyebrows, officer, Galbaud reddish face, and wore a wig.' I Unlike his fellow artillery briefly in fated to vanish from historical memory, mentioned only was revolution in the French colonies. And yet, like Napoleon, accounts of the In six weeks after he landed in Cap he changed history's course. just military officer would bring Français on May 7, 1793, this fifty-year-old toward the insurabout both the reversal of revolutionary France's policy richest and the destruction of the colony's gent slaves of Saint-Domingue made his mark because he and most important city. Whereas Napoleon Galbaud had the unhappy mastered events and bent them to his will, results that were the opposite of what he intended. knack of provoking Revolution's confrontation with Nevertheless, the story of the French would have been very different without his intervention. slavery Galbaud was born in Nantes on November 28, François-Thomas father had the title of "conseiller du roy maitre ordinaire des 1743- His childhood managcomptes de Bretagne, > but spent most of Galbaud's his mother ran in Saint-Domingue, while ing the family's plantations the example of many of his relatives, the family in Nantes.* Following Edmond Genet to Governor Clinton, August 30, 1793, in LC, Genet Papers microfilms, reel 6. aux IIO. 1 Gabriel Debien, Esclaves Antilles, I55 -Thomas father had the title of "conseiller du roy maitre ordinaire des 1743- His childhood managcomptes de Bretagne, > but spent most of Galbaud's his mother ran in Saint-Domingue, while ing the family's plantations the example of many of his relatives, the family in Nantes.* Following Edmond Genet to Governor Clinton, August 30, 1793, in LC, Genet Papers microfilms, reel 6. aux IIO. 1 Gabriel Debien, Esclaves Antilles, I55 --- Page 173 --- You Are All Free Galbaud entered the army: in 1761, he was admitted lery corps as a cadet. During the to the royal artilrise from lieutenant to Revolution, Napoleon Bonaparte would general in four years, but old progressed more slowly. Too young to have served in the regime careers War, Galbaud became a first lieutenant in Seven Years' captain in 1772. In 1775, he married 1765 and reached the rank of of a Nantes merchant; Marie-Alexis Tobin, the daughter a family with extensive according to one source, she was a Creole from property in sons, all of whom would Saint-Domingue.) They had three Galbaud fought in the eventually pursue military careers of their own. war of American etated in the garrison town of Independence and then veghe was recommended for the Strasbourg until the Revolution. In 1788, croix de of his long years of it Saint-Louis, strictly on the basis It is service; was the only decoration not clear whether Galbaud had he ever received.4 Domingue plantations; aside from ever seen his family's two Saintforces supporting the his service overseas with the French his adult life in France.s American struggle for independence, he had spent Galbaud was one oft the minority the French Revolution. Like ofaristocratic officers who embraced Sonthonax and Jacobin movement: certificates in Polverel, he joined the the his dossier show that he was founding members of the club established in among 1790, and he later participated in the club Strasbourg in January promotion in the spring of he in Metz.5 Passed over for criminated against because 1791, of his complained that he was being disarmy officers of his generation, he revolutionary sentiments.7 Like many with weapons. He was as at home with words as he was spoke frequently in club a copious paper trail, a habit he would meetings and left behind the New World. maintain during his mission in the Metz Speeches such as the one he read in Jacobin club warning against January 1792 to he had mastered the rhetoric of the partisan divisions showed that period: "Citizens! Do we want to 3 Laplace, Histoire des desastres de Service historique de l'armée de Saint-Domingue, 283. 5 The Galbaud du Fort plantation, la terre (SHAT), 4 Yd. 3912 (Galbaud). ject of one of the many monographs located in Saint-Domingue's West Province, is the subhistory of the French Antilles: Une Plantation compiled de by Gabriel Debien, the specialist on the du Fort (Cairo: Institut français du Caire, 194I). Saint-Domingue. La Sucrerie Galbaud Membership certificates in AN, D XXV 49, Letter of June I, 1791, in SHAT, 4 Yd. 3912 d.475. Ont the importance of writing in (Galbaud). First Total War: Napoleon's Europe pre-revolutionary and the Birth officers' culture, see David A. Bell, The MA-Houghton Mifflin, 2007), 26-7. of Warfare as We Know It (Boston, (Cairo: Institut français du Caire, 194I). Saint-Domingue. La Sucrerie Galbaud Membership certificates in AN, D XXV 49, Letter of June I, 1791, in SHAT, 4 Yd. 3912 d.475. Ont the importance of writing in (Galbaud). First Total War: Napoleon's Europe pre-revolutionary and the Birth officers' culture, see David A. Bell, The MA-Houghton Mifflin, 2007), 26-7. of Warfare as We Know It (Boston, --- Page 174 --- A Model Republican General remain free? Let us form be weakened by internal ranks around the constitution. 1792, Galbaud was dissensions." "9 When war broke Don't let us Dumouriez, commander assigned to the staff of out in April sion. of the forces General Ordered to lead facing the Chades-Fraaçois Galbaud was unable 1,500 troops to reinforce Austro-Prussian invaheld off the to reach the fortress the garrison in Verdun, enemy in an before it present at the victory of engagement at the ridge of surrendered, but he A few weeks Valmy on Biesme, and was later, fate gave Galbaud September 20, 1792.10 Dispatched to his chance negotiate a local for preparing to withdraw armistice with the republican glory. no less a from Verdun, he found Prussians, who were the enemy personage than the Duke of himself forces and author Brunswick, the parlaying with that threatened of the to notorious generalissimo of XVI, Brunswick punish the population of Paris "Brunswick manifesto" which he had politely congratulated if they harmed Louis plained about deployed his artillery in the Galbaud on the skill the violent Biesme with his manifesto. language being used in affair, and then comretorted, "It is somewhat Drawing himself up to his full France to denounce the insane astonishing that the five feet, Galbaud laws to a presumption (permit me this duke of Brunswick had all the people who the whole of expression) to try to dictate despots united Europe could not encounter for the against them." 99 Galbaud conquer even if partie françoise de press and sent a copy to the himself wrote up this dent that Saint-Domingue. It may Moniteur général de la ment in Paris brought him to the attention of well have been this inciand resulted in his the new republican Sain-Domingue." appointment as governAfter the disaster of governor general of a conspiracy behind June 20, 1793, accusations wide audience, Galbaud's that there had been particularlyin appointment to campaign, Dumouriez, view of the factthath Saint-Domingue his found a had SO superior in the government at the beginning of spectacularly betrayed the April 1793, when he revolutionary AN, DXXV d. ordered his Io Galbaud, 49, 470. troops Yd. 3912 "Demande en traitement de campaign (Galbaud). in There are some général de brigade II "Conference AN, AA 61. documents concerning réformé," n.d., in SHAT, 4 armées de la tenue entre) les citoyens La Barolliere Galbaud's role in the 1792 confedérés prussiennes, Republique d'une part, Le Duc de et Galbaud, maréchaux de l'arrière garde de l'armée autrichiennes et hessoise, Brunswick, la Generalisime des camp des January 22, 1793. prussienne : ," in AN, D XXV General Kalkreuth commandant armées 49, d. 473; Moniteur général, de la tenue entre) les citoyens La Barolliere Galbaud's role in the 1792 confedérés prussiennes, Republique d'une part, Le Duc de et Galbaud, maréchaux de l'arrière garde de l'armée autrichiennes et hessoise, Brunswick, la Generalisime des camp des January 22, 1793. prussienne : ," in AN, D XXV General Kalkreuth commandant armées 49, d. 473; Moniteur général, --- Page 175 --- I58 You Are All Free to march on Paris and then went defied him. In November over to the Austrians after his men a mission in the colonies, 1792, when Galbaud was originally chosen for neither Dumouriez nor imagined the chain of events that would anyone else could have the government five months lead him to try to overthrow have been later, and Galbaud's more or less accidental, In nomination seems to ter Monge needed a November 1792, the navy minisRochambeau, general to serve as governor of Martinique, since Domingue originally destined for that post, had ended instead. Monge originally selected up in Saintsubordinates, but Dumouriez refused another of Dumouriez's was picked as a second choice. 12 The to release him, and SO Galbaud of Jean-Nicolas Pache, the radical appointment also had the approval months war minister. 13 Galbaud preparing for this mission, spent several of only to have it cancelled MT Rochambeau's successful when news reached France.'4 landing in Martinique in January Monge then decided that ture had left Saint-Domingue since Rochambeau's deparwithout a might as well be sent there.1s military governor, Galbaud Unlike the lier, Galbaud's appointments of Sonthonax and Polverel nine months nomination did not cause much earrepresentatives of the white controversy, The Paris ingly, pleased with his selection. Saint-Domingue colonists were, not surprisleader who, taking a real interest in "Finally, its Saint-Domingue will have a and the will to do so, will welfare, and having the soon reestablish the capacity as much desired as needed," they order and peace that are of the free men of color, wrote to him.16 But the representative ing his correspondents Julien Raimond, was equally enthusiastic, tellin the colony that "a yours who has covered himself with general, a compatriot of on his attachment to the fatherland glory, is sent to you: you can count given many proofs," and and his civic loyalty, of which he has lutely in line with the assuring Sonthonax that Galbaud was "absoRevolution." PI7 In reality, no one in Paris knew 12 Monge to "Mon cher ami," 5 13 Pache to Galbaud, November November 26, 1792, in SHAT, 4 Yd. 14 On Rochambeau's activities 27, 1792, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 446. 3912 (Galbaud). headed "Sur les Antilles" in in Rochambeau Martinique in 1793, see his account in the volume 410. papers, Newberry I5 Galbaud to Library, Ms. Ruggles been informed Monge, on February 20, 1793, in AN, CC9A 8. Galbaud wrote than Martinique. February 6, 1793 that he would be going to that he had 16 AN, D XXV 64, entry for Saint-Domingue rather 17 Raimond, letter of March February II, 1793. hommes de couleur,ro8; Raimond 21, 1793, in Raimond, Lettres de J. Raimond, à ses 16, d. 158. to Sonthonax, February IO, 1793, in AN, frères D XXV les 9A 8. Galbaud wrote than Martinique. February 6, 1793 that he would be going to that he had 16 AN, D XXV 64, entry for Saint-Domingue rather 17 Raimond, letter of March February II, 1793. hommes de couleur,ro8; Raimond 21, 1793, in Raimond, Lettres de J. Raimond, à ses 16, d. 158. to Sonthonax, February IO, 1793, in AN, frères D XXV les --- Page 176 --- A Model Republican General Galbaud very well; he had of the Revolution. spent hardly any time there since For his own the outbreak personal ment to Saint-Domingue. reasons, Galbaud was pleased with ment, his Just as he was his assigndied. mother, the legal owner of the learning about his appointAlthough the revolutionaries family's property inheritances to be shared had passed there, had old-regime equally among heirs, legislation requiring provision that they had celed out, on the exempted colonial maintained an needed grounds that these plantations from to be kept intact." 18 As properties were economic being parconsequently stood the oldest child units that untouched to take over the in the family, Galbaud by the family holdings, which had written to insurrection; in December were still that she one of her 1792, Galbaud's was pleased with their managers instructing him to tell mother of April 4, 1792 in order loyalty. ,19 A clause the slaves as civil to prevent Julien Raimond inserted into the law appointed commissioner, barred owners of from being named to positions there. colonial this potential Galbaud dutifully property from being leave you impediment, writing that "my notified Monge about other ignorant of my situation,' 9> but the frankness would not let me that he concerns, never responded to him. minister, overburdened was to go ahead with his The general therefore with From the outset, Galbaud's assignment. 20 assumed family affair. In December voyage to the Antilles was for Martinique, he had 1792, when he still very much a his younger brother sought and obtained thought he was headed César Monge's and his three children appointed as his adjutant and approval to have family nrembers with him.: His desire to take his wife to was not unique - Polverel had to have the company of siderably Sainc-Domingue as his secretary. - but brought his son François his brother complicate his life. César Galbaud's relatives would conand Galbaud, eight as "an excellent recommended by the republican years younger than be closer to the fellow," made no secret of the fact navy minister Monge his financial family's plantations was an that the chance to island," he situation. "My entire fortune opportunity to consolidate wrote.2 Upon arrival in the depended on my stay in the colony, the 18 Meadows, Galbaud brothers t9 Veuve Dufort "Planters of 20 Galbaud to Berouet, Sain-Domingus," December 56. to. Monge, February 25, 28, 1792, in AN, D XXV Monge to Galbaud, December 1793, in AN, CC 9A 8. 49, d. 476. 22 Monge, November 27, 1792, in AN, D 29, XXV 1792, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 446; letter ofNovember 47, d. 446. Pache to dum of January I, 1795, in 26, 1792, in SHAT,4 Yd. Galbaud, AN, D XXV 48, d. 463. 3912; César Galbaud, memoran- in AN, CC 9A 8. 49, d. 476. 22 Monge, November 27, 1792, in AN, D 29, XXV 1792, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 446; letter ofNovember 47, d. 446. Pache to dum of January I, 1795, in 26, 1792, in SHAT,4 Yd. Galbaud, AN, D XXV 48, d. 463. 3912; César Galbaud, memoran- --- Page 177 --- You Are All Free immediately contacted the of one near Léogane in the West managers their mother's two plantations, South. Both assured them that Province and the other at Abricots in the suggested purchasing some production was prospering, and one who had new slaves.3 Unlike even agreed to uphold slavery Sonthonax and Polverel, its abolition, the Galbauds even though they personally favored tion. Except for clearly hoped for the institution's promising to carry out his continuainsurrection, General Galbaud assignment to defeat the slave the subject, but his brother was careful never to state his views on written more than a after was more outspoken. In a long year the statement ery in the French colonies, he still Convention's decree abolishing slavquestion of deciding whether this form defended its legitimacy. "It is not a contradiction with the law of of property is in conformity or in nature, but recognized it as : a true form of simply >9 whether the nation has as he was concerned, what really property, he wrote, adding that, as far benefited France. "For mattered was whether the slave myself, I confess system to Negro slaves and all other that I prefer my fellow citizens Galbaud's men,' he concluded. decision to his a showed how little he bring wife and young children with him brother, Galbaud's understood the situation of the wife was an outspoken colony. Like his both verbally and in writing, and she did personality, highly articulate husband's business. On public not hesitate to intervene in her Galbaud considered it her matters as well as family affairs, left France job to stiffen her husband's Madame in March 1793, she had spine. Before they his siblings about the division of his congratulated him for standing up to him that he had not mother's property, while supported her in a similar reminding inheritance. 25 Her opinions were dispute about her own 1792, she had written a letter to her not counterevolutionary - in August emigrated, arguing in favor of the brother, a military officer who had forcefully expressed. On the revolution:s - but they were always Galbaud attracted ship bringing them from attention when she France, Madame the ship's captain and overruled her husband and crew out of talked sighted. "Citizen, 3 she told (the pursuing a British vessel they had important mission: captain), 'you are responsible for his you have on your ship the an family . - Not only should these general, his adjutant and considerations stop you, but an 23 Berouet to Galbauds, June 2, and D. XXV 49, d.476. 1793, Inginac to César Galbauds, June 4, 1793, in AN, 25 Mme Galbaud Galbaud, to letter of March 30, 1795, in AN, D XXV Galbaud, March 6, 1793, in 48, d. 465. (Mme.Galbaud] to "Jémi," August 7, 1792, in AN, D XXV 49, d. 476. AN, D XXV 49, d. 476. d.476. 1793, Inginac to César Galbauds, June 4, 1793, in AN, 25 Mme Galbaud Galbaud, to letter of March 30, 1795, in AN, D XXV Galbaud, March 6, 1793, in 48, d. 465. (Mme.Galbaud] to "Jémi," August 7, 1792, in AN, D XXV 49, d. 476. AN, D XXV 49, d. 476. --- Page 178 --- A Model Republican General even more I6I thought of important all the gold one obliges you to stick to taken, what a loss for your frigate is If your course. Have you up to and the Republict", carrying? by bad luck we were following the events of Throughour the always at her husband's June 20, 1793, events leading a direct role in affairs. elbow, offering her views Madame and Galbaud was her Unfortunately, her sometimes crises outspokenness, and her judgment was no match taking facing the general. interventions often served to for - The Galbaud exacerbate the a young party -in addition to his ful aide-de-camp, André family, he was chronicler of the Conscience, who would accompanied by by several other newly general's misadventures in the become the faithwas Jean-Pierre appointed officials, of whom New World,* and cial Masse, the the most officer - arrived in colony's new important found the city's Cap Français harbor "ordonnateur" on 6 or chief financome him. For demoralized white May 1793.9 Galbaud city without more than two months, population more than ready to welmander, had real leadership; General Sonthonax's absence had left the of the just abandoned his effort Laveaux, the local nearby hills, and the to drive the black military comthe civil Interim Commission insurgents out the Interim commissioners not to take any action in was under orders from intimidated Commission's president, their absence. had the group into would later claim that Boucher, been as recognizing his Galbaud had charge of the eager as the rest of the free authority, but in reality they publicly told situation. According to the population to see him take succeeds the Galbaud that, with his Moniteur général, Boucher darkest night. >9 arrival, "the most had among us, together with his Boucher added that Galbaud's beautiful day zeal ought-to revive the courage of respectable family that now "presence and courage will be our fellow citizens, since his becomes ours, lishing his properties, strengthened by his strong well known children except the without which he would have interest in reestabAt public ceremonies glorious heritage of his nothing to leave his by spokesmen for extending over several republican virtues." 30 several other days, Galbaud was groups. The head of the hailed 27 Pouzols to local clergy 18 According Sonthonax, to one of his August 18, 1793, in AN, D XXV; campaign in 1792. He also letters, Conscience had 14, d. I3obis. in 1791. claimed that he served with Galbaud in 29 Moniteur Conscience, général, letter of 17 prair. II, in had helped arrest Louis the Ardennes Jo Moniteur May 7, 1793. AN, D XXV 81, d. XVI at Varennes in BN, Ms. général, n.a.f. Mays,1793 (Interim 793. 6846. Commission, May7); Boucher, di "Galbaudiana," . He also letters, Conscience had 14, d. I3obis. in 1791. claimed that he served with Galbaud in 29 Moniteur Conscience, général, letter of 17 prair. II, in had helped arrest Louis the Ardennes Jo Moniteur May 7, 1793. AN, D XXV 81, d. XVI at Varennes in BN, Ms. général, n.a.f. Mays,1793 (Interim 793. 6846. Commission, May7); Boucher, di "Galbaudiana," --- Page 179 --- You Are All Free expressed the certainty that to their duties, the murderous "soon . the Negroes in revolt will return stained and still steel will fall from their hands, which wet with the blood of their are and tranquility will be masters" and that "calm completely reestablished, all hearts united, all annihilated." >31 The city's main party spirit "the citizen governor general newspaper editorialized that North Province with the inspires the unfortunate inhabitants of the greatest son to believe that his confidence, and we have every reahearts of all the reputation has planted the same sentiment colonists. 32 The in the color were less effusive in their representatives of the city's free men of eral and his brother took their endorsement of Galbaud. When the gentroops in the city, oaths of office in front of the assembled saluted him Cairou, the commander of the free colored on their behalf. Galbaud assured soldiers, are known, I am a I them that "my principles for the country," > but republican, he did count heavily on you and your love remark that centuries and of pride; their total "prejudices are the children of destruction over night. "33 A few cannot be brought about the National days later, a delegation from the Sixth Guard, the unit composed Battalion of called on the general and exclusively of free men of color, cautious in addressing on Masse, the new ordonnateur. They were honor of paying Galbaud, telling him that "the visit we have you is that of a the for many years, the weight of the regenerated people who have suffered, continue to most arbitrary despotism We march, as we have up to now, under the will law, of which you are the representative." >9 protection of the they were more forthright, Speaking to Masse, however, tions, who, one complaining about "those with bad cannot doubt, will not stop intenthese rights. >34 seeking ways of attacking As he went through these rounds of Galbaud was also bombarded from public welcoming ceremohies, advice. Some of those who all sides with private appeals and such wrote to him were as Madame Laporte, the simply seeking assistance, dren" who had been "burned "poor mother of a family with five chilgroup of soldiers who out and all the Negroes killed," and and claimed that their term of a that they had not been paid, but others enlistment had expired cerns. The numerous had more political conprisoners arrested by Sonthonax and Polverel in 31 Affiches américaines (Cap 32 Moniteur général, May II, Français), May I3, 1793 (ceremony of May 8). 33 Moniteur général, May IO, 1793. 34 Affiches américaines (Cap Français), 1793. May IS, 1793. and all the Negroes killed," and and claimed that their term of a that they had not been paid, but others enlistment had expired cerns. The numerous had more political conprisoners arrested by Sonthonax and Polverel in 31 Affiches américaines (Cap 32 Moniteur général, May II, Français), May I3, 1793 (ceremony of May 8). 33 Moniteur général, May IO, 1793. 34 Affiches américaines (Cap Français), 1793. May IS, 1793. --- Page 180 --- A Model Republican General Saint-Marc and the Cap Français Port-au-Prince harbor who were being held on their own behalf seized the board ships in and to opportunity to lobby never. been exercised denounce the Galbaud on accusing with more skill and commissioners. 39 "Tyranny has Sonthonax and imposture," one of acies to foment discord Polverel of "having used the them wrote, zens.35 An and division the pretext of conspirof the free anonymous letter writer warned among two classes" of free citiassassins, men [of color] with the whites is Galbaud that "the reunion feed off thieves, arsonists, the civil only simulated, they remain our blood," while commissioners are were in danger.J6 another claimed that the vampires who criticize Cambis, the naval general's children Sonthonax and Polverel commander, alhough careful tions and formalities openly, advised not to are necessary to Galbaud that Commissioners." 37 Two prominent stay out of trouble with the "precauships, the journalist white colonial Civil waged an Tanguy-Laboisière and his agitators held on the especially vigorous friend Thomas over. In a joint letter, the two epistolary campaign to win Millet, hold the fate of the national told him, "Citizen! This is the the general with true friends of the economy in your hand. Surround moment: You men continued to send him republic, and Sain-Domingue is saved. yourself >38 ers, although Galbaud regular letters denouncing the Both As he sorted initially paid them no special commissionhis notion of through his attention. what a colonial correspondence and prepared to live hold ran up a grocery bill of governor should be - the Galbaud up to to more than IO 8,766 livres in a a housethirds of it per cent of the general's month, sum amounting going for wine annual salary, with clothess. - Galbaud also alone, and the general ordered twosentiments, and the worked on a proclamation himself new himself first principles that will setting out his "true to guide my conduct." >> "I share your sufferings: "property-owning colonists," 32 he assured Addressing He called on them My greatest concern will them that color" and to abandon their be to reduce them." accept them as prejudices >> against the a return to "the old order "brothers, and to abandon "citizens of of things." any thought of Turning next to the "citizens 35 Letters from femme of from Jolliot, 8, Laporte, May 9, 1793, from 36 Anonymous May 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. several soldiers, May 7, 37 Cambis to letters, May 14, 1793 and n.d., in 450. 1793, and s8 Tanguy-Laboisière Galbaud, May IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV AN, D XXV 48, d. 462. DXXV 47, d.. and Thomas Millet, letter to 51, d. 489. 39 AN, D. XXV 49, 450. d. 468. Galbaud, May IO, 1793, in AN, . several soldiers, May 7, 37 Cambis to letters, May 14, 1793 and n.d., in 450. 1793, and s8 Tanguy-Laboisière Galbaud, May IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV AN, D XXV 48, d. 462. DXXV 47, d.. and Thomas Millet, letter to 51, d. 489. 39 AN, D. XXV 49, 450. d. 468. Galbaud, May IO, 1793, in AN, --- Page 181 --- You Are All Free color," Galbaud acknowledged that "an absurd you of the right of all free men to prejudice had deprived law]." Now, however, the French participate in the formation [of the had "seen their legislature and the white error, and the duty of all citizens population government. "I declare to you that I can was to support the who, disdaining the only see an enemy in the man justice," >> Galbaud protection of the law, acts on his own to demand warned; *I will use all the forces punish him." Galbaud then assured the at my disposal to the problems that city's merchants that "I know you are experiencing" and all about the best ways to revive promised to consult them to support him and commerce. He called on all public officials have always appealed to the troops to show "the same zeal displayed on the continent." 9 you not been paid for Aware that the several months, he soldiers had but insisted on their duty of obedience. promised to find money for them, by swearing to maintain, "with Galbaud ended his declaration the free man and the slave: It rigor, the distance that exists between is this that anyone to violate."o boundary I will never allow Galbaud's proclamation was fully in line with the government had adopted at the time of his policies the French been explained to him at length in the appointment, and which had him by the ministers Etienne written instructions provided to anced Clavière and Monge.+: He promises to the white colonists and the carefully balwarnings against "citizens of 4 April" with sized the opposition to the law from either need for unity to defeat the slave group, and empharepublican in tone, Galbaud's insurrection. Unimpeachably viewed the situation in proclamation nevertheless showed that he Sonthonax and Polverel Saint-Domingue had very differently from the way ous months in the colony. come to see things after seven tumultucommitted While Galbaud, at least to the notion that whites and free rhetorically, was still brought to cooperate to save the people of color could be cluded that only the latter colony, the commissioners had conwhile Galbaud relied group actually supported French And on the effects of policy. riences had driven the civil persuasion and reason, their expeemphasizing their commissioners to adopt a peremptory authority as representatives of the tone, insisting on the population's national will and duty to obey their orders. 40 Galbaud, Proclamation, (Cap Français: république, May I2, Imprimerie de la commission 1793) in AN, D XXV d. 186. civile de la "Mémoire en forme d'instructions données 19, maréchal de camp Galbaud Gouverneur de la par le Conseil exécutif provisioire au AN, D XXV 47, d. 448. partie française de St. Domingue, in isting on the population's national will and duty to obey their orders. 40 Galbaud, Proclamation, (Cap Français: république, May I2, Imprimerie de la commission 1793) in AN, D XXV d. 186. civile de la "Mémoire en forme d'instructions données 19, maréchal de camp Galbaud Gouverneur de la par le Conseil exécutif provisioire au AN, D XXV 47, d. 448. partie française de St. Domingue, in --- Page 182 --- A Model Republican General The most striking an omission. Even aspect of Galbaud's he is in all though his official instructions proclamation, however, was circumstances obliged by the reminded him "that commissioners," > he made no law to fulfill the demands of the Interim mention of them.4 Boucher, of the he had urged Commission and a distinctly hostile the president that the Galbaud to acknowledge the witness, claimed that general had replied, "I commissioners' ers here, but I don't know know that there are civil authority, but me : Ifthey are what their powers are or commissionknow neither willing, I will get along with their authority over doubt equals nor superiors. 99 them, but in my position I about the commissioners' Galbaud also supposedly Boucher that they had republican expressed or other streets not done anything to orthodoxy, pointing out to in Cap rename the rue de chy. Whether Français that still Bourbon or not he actually commemorated the monarclaimed, Galbaud expressed himself as whatever measures certainly acted as though he had openly as Boucher he thought were the power to take confronting him in Cap necessary to deal with the of Galbaud's Français. The situation tone. From commissioners' enemies left behind when Port-au-Prince, their took note his colleague Sonthonax and Polverel set off secretary, for Picquenard, powers, that the Delpech, "Rumor spread that Galbaud Jacmel, wrote to sion was over. 44 commissioners were in flight, that the came with higher time of oppresAlthough his failure to lamation sent a acknowledge the them strong message, commissioners in his were friendly. "It would Galbaud's first procyour ideas and have been very useful communications to with after he landed. your patriotism at the outset, >, he have the beneft of the difficulties "It was that hope that calmed wrote to them the day of all sorts that me, when It them to return to Cap were going to confront me.' thought 92 He about he wrote again, Français as quickly as urged before saying that he hesitated to take possible, Four days later, don't consulting them, since "the crowd of any important decisions inspire me with people who tion. s2 He was, however, enough confidence to allow me to choose surround me warmth with which eager to seize the a direche had been welcomed. opportunity created by the "Citizen commissioners, it "Mémoire en forme d'instructions maréchal de camp Galbaud données par le Conseil AN, D XXV 47, d. Gouverneur de la exécutif 43 Boucher, 448. partie française de St. provisioire 99 au "Galbaudians," in BN, Ms. n.a.f. Domingue," in Adonis, Picquenard to Delpech, May 26, 1793, in 6846. 247. AN, D XXV 12, d. IIS, cited in Bongie, maréchal de camp Galbaud données par le Conseil AN, D XXV 47, d. Gouverneur de la exécutif 43 Boucher, 448. partie française de St. provisioire 99 au "Galbaudians," in BN, Ms. n.a.f. Domingue," in Adonis, Picquenard to Delpech, May 26, 1793, in 6846. 247. AN, D XXV 12, d. IIS, cited in Bongie, --- Page 183 --- You Are All Free seems to me that one cannot who have caused all the act too quickly to annihilate the "At the sufferings of this brigands of delay moment, the public has an enthusiasm unfortunate colony," he wrote. necessarily in my favor SO hurry back here diminishes; "45 let us profit from this that every day The commissioners' situation if we can, that they would be able first letters to Galbaud also est to expressed pleasure that we have learned cooperate effectively. "It is with confidence wrote from of your arrival in this the greatknow our Port-au-Prince on May 12. "Your colony," they about principles; it is patriotism is the triumph of the impossible that we should not, known, you informed him that cause of the Republic. 99 together, bring the recalcitrant they intended to complete their Nevertheless, they they did whites of Jacmel before campaign against so, however, they returning to the north. ing the slave war, and in promised that "we will join When tyrants." Without starting the war of the you in finishtions, the commissioners knowing anything specific about Republic against the might upset the delicate were nevertheless clearly Galbaud's intenleaving Cap Français. equilibrium Sonthonax had concerned that he sive measure until "We urge you . to hold established before for we arrive, 99 they off on any sort of your intentions and wrote. "We have the deciwould be your talents, but highest regard themselves dangerous to let yourself be perils surround you, and it in the national colors influenced by men of French but who who principles. 3> told are the most disguise of Laveaux and "not They Galbaud to be violent enemies later, they announced to name any officers until guided by the advice white that they were we arrive." A day loyalists, to meet with him: sending Louis Dufay, one of Jacobin and a true "We urge you to greet him their counted on republican." as a good Dufay to Undoubtedly motives. 46 report to them his Sonthonax and Polverel impressions of The Galbaud's real commissioners' biggest might torpedo their efforts concern at this tions. On May to persuade the slaves point was that Galbaud lamation 18, they sent the to return to the of May 5, general a packet of plantaorders to distribute 1793 restating the principles of copies the of their procand Polverel them in Cap Français. 47 Code noir, with sent Galbaud a long letter, Four days later, Sonthonax setting out in detail their 45 Galbaud, letters of - strategy 46 Sonthonax and May 8 and 12, 1793, in Polverel to AN, D XXV 48, d. Piequenard to Galbaud, May Galbaud, r8, May I2 and 13, 1793, in AN, 460. D 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d.. XXV 47, d. 449. 449. sent Galbaud a long letter, Four days later, Sonthonax setting out in detail their 45 Galbaud, letters of - strategy 46 Sonthonax and May 8 and 12, 1793, in Polverel to AN, D XXV 48, d. Piequenard to Galbaud, May Galbaud, r8, May I2 and 13, 1793, in AN, 460. D 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d.. XXV 47, d. 449. 449. --- Page 184 --- A Model Republican General for dealing with the slave est statement of their intentions rebellion, a document that eagerness you show prior to the crisis provides the cleardoes to speed the of June 20, not surprise us," up annihilation of the 1793. "The nate them, is also they wrote. "To defeat rebellious slaves our wish, and it should them, but not to colony. But is it SO be that of all the extermiby which they had simple to achieve this goal?" friends of the necessary, come to believe that Retracing the process they reminded the general that concessions to the slaves were when we arrived from today. The Europe, our forces were more than they only wanted plantation-ownere to would not listen to talk twice what they are war on the slaves; what exterminate. The general cry forced about peaceful was methods; have been overrun, but this has the result? Many slaves have us been to agree, we made armies of the brigands still merely forced them to killed, camps the expense of the colonists. exist, and every day they can move find their outposts; the reduced our armies to almost Meanwhile the new recruits at to add recruits. One, nothing, and, unlike climate, the fatigue and combat have have defeated them four, ten victories brigands, we have no unable to resist nor exterminated against the slaves, and we will way an attack from our external them, and we will have made ourselves neither enemies. Rather than continuing futile Sonthonax and Polverel touted assaults against the paign against Port-an-Prince. the strategy they had used insurgent in forces, mation of the sth of this "We revealed a great truth in their cam- 'One-must strike the month," they told our proclaslave insurrections heads of some free men, Galbaud, if "when we said, of to an end.' As soon as we one wants to bring the Fort-au-Prince, we were able to defeated the white return to their work get the rebel slaves of rebels could use the same gangs and disarm them without Cul-de-Sac to the South, wouldn't gentle methods to end the slave violence. If one Less than you prefer that, war. in the North and a month before the Citizen, to any hostile door to crisis that would force measure?"49 that the emancipation, slave the commissioners were still them to open the from white uprising only persisted because of convinced, firstly, with. reforms eontemmoltionaress and secret that stopped well short secondly, that it encouragement could be certainly not of actual abolition. ended on the converted; even after the Galbaud was that he commisioners on June 21, catastrophic failure of his assault had been on the point of 1793, he would be overheard "seizling] the mornes in order claiming 48 Sonthonax to put a 49 Ibid. and Polverel to Galbaud, May 22, 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 449. stopped well short secondly, that it encouragement could be certainly not of actual abolition. ended on the converted; even after the Galbaud was that he commisioners on June 21, catastrophic failure of his assault had been on the point of 1793, he would be overheard "seizling] the mornes in order claiming 48 Sonthonax to put a 49 Ibid. and Polverel to Galbaud, May 22, 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 449. --- Page 185 --- You Are All Free quick end to this war.' Pso Nevertheless, by the time he missioners' letter, he had become too received the comundertake military operations preoccupied with other matters to against the Instead of waiting patiently for Sonthonax insurgents. to Cap Français, Galbaud and Polverel to return the problems in the city. Not immediately set about trying to tackle all tion in August had since the first days of the slave insurrec179I the citizens seen such ship. Whereas Sonthonax and energetic local leaderthe local white population Polverel, upon their arrival, had treated with suspicion, Galbaud assumption that they would proceeded on the into account. As he sized cooperate with him if he took their views up the problems of army and the civilian population, finding supplies for the wages they had not received for several obtaining money to pay the soldiers the prisoners in the harbor from months, preventing the political demands of the ship causing unrest in the city, and satisfying the captains blocked in the port by the embargo, Galbaud began to commissioners' bring all parties envisage a comprehensive plan. He would together to work out a an arrangement that would let solution to the supply crisis and 18, he convened at least part of the fleet On a special assembly with depart. May groups concerned. Galbaud began representatives of the various tion's patriotism, after which with a ringing appeal to the populathe ordonnateur of the economic crisis. The Masse laid out the extent plies for the army and the government warehouses, the source of supevery kind of necessity: numerous refugees in the city, were short of "flour, salt meat, wine, candles, and other goods. Clothing, vegetables, butter, oil, The merchant ships shoes, a list that is scary to read." but they were able to furnish much of what were holding out for payment in cash, which was needed, Meanwhile, merchants on shore were was unavailable. and coffee, also hoarding their stockpiles of hoping to be able to sell them for cash. With sugar backing, Masse proposed to requisition this Galbaud's needed supplies, produce and exchange it for French compensating the colonial merchants with bills treasury and the American ship on the of their own government's debt captains with bills to be paid out to France.s: This initial proposal broke down because of American ship captains, who feared that their complaints from the release funds to honor the bills of government would not exchange they were promised; the Cap so "Récit historique du malheureux événement français," cited in Popkin, qui a réduit en cendres la ville du SI Procès-verbal of assembly, Facing Racial Revolution, 197. Cap May 18, 1793, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 461. with bills to be paid out to France.s: This initial proposal broke down because of American ship captains, who feared that their complaints from the release funds to honor the bills of government would not exchange they were promised; the Cap so "Récit historique du malheureux événement français," cited in Popkin, qui a réduit en cendres la ville du SI Procès-verbal of assembly, Facing Racial Revolution, 197. Cap May 18, 1793, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 461. --- Page 186 --- A Model Republican General Français merchants also Americans offered instead refused to give up their that requisitioning to accept payment in coffee goods voluntarily. The ifiti is goods from the city and sugar, necessary to make a sacrifice, merchants "may seem arguing individual, who has no other who ought to make hard, but for his interest in this it? An allies, or the Colonist, colony, than his American sume, he will be who, by this good wishes a second ultimately paid) avoids the momentary sacrifice (we prerevised version meeting, on May 24, 1793, greatest misfortunes." "52 At of their plan, Galbaud and Masse city residents would be offering the ship captains presented a tax collections, which compensated with bills to be paymènt in goods; them. The one demand Masse promised would be sufficient redeemed by future departure of the Galbaud could not satisfy to reimburse missioners could convoy; as he reminded the was a fixed date for the destined to escort authorize it its sailing, and in participants, only the comsome were not yet prepared for the any event, the naval vessels grumbling about the sacrifices voyage.ss There was Français, but the Moniteur demanded from the still for Galbaud: "In this général proclaimed the residents of Cap colony, and meeting, which will always be outcome a triumph ernor general especially in the unhappy North remembered in the the showed that the choice the Province, the citizen government of republic made of govHe spoke with this Saine-Domingue was truly based him to direct and persuades sentimental flow of words on merit and even the coldest that ability. remind the Americans egoists. He used the charms, carries along tried to throw off of the crises they occasion adroitly to of their the yoke of despotism in experienced when, like us, rights and he made order to they sion that was as useful on them and the whole acquire the enjoyment Galbaud as it was agreeable. "54 assembly an was equally pleased impressituation sent to Sonthonax and with himself. In a his satisfaction with Polverel on long review of the tions in the the way he had succeeded May 26, 1793, he expressed tensions city. He noted in particular in uniting the various facbetween the whites and the that he had had to resented having to treat the free men of color. The overcome the their part, wanted to "take latter as equals; the free former still and to persecute too much of men of color, for low] those who, once advantage the benefits of by misfortune. 99 powerful the law, Having, as he thought, enemies, are now [brought successfully $2 resolved the 33 Minutes Letter from 43 American ship 34 Moniteur of général, assembly, May 24, captains, 1793, in AN, May D 22, XXV 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. May 25, 1793. 48, d. 461. 450. ute too much of men of color, for low] those who, once advantage the benefits of by misfortune. 99 powerful the law, Having, as he thought, enemies, are now [brought successfully $2 resolved the 33 Minutes Letter from 43 American ship 34 Moniteur of général, assembly, May 24, captains, 1793, in AN, May D 22, XXV 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. May 25, 1793. 48, d. 461. 450. --- Page 187 --- You Are All Free problems in the city, he was now anxious to turn rations for warding off the his attention to prepabrother César had made looming British and Spanish attacks. His outposts and found an inspection tour of the province's them in disastrous military that the commissioners send condition. Galbaud demanded all that they help him troops from the South and West, and above and buy come up with money to pay the soldiers' necessary supplies. "Once more, citizen wages concluded, "come back here quickly. commissioners," he siderable Every moment of damage to the Republic. "55 By the time delay does conSonthonax and Polverel were they received this letter, Province. They already on their way back from the replied to Galbaud from South erating their order that no ships from the Port-au-Prince on May 31, reitdepart before their return to convoy were to be allowed to from Saint-Marc, Cap Français; four days later, they wrote Not sending some money to cover urgent bills.s6 everyone in Cap Français was had ordered. pleased with the measures Boucher, the president of the Galbaud to Sonthonax and Polverel to Interim Commission, wrote "maintain justify the decisions taken on peace and harmony in minds and May 24 to mentioning Galbaud at all.s7 Some of the stomachs," but without prices set for their goods were merchants objected that the that the despotism of the too low; they "persuaded themselves ment of M. commissioners was preferable to the Galbaud," one colonist wrote, and governthey could in valuing their goods.s8 they cheated as much as denounced "the fatal and On June 4, 1793, Galbaud publicly stupid egoism" of ing to conceal their city residents who were trygoods found in their merchandise, and authorized the seizure of all the chants, the general irked warehouses, the In addition to alienating the mering the whole of the white population requirement that they take turns by reinstatan emergency measure imposed in guarding the streets at night, allowed to lapse. 60 Tension in the August 1791 that had long since been city was further heightened on May 25, 55 Galbaud to Sonthonax and 56 Sonthonax and Polverel to Polverel, Galbaud, May 26, 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d.. D. XXV 47, d.. 449. letters of May 31 and June 449. 57 Boucher to Sonthonax 4, 1793, in AN, 58 Dalmas, Révolution de and Polverel, May 26, 1793, in AN, D XXV 64, d. 648. la connoissance du Citoyen Saint-Domingue, Gd. Sautet, 2: 156; "Conduitte et exposé vrai des faits ont eu lieu dans le trop malheureux captaine de Port du Cap Isle St. Dominque à juin 1793," in AN, D XXV d: evenement du Cap dans les du qui 59 Copy in CAOM, 81, 798. journées 20 au 24 des desastres de F3 198 (Moreau de Saint-Méry papers). See also Saint-Domingue, 284-5. Laplace, Histoire Declaration of Garnier, 17 bru. III, in AN, D XXV 82, d. 799. dans le trop malheureux captaine de Port du Cap Isle St. Dominque à juin 1793," in AN, D XXV d: evenement du Cap dans les du qui 59 Copy in CAOM, 81, 798. journées 20 au 24 des desastres de F3 198 (Moreau de Saint-Méry papers). See also Saint-Domingue, 284-5. Laplace, Histoire Declaration of Garnier, 17 bru. III, in AN, D XXV 82, d. 799. --- Page 188 --- A Model Republican General 1793, when Cap I7I houses, especially Français was hit by an nalist those with an earthquake. "Almost all the wrote. "The women, half upper story, were it was the end of the dressed and out of damaged," their one jourand the slaves joined world," a young colonist minds, thought ing of the horses. their cries to the barking of recalled, the "The children the Three shocks, dogs and the fear, the disorder and the coming one after the other, neighhis house, for fear of being tumult, and no one dared to redoubled More serious than crushed under the ruins. P61 go back into general's failure to win the disaffection of some of the they played little over the free whites was the role in his population of color. As a crisis. In his official negotiations to resolve the city's group, that he would enforce proclamations, Galbaud had economic the egalitarian law been careful to insist appointed a free man of of April 4, secretary. 7,62 color as one of his 1792, and he had however, Boucher, president of the adjutants and another as a that Galbaud had Interim Commission, whom he referred to constantly maintained, his as "mulattoes." 32 When expressed his distaste for those language, Galbaud supposedly Boucher cautioned him about mulattoes with me replied, "I was I didn't. The . - I wasn't good enough to be pressured to have two good escort. It commissioners would hold it thrown to the dogs if needed to be against me if I didn't As they made their done, SO I did it.' "63 have a and Polverel were way overland toward Cap Français, atmosphere in the receiving increasingly Sonthonax since city and about Galbaud, alarming reports about the November 1791 as the main Castaing, who had warned them that spokesman for the free men of emerged surrendering the coumerrerolationaries were color, to stop them. city to the British, and that speaking openly about Was the general Galbaud was seems to be, he says he is, himself a patriot, doing nothing were the letters the but I am not convinced. Castaing P64 asked? "He the man whose commissioners received from More devastating speech on February 4, 1794 would Dufay, their agent and convince the National 61 Affiches américaines New Orleans (Cap Français edition), 62 Deposition of Collection, Mme, ms. 8s-1r7-L, I: 127. May 27, 1793; "Mon Odyssée, * Historic nationale, sur les derniers Galbaud, in AN, D XXV 56; "André de Saint-Méry papers). évènemens de " Conscience à la Convention an adversary of Julien Poissat or Poizat, Sain-Dominguse Galbaud's free in CAOM,F3 193 (Moreau Sonthonax Raimond, who had colored 63 Boucher, (Raimond to Sonthonax, denounced him in one aide-de-camp, was 4 Castaing "Galbaudiana," 9 in BN, Ms. February 16, 1793, in AN, D of his letters to to commissioners, June n.a.f. 6846. XXV 16, d. 158). I, 1793, in AN, D XXV 16, d. 158. 's free in CAOM,F3 193 (Moreau Sonthonax Raimond, who had colored 63 Boucher, (Raimond to Sonthonax, denounced him in one aide-de-camp, was 4 Castaing "Galbaudiana," 9 in BN, Ms. February 16, 1793, in AN, D of his letters to to commissioners, June n.a.f. 6846. XXV 16, d. 158). I, 1793, in AN, D XXV 16, d. 158. --- Page 189 --- You Are All Free Convention to decree the abolition of slavery. situation in Le Cap, Dispatched to size up the internal and Dufay sent back a chilling assessment, external war, the mutiny of the "Revolt, in every direction, an troops who are influenced atrocious empty treasury, a shortage of acts of perfidy, the treason of the everything, the most every side, and are ready to aristocrats assail us from to our rescue, >3 he destroy us if you do not in this first wrote on May 25, 1793. Bleak as the promptly situation come letter, Dufay described Galbaud was, seems to be a man of character, and favorably, writing that "he your work." 765 worthy of being associated with Within a week, however, Dufay had about Galbaud. What changed his completely reversed his opinion lengthy conversation mind, he claimed, was between the general's overhearing a the commissioners' white brother César and another of César Galbaud had complained supporters, Vergniaud. According to Dufay, about the no actions should be taken in Cap commissioners' insistence that expressed sympathy for the whites François until they returned. He had would not obey the commissioners' of Port-au-Prince and swore that he brother would. To be orders, even though he assumed his sure, Dufay ent from his brother. "He has all the wrote, General Galbaud was differlaws, and even of a appearance of a supporter of the asked, why did the republican. Maybe he is one.' 79 Nevertheless, Dufay general tolerate his brother's reckless "why, instead of underlining and talk? And his influence the authority of the supporting with all his power and all about them in his commissioners, does he not say a word he could proclamations or his public discourses?" not cite anything overtly Although had done, Dufay ended by counterevolutionary that Galbaud commanders in writing, "I say that as long as the military which is all the Saint-Domingue are either nobles or same as far as their views are plantation-owners, be any hope for this unfortunate 966 concerned, there can hardly colony." Dufay's denunciations of the Galbauds ferences of principles, although he also undoubtedly reflected real difing to discredit César Galbaud. had a personal motive for wantGeneral a mission to inspect the North Galbaud had sent his brother on had found to be in a "truly Province's border defenses, which César tion was that of appalling" condition. 67 Dufay's official "inspector of the 7> posifrontiers, SO César Galbaud's report 6s Dufay to commissioners, 66 Dufay to commissioners, May 25, 1793, in AN, D XXV 16, d. 158. 67 General Galbaud to June 2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 16, d. 158. commissioners, May 26, 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 449. appalling" condition. 67 Dufay's official "inspector of the 7> posifrontiers, SO César Galbaud's report 6s Dufay to commissioners, 66 Dufay to commissioners, May 25, 1793, in AN, D XXV 16, d. 158. 67 General Galbaud to June 2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 16, d. 158. commissioners, May 26, 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 449. --- Page 190 --- A Model Republican General was a direct reflection on him. a personal quarrel with the Dufay's letters may have stemmed from dinated campaign to turn the Galbauds, but they were also part of a coorgations were echoed, sometimes commissioners against them. Dufay's allefrom the free colored leader in almost identical language, in letters a white army officer Castaing and from Pierre Charles they had already married to one of Castaing's sisters, 68 Robquin, dismissed Galbaud and Later, after France, Sonthonax and Polverel took ordered him to return to and Vergniaud, who all depositions from Dufay, doubt that César repeated the same accusations,6 Robquin, Galbaud was a rash There is little was probably not difficult to draw him and impulsive character, and it Accusations against Galbaud himself into making careless statements. disavowed his brother, that he had were much vaguer: that he had not among the white tolerated expressions of subordination colonists, and that he had failed discontent to the civil to acknowledge his of the spring of 1793, commissioners. In the paranoid however, such atmosphere suspicions. charges were enough to raise While the commissioners' grave undermining white and free colored Galbaud, Sonthonax's supporters were a similar effort to soW distrust enemies in Le Cap were in the making journalist Tanguy-Laboisière general's mind, The to convince Galbaud summed up all the evidence he imprisoned that Sonthonax could find blacks. He claimed that the and Polverel wanted to free the included armed slaves, that army deployed against the Port-au-Prince had even the worst criminals commissioners had spared the lives of paign in the north, and among those captured during the of their that they had illegally January camproperty by enrolling slaves deprived slave owners in their own forces. "The armed by the whites in the south ing horrors of pen refuses to set down all Saint-Domingue, s5 he the destabilizThomas Millet, Tanguy drew Galbaud's concluded. Together with his friend lished in the Ami de attention to severalarticles légalité, a Port-au-Prince pubnewspaper edited by the f On the l'insolite Castaing-Robquin ascension d'une famille family, see Eric Noel, "Le sang noir des du Centre d'histoire des espaces des isles (milieu XVIIIe - fin XIXe Castaing, > ou with Dufay and Robquin in atlantiques 7 (1995), 171-82. siècles), Bulletin into the family of 1794; after the death of his first Castaing went to France $ Napoleon's wife wife in 1797, he married Castaing to Josephine's first husband, the in AN D XXV commissioners.Juner 16, d. I, 1793, and Robquin to Beauharnais, 1793), and Vergniaud (June 158; depositions of Robquin (June commissioners,June: 2, 1793, to Laure 18, 1793), in AN, D XXV I5, 1793), Dufay (June I5, d. 786. Castaing, see his letter to his father, December 5, d. SI. On Robquin's marriage 8, 1793, in AN, D XXV 80, 16, d. I, 1793, and Robquin to Beauharnais, 1793), and Vergniaud (June 158; depositions of Robquin (June commissioners,June: 2, 1793, to Laure 18, 1793), in AN, D XXV I5, 1793), Dufay (June I5, d. 786. Castaing, see his letter to his father, December 5, d. SI. On Robquin's marriage 8, 1793, in AN, D XXV 80, --- Page 191 --- You Are All Free commissioners' out Galbaud's close secretary, Jean-Baptiste Picquenard, decide now, General, connection to the traitor which had pointed directed, and why toward what conclusion the Dumouriezz "You can command of someone has printed that public spirit is being Millet wrote.z: Dumouriez, on whose head you were the and As the there is said to be second-inGalbaud must have commissioners neared Cap a price,' 99 was about to take been increasingly Français, both they Whatever place. uneasy about the meeting that to welcome Galbaud's true sentiments ordered Sonthonax and Polverel may have been, he Admiral with decided fire a salute,: and Pierre-César-Chades he de appropriate ceremony, He accompanied the Sercey to have the commissionets as they entered large crowd that warships aide-de-camp André the city. Galbaud's went to greet the surrounded by "a crowd Conscience, recorded that the faithful Boswell, the the I6th of armed citizens of general found them their regiment. He descended from color, and return, and invited them his horse, dragoons from except that it was very to call on him at home. congratulated them on since they had hot, and that they could They said nothing, them (Castaing promised to go with the citizens not accept his Government and Vergniaud). *73 The who had come out invitation, to meet As House, where çrowd escorted on the occasions of they had decided to them back to the Galbaud's the commisioners' establish their residence. landing a month arrival in onstrate the unity of the earlier, a formal September 1792 and Sonthonax and Polverel population and of the ceremony was held to demset the tone, were barely willing to government leaders, but announcing that he and play the equality, and his game, Polverel stop us from happiness to the colony, and colleague that meant to bring lation he carrying out this great work. >> "no consideration peace, will addressed The the class of the directly were "the friends of only the groups in the popunists were people who were law of 4 April, and the rebellious passed over in silence, formerly and there oppressed," the white coloof slaves. "We will was no the price,' 99 he make promise to defeat concluded, Saine-Domingue "even if we must sacrifice happy, regardless ourselves." "74 The 70 Ami de 71 Tanguy légalité, to Galbaud, May 19 and 23, 1793. AN, D XXV May 26, 1793, and 72 Galbaud to 47, d.. 453. Thomas Millet to 73 André Sercey, June IO, 1793, in AN, Galbaud, May 28, 1793, in 74 Moniteur Conscience, ms. in AN, D XXV D XXV 48, d.. 461. générale, June II, 1793. 14, d. 130, y légalité, to Galbaud, May 19 and 23, 1793. AN, D XXV May 26, 1793, and 72 Galbaud to 47, d.. 453. Thomas Millet to 73 André Sercey, June IO, 1793, in AN, Galbaud, May 28, 1793, in 74 Moniteur Conscience, ms. in AN, D XXV D XXV 48, d.. 461. générale, June II, 1793. 14, d. 130, --- Page 192 --- A Model Republican General ordonnateur Masse tried to give a less confrontational tone sion, announcing that he saw in the crowd "the to the Occaall the different shades, it's the happy mixture of colors, harmony of nature. "75 never appeared in the Moniteur général; Galbaud's speech have set it in type, he was by the time the paper could no longer the colony's As the commissioners went offt to celebrate their governor. porters - the same men who had been return with their supplying them with ing Galbaud - the general read the letters denounchave much time to handwriting on the wall. "We won't "because get to know each other," he reportedly told his from all appearances, I will be in staff, to the Convention on the condition leaving a few days to report a governor is of the colony It seems that here general no more than a phantom, a men who rule by themselves and before whom passive agent of two scenario was familiar: it was everyone must bow." The exactly what had happened to predecessor, Desparbès. Boucher, president of the Interim Galbaud's claimed that Galbaud had already Commission, Sonthonax and Polverel had anticipated this outcome before returned. Unlike expected the confrontation to end in his favor. Desparbès, however, he Paris, he told Boucher, "the French Once he got back to word will be believed, and after know my name and my record; my unmask them and obtain having spent just the time necessary to calculation troops, I will return to fight them.' "76 was not far from the mark: had he Galbaud's he would have reached France kept to his resolution, just when the the exiled Saint-Domingue Convention, egged on by Sonthonax and colonists, ordered the recall and arrest of Polverel. On the morning of June II, 1793, Galbaud went to meet the commissioners, leaving behind instructions for a banquet to which he them, with *the table flanked by four tricolor had invited he returned, without the hangings. P77 By the time plete. commissioners, his breach with them was According to André Conscience's detailed comsioners began the meeting by asking about the account, the commisat the time of Galbaud's political situation in Paris departure; as Conscience to know "the political position of certain realized, they wanted disfavor was the thermometer that individuals whose credit or his allies and the white guided them," 5 namely Brissot and Saint-Domingue colonists whom Sonthonax deported. They were dissatisfied with the general's had reply that he paid no 75 Moniteur générale, June 13, 76 Boucher, "Galbaudiana," 3 in 1793. BN, Ms. n.a.f. 77 Boucher, "Galbaudiana," in BN, Ms. n.a.f. 6846. 6846. ized, they wanted disfavor was the thermometer that individuals whose credit or his allies and the white guided them," 5 namely Brissot and Saint-Domingue colonists whom Sonthonax deported. They were dissatisfied with the general's had reply that he paid no 75 Moniteur générale, June 13, 76 Boucher, "Galbaudiana," 3 in 1793. BN, Ms. n.a.f. 77 Boucher, "Galbaudiana," in BN, Ms. n.a.f. 6846. 6846. --- Page 193 --- You Are All Free attention to politics, and alarmed to learn that the missed the charges against the Convention had disto the general's brother. deportees.s The conversation then turned Sonthonax and Polverel sources had told them that "he announced that reliable and demanded that Galbaud professes the most anticivic principles" and return to France.79 In their persuade him to agree to resign his post commissioners subsequent report to the the alleged that César Galbaud had made Convention, mations against the Republic, the "constant declawho make the Convention and the virtuous up executive council," and that he had ministers panegyrics about Dumouriez and all the delivered "repeated cumstances in which France finds traitors who the perilous cirWhen Galbaud defended his itself are unmasking every day. "80 brother's the more heated. Conscience's intentions, conversation grew that account, hostile to the "they did not blush to repeat the infamous commissioners, claims uttered more than once in Galbaud's phrase that Dufay had entirely destroy the white presence, that it was necessary to race in the colony. >81 account of the meeting, the commissioners According to another complained that the free men of color were irritated when Galbaud can hardly doubt that Sonthonax were provoking the whites.2 One another that the free and Polverel insisted in one or men of color were the only reliable way Domingue. patriots in SaintWhen Galbaud continued to disagree with the spoke of obedience to their orders." Galbaud commissioners, "they obedience to their specific told them that he "owed to the laws. 'Here,' the requests, provided that they were not contrary commissioners ers are everything; they have full responded, 'the civil commissionrefused to concede the powers in every respect. 399 Galbaud point: it would amount, he ing himself to be reduced to "the claimed, to allowFinally, Sonthonax and lieutenant of the civil commission." ity for his Polverel raised the question of Galbaud's position, citing the provision of the law of eligibilexcluded colonial April 4, 1792 that property owners from holding government positions. 78 Anon., "Précis historique de l'événement du AN, D XXV 14, d. I30. On June IS, the Cap des 20, 21, 22 & 23 juin 1793," in Maurice, to turn over to them the information commissioners about ordered the journalist, Saint79 colonist, Verneuil, had made in Paris in March. AN, the D XXV denunciation of them that the 80 Conscience, Sonthonax ms. in AN, D XXV 14, d. I30. 40. D XXV d. and Polverel, report to National 5, 52. Convention, July IO, 1793, in AN, 82 Conscience, ms. in AN, D XXV 14, d. 130. Anon., "Précis historique de l'événement du AN, D XXV 14, d. 130. Cap des 20, 21, 22 & 23 juin 1793,"i in 80 Conscience, Sonthonax ms. in AN, D XXV 14, d. I30. 40. D XXV d. and Polverel, report to National 5, 52. Convention, July IO, 1793, in AN, 82 Conscience, ms. in AN, D XXV 14, d. 130. Anon., "Précis historique de l'événement du AN, D XXV 14, d. 130. Cap des 20, 21, 22 & 23 juin 1793,"i in --- Page 194 --- A Model Republican General Galbaud told them that he had but, when pressed, he had informed Monge authorized an to admit that about his situation, had had exception to the law in his favor. Monge had never specifically "let me enough. "Send me back to 99 At this point, the serve my France," he told the general promise to blindly country on the frontiers. And commisioners, selves above obey the will of why? Because I will the laws." 583 men, especially when not The conflict they put thembetween Galbaud and something to do with their the set of commissioners notes for a differing views about race arid certainly had gone aboard the response to the slavery. In a that "the sudden ship meant to return commisioners, him to written after he had abolition of France, Galbaud ony without any beneft slavery would warned that I strongly to those affected," and completely he destroy the colissue that led criticized your 3> added that "it is true to his dismissal. negrophile system. But this well knew, the As he noted, and was not the SO "each of Convention had taken no as the us can commissioners He also did state his opinion position regarding and not share the without fear of slavery, ple of color; his commissioners' favorable violating the law,"84 of his offenses in enemy, Boucher, alleged that view of the free peonever the eyes of Galbaud had said that consented to make his wife Sonthonax and Polverel was that one part of her society: "85 receive all the concubines "he had law of April 4, Nevertheless, he had in the city as of slavery, had 1792, just as the commisioners, adhered to the letter of the to maintained the laws despite their suggest that Galbaud had authorizing it. There is abhorrence his lot with the Revolution any royalist inclinations. He no evidence officers had been and the Jacobins at a time had thrown in tion before the disaster willing to do SO. Insofar as he had when few veteran ance of the Duke of of June 20, 1793, it was for his any public reputato lead the attack Brunswick. When he came flamboyant defion the ashore on "Marseillaise," > the anthem commisioners, he would do June 20, 1793 of the SO the Although, as we have republican military. singing ing to France would allow seen, Galbaud may have calculated abandoning his him to take that returnin revenge on the easy for him. Up appointment to this commisioners, moment, Saint-Domingue the French cannot have been Revolution had Conscience, ms. in AN, D XXV brought DXXV confirmed in the commissioners 14, d. I30; the substance of 84 Galbaud, 5, d. 52, report of July IO, 1793 to the Conscience's account is 8; Boucher, "Observations," > n.d., in AN, D XXV Convention, in AN, "Galbaudiana," in BN, Ms. n.a.f. 48, d. 460. 6846. -Domingue the French cannot have been Revolution had Conscience, ms. in AN, D XXV brought DXXV confirmed in the commissioners 14, d. I30; the substance of 84 Galbaud, 5, d. 52, report of July IO, 1793 to the Conscience's account is 8; Boucher, "Observations," > n.d., in AN, D XXV Convention, in AN, "Galbaudiana," in BN, Ms. n.a.f. 48, d. 460. 6846. --- Page 195 --- You Are All Free him opportunities of which he could slow-moving never have dreamed career under the Old In during his had risen from Regime. a matter of months, he obscurity to become a Prussians on the battlefield and republican hero, defeating the at the conference table. standing up to the Duke of Brunswick Entrusted with the mission most valuable colony, he had, in his of saving France's ties by resolving the crisis he had own eyes at least, proven his abiliHe was no found on his arrival in Cap Desparbès, too old and feeble to Français. now confronting him. His oppose the two civilians sense of his status as a representative of the as a military officer and betray his brother, made it Republic, together with an unwillingness to status Sonthonax and impossible for him to accept the subordinate Galbaud strongly Polverel intended to impose on him. In his denounced the commissioners' notes, as governor was limited to claim that his authority governor in the giving orders to the troops. "The of the colony is that of the executive place tained, "although of course under the power," Galbaud mainof the metropole. Now authority of the executive other you know that in France the executive power functions to fill besides that of power has Sonthonax and Polverel military command." >86 naturally saw by some months the Convention's things differently. Anticipating required a own recognition that the revolutionary form of government with Republic authority, they sternly informed Galbaud a single center of of your patriotism when that "you revealed the limits be the passive instrument you formally declared that you would never of our orders. We are not doctrine, in demanding from you the obedience establishing a new of the Republic. We are simply due to the delegates constitutional recalling you to the observance of the the principles that imperatively establish the military to the civil authority." 87 Galbaud submission of obeyed any of their instructions, but the had not actually distaken during their absence independent initiatives he had ously broad notion of showed, in their view, that he had a his powers. he dangerof April 4, 1792, Galbaud's Although had respected the law the commissioners unhappiness about the privileged had accorded to the free men position and he clearly opposed the of color was palpable, had decided to conciliatory policy Sonthonax and adopt with regard to the slave Polverel, intended to act as a party leader or population. Whether he potential rallying point for white not, Galbaud obviously represented a : opposition to the commissioners. The 86 Galbaud, "Observations," 87 Songhonax and Polverel n.d., in AN, D XXV 48, d. 460. to Galbaud, June 13, 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 449. color was palpable, had decided to conciliatory policy Sonthonax and adopt with regard to the slave Polverel, intended to act as a party leader or population. Whether he potential rallying point for white not, Galbaud obviously represented a : opposition to the commissioners. The 86 Galbaud, "Observations," 87 Songhonax and Polverel n.d., in AN, D XXV 48, d. 460. to Galbaud, June 13, 1793, in AN, D XXV 47, d. 449. --- Page 196 --- A Model Republican General authority over the colony that too precarious for the commissioners they had worked SO hard to establish agreement with their to tolerate the risk of was to have been appointed policies on the part of an official who public disd removal of Galbaud directly by the could claim would leave metropolitan general of the colony: after General Lasalle as the government. The totally under the his humiliation in titular governor the North Province commissioners' thumb, 88 Command Fort-au-Prince, he was and Polverel would fall to Etienne of the troops in knew they could count. Laveaux, on whom Galbaud returned from his Sonthonax state ofhigh dudgeon. If he had confrontation with the a Galbaud must have any doubts about what commissioners in a the resolved them. to do, Madame banquet to begin, heard Boucher, who had been her soul," telling the her, "with tears in her waiting for contagious, general, "Let us flee this land eyes and rage in mulattoes breathing it will turn my of blood, the air is rule under the children into monsters. Let from you to the National command oftheir despots. Go, these believed, and it will be Convention will unmask my son, a word punish them and a happy day for you when them. You will be have inflicted avenge the whites for the you return here to on them.' 89 Galbaud atrocities that those wont, he expressed himself was more people two long letters in in writing: on June diplomatic. I2, As was his the which he tried to oblige the 1793, he composed responsibility for to ordering him to commissioners to take France, as was his brother, depart. He was willing to voluntarily resign his but, he explained, neither of return it would not be the post. *The law forbids me to them would who would one who is willing to sacrifice do sO, and certainly commissioners permit himself to violate it," he himself to uphold it would issue formal wrote. Nevertheless, if them, and indeed, Galbaud orders, both Galbauds the back to my country, where claimed, that was all he wanted. would obey the enemies of liberty I can join my "Send me Iam no comrades-in-arms in umny venomously good for anything in a place fighting commissioners obliged misrepresents even my thoughts," s9 he told where calescorted on board him, and on June 13, them,s0 The tiate the 1793, both Galbauds with Sonthonax Normande, leaving Madame were and Polverel about Galbaud to nego88 The arrangements for herself, her Corte, commissioners La Salle, 216. notified Lasalle that he would 89 Boucher, replace Galbaud on June 90 Galbaud "Galbaudiana," to in BN, ms. n.a.f. 6846. 12, 1793. d. 1509, and Sonthonax AA 55, d. and Polverel, two letters of ISII. June I2, 1793, in AN, AA 54, were and Polverel about Galbaud to nego88 The arrangements for herself, her Corte, commissioners La Salle, 216. notified Lasalle that he would 89 Boucher, replace Galbaud on June 90 Galbaud "Galbaudiana," to in BN, ms. n.a.f. 6846. 12, 1793. d. 1509, and Sonthonax AA 55, d. and Polverel, two letters of ISII. June I2, 1793, in AN, AA 54, --- Page 197 --- You Are All Free à $ a - - F I5E of the Normande. and Polverel on June ee FIGURE 5-I. Model Sonthonax pet by the civil commissioners including his brother After his dismissal Galbaud joined other political prisoners, from the ship were among the 13, 1793, General corvette La Normande. The sailors 1793. César, on the Français on June 20, instigators of the assault on Cap Source: Musée de la Marine, Paris. all of whom and her two female companions, children, their governess, (See Figure 5.1.) to manualso to return to France." the had were Galbaud, commissioners' procHaving decided to dismiss 1793, they issued a public him. On June 13, that he would not facture a case against him for his "formal declaration lamation denouncing Mme Galbaud inAN, D XXV 48, d. 462; June 13, 1793, d. 186. 91 Galbaud to commissioners, 1793, in AN, D XXV 19, to Sonthonax, June 13, 1.) to manualso to return to France." the had were Galbaud, commissioners' procHaving decided to dismiss 1793, they issued a public him. On June 13, that he would not facture a case against him for his "formal declaration lamation denouncing Mme Galbaud inAN, D XXV 48, d. 462; June 13, 1793, d. 186. 91 Galbaud to commissioners, 1793, in AN, D XXV 19, to Sonthonax, June 13, --- Page 198 --- A Model Republican General 18I and his "perfidious maneuvers to create himcarry out our decrees" his violated self a party in the North, " and explaining that nomination colonial landlaw's against the appointment of the April 4 prohibition second lambastowners.* Two days later, they issued a proclamation the "absurd and illegal measures" agreed to at the public meetings ing had on May 18 and May 24, 1793 to deal with Galbaud organized Polverel called "an imaginary evil." The colony, what Sonthonax and and no one except them had they claimed, was not short of supplies, however, that it the right to convene such assemblies.9 Recognizing, the United States if the promwould ruin Saint-Domingue's trade with the American merchant ship captains were not honored, ises made to merchants who had been personally present at they ordered the Le Cap those merchants of the meeting to pay the whole sum involved, accusing the Americans with goods from their warehouses having offered to pay an itemized list of that actually belonged to others, and they provided This drastic how much each of the trading houses concerned owed.94 it have the merchants on the list, although may measure must enraged from traders who had been have won the commissioners some support Galbaud's themselves to plan. fortunate enough to avoid committing Sonthonax Galbaud's economic measures, In addition to denouncing evidence of his nefarious political and Polverel undertook to gather of their supporters intentions. They took depositions from the group brothers durwho had written them letters denouncing the Galbaud absence from the city, and from other witnesses who claimed ing their had talked of organizing resistance to the commissionthat the general they intended to dispatch ers after his brother's arrest.95 Presumably, when the crisis these documents, which they were still assembling of exploded, to France to justify their deportation of June 20, 1793 the general. of Galbaud signaled to the discontented whites The destitution Meanwhile, in the city that they no longer had a potential protector. the Sonthonax and Polverel moved to reassure their supporters among of color. Under Galbaud, they had been compelled to free population 92 Printed proclamation in AN, D XXV 5, d. SI. 93 Printed proclamation in AN, D XXV declaration 5, d. 51. of Cordeil, July 8, 1793, in LC, Genet 94 Moniteur général, June 17, 1793; papers, reel 5. Vergniaud and Armand, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 51; 95 Depositions of Suire Robquin, and Mancomble, Dufay, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 461. depositions of proclamation in AN, D XXV 5, d. SI. 93 Printed proclamation in AN, D XXV declaration 5, d. 51. of Cordeil, July 8, 1793, in LC, Genet 94 Moniteur général, June 17, 1793; papers, reel 5. Vergniaud and Armand, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 51; 95 Depositions of Suire Robquin, and Mancomble, Dufay, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 461. depositions of --- Page 199 --- You Are All Free watch their step, group. Itis not knowing that the general had no When the surprising that they greeted his great love for their the news of Galbaud's disgrace with enthusiasm. general's pending deportation spread color "filled the aide-de-camp, Conscience, reported that on June 14, who had the bad streets, insulting, the free men of luck to encounter mistreating, them. It even injuring the whites commisioners, with they greeted the was no use protesting to the mocking smiles." The complaints they received from all Galbaud's invitations to dine commissioners, who had SO sides point at his home before his firmly snubbed ofentertaining the at their own leading members of the free dismissal, made a well-known residence, and they announced colored comedy, "The a theater community the reversal of social Servant Turned Mistress, 99 performance of a Cap hierarchies whose Français. 96 scemed clearly to reflect their theme of Sonthonax and policy in Sonthonax would Polverel, who both had mistresses later marry a of mixed - Dominguez - particularly free woman of color from race whom the colonists outraged the whites by Sainterings. "You cannot regarded as no better than courtesans admitting women the women of color, imagine these orgies, called patriotic to their gathgiven the leading proud of having become the idols fêtes, at which and the vulgar place. You have to have seen the of the day, were their jargon, self-confidence of all these air of false modesty and sometimes affected and young mulatresses, have erotic, have observed the sentimental, more heard the mask ofvirtue clumsy efforts often equivocal of and disguise under a they made to cover vice with debauchery," . the white façade ofinnocence the of color were being colonist Dalmas wrote,ss habitudes men of the admitted to the While the women them maintained group were trying to break commissioners' up the entertainments, the frigate La with whites. Captain Tzechouart, relationships that many of who lived Sarveillante, with reported that they commander of the white men.99 harassed As in the period mixed-race women Sonthonax's between the journée of departure at the end of February, December 2, 1792 and there was little the city's Conscience, 2: 183. ms. in AN, D. XXV 14, d. 97 For the I30; Dalmas, Révolution de mistresses, see Mahé de Saint-Domingue, 98 marriage Dalmas, in 1796, see Stein-Sonthonas, Corméré, in AN, D XXV 14, d. 127. On Révolution de 129. Sonthonax's "Compte rendu par le Saint-Domingu, 2: 184. AN, CC9 A 8. citoyen Tzechouart, commandant la frégate la Surveillante," in V 14, d. 97 For the I30; Dalmas, Révolution de mistresses, see Mahé de Saint-Domingue, 98 marriage Dalmas, in 1796, see Stein-Sonthonas, Corméré, in AN, D XXV 14, d. 127. On Révolution de 129. Sonthonax's "Compte rendu par le Saint-Domingu, 2: 184. AN, CC9 A 8. citoyen Tzechouart, commandant la frégate la Surveillante," in --- Page 200 --- A Model Republican General whites could do to resist the free people of color. alliance between the had removed Sonthonax's commissioners and the the agitators who deportations in December and had assumed in might have played the role January Galbaud of Port-au-Prince. Although the that Borel had done little trying to organize support commissioners accused inhabitants to recruit a party of among the white population, he ofLe Cap, offended by both loyalists. "The merchants and the observing them in silence," >> a white parties, restricted declarations of devotion colonist wrote. Ioo themselves to the commissioners to the Republic and his Galbaud's repeated pal official who exasperated the royalist Mahé hesitation to confront from was part of a group that tried de Corméré, a municivoluntarily leaving the colony. to dissuade the change his mind if the city council Galbaud said that he would general authority, in effect passed a resolution only ing the first leaving it up to the recognizing his move against the councilors to take the that there was risk of makno point in having commissioners. Corméré's group decided deportation of the Galbauds any further contact with nalist Saint-Maurice "was talked about for him,01 The of Le recalled, "after which two days," 92 the Cap had almost the indescribable joura passing forgotten these two inhabitants of advertisements appearance." P102 Judging from the men, who had put in only of steadily of the city's white planned departures in the city's increasing number civilians simply rapidly as possible. wanted to escape from newspapers, the most Once on board the colony as was subjected to an intensive Normande, one of the smaller white lobbying vessels, Galbaud opponents. An campaign by the nalist anonymous note, probably commissioners' ies of Tanguy-Laboisière, Gros's reported that Galbaud addressed to the jourwith memoir and other had been given reading the work of the documents, and that he was copit.' "I03 The general, courageous Millet; he is "occupied to denounce however, persisted in his plan of very pleased with Sonthonax and on which he Polverel to the returning to France was being held, Convention. From cuss Millet himself the Eole, arrangements to meet him after wrote to Galbaud to cating that even the most they both arrived in disabandoned hopes of violent opponents of the France, indiconfronting them in the commissioners had colony. 104 IOO Laplace, Histoire On shore, there 101 Mahé de des desastres de 101 "Récit Corméré, in AN, D XXV Saint-Domingue, 14, d. 287. Jo3 Anonymous historique," in Popkin, Facing Racial 127. 104 Millet to Galbaud, note, n.d., in AN, D XXV 48, d. Revolution, 187. June I5, 1793, in AN, D XXV 461. 54, d. 523. had colony. 104 IOO Laplace, Histoire On shore, there 101 Mahé de des desastres de 101 "Récit Corméré, in AN, D XXV Saint-Domingue, 14, d. 287. Jo3 Anonymous historique," in Popkin, Facing Racial 127. 104 Millet to Galbaud, note, n.d., in AN, D XXV 48, d. Revolution, 187. June I5, 1793, in AN, D XXV 461. 54, d. 523. --- Page 201 --- You Are All Free were no white forces left to counter the free colored constituted the basis of the commissioners' militia units that Laveaux's watchful eye, the support in the city. Under vene in the city's politics. surviving soldiers from France did not interOnly one group of whites was still sioners and their willing to confront the commisBecause of the supporters: the sailors from the ships in the embargo, no merchant ships had been harbor. Cap Français since March allowed to leave 24, 1793. On May brought a convoy of forty-five merchant IO, Admiral Sercey had colony's west coast to Cap vessels from the ports on the the harbor to Français, 1OS raising the number more than a hundred. In of ships in some of the ships held the addition to the restless sailors, Saint-Marc, whose hatred political prisoners from Port-au-Prince and for the commissioners June II, 1793, the Jupiter, Admiral knew no bounds. On Cambis's Français after a short sortie meant to intimidate flagship, returned to Cap teers. A month earlier, the potential British privaby Jupiter's men had staging a near-mutiny to protest the distinguished themselves as part of the military assignment of free men of color quashing their garrison on their ship. Cambis had succeeded in dislike for protest, but he knew that his sailors those they stigmatized as harbored a strong ther frayed when the free colored "faces of night. 9 Tempers were furorders and joined their soldiers on the Jupiter defied Cambis's assumed that they comrades ashore on June 14, 1793. The admiral their were going to complain to the treatment on the ship. Some of them commissioners about city. 106 The commissioners were set upon by sailors in the were alarmed by these IS, 1793, they directed Laveaux to have the incidents; on the June citizens of all streets patrolled colors . particularly around the by units "of tling "marché aux noirs"] and close place Clugny (the busto break up any groups that to the seafront. Order these patrols the cabarets and other form, either in the streets and squares, or in public establishments." PIO7 Despite these precautions, things became June 16, 1793, a Sunday, when worse on the following day, Admiral Cambis noted with large numbers of sailors went ashore. between the alarm that there had been seamen and members of the free numerous fights from events due to wine," >2 he wrote in the colored population. "Aside ship's log, "it seemed there IoS Sercey, report of 106 Deposition of Pierre August 2, 1793,in Service historique de la marine d. Robert and Pierre Bertole, (SHM), BB 4 24. I30. June 14, 1793, in D to7 AN, XXV I4, Commissioners to Laveaux, June IS, 1793, in AN, D XXV 43, d. 414. ous fights from events due to wine," >2 he wrote in the colored population. "Aside ship's log, "it seemed there IoS Sercey, report of 106 Deposition of Pierre August 2, 1793,in Service historique de la marine d. Robert and Pierre Bertole, (SHM), BB 4 24. I30. June 14, 1793, in D to7 AN, XXV I4, Commissioners to Laveaux, June IS, 1793, in AN, D XXV 43, d. 414. --- Page 202 --- General A Model Republican the sailors." 108 The commissioners 109 to insult and provoke the sailors' behavior. was a plan letter, complaining about sailwrote Cambis a stern Polverel issued an order forbidding Sonthonax and 7 P.M. in the evening. The next day, from staying on shore after the merchant ors and their officers from the sailors on "This order excited strong protests noted; the crew on one ship threatened and the warships," Cambis the men to the naval officers. ships Dissatisfaction spread from to the commissioners, to mutiny.ne of officers made a joint complaint according to one A delegation words smell of revolt," the who warned them that "your their order somewhat, but agitanevertheless modified men of color in the city account; they and the clashes with free Sailors in tion among the crews head on Wednesday, June 19. continued." Matters came to a in which whites were menaced of several incidents man of color supposedly the city complained In one of them, an armed of his own by men of color. who was standing in the doorway free men of color attacked a white, Dupond, another incident, a group of cleaning a rifle; in walking in the street. Again house, block several naval officers the to to commissioners linked arms officers went ashore to protest aside accorda delegation ofnaval were waved and, their complaints and menaced as they but got no satisfaction; they themselves were insulted sailors waiting on ing to some reports, harbor. Later, an unarmed group of were jeered and returned to the take them back to their ships had the for longboats to from the Favorite, who quay of color."s Two ensigns to rouse harassed by men of the incidents on shore, attempted of color. On been involved in some immediate attack on the men comrades to make an was housed, angry sailtheir the ship where Galbaud David Maistral, the board the Normande, were ready to go ashore; Admiral political prisoners summoned orS and to control them and finally ship's captain, struggled them of their duty." Cambis to remind entries for June I5 and 16, 1793. de bord," 39 in AN, D XXV 54, D XXV 43, d. 414. Io8 Cambis, *Journal June 16, 1793, in AN, for, 18, 1793. 109 Commissioners to Cambis, de bord," in AN, D XXV 54, entry dans June les journées des 20, 21, tIO Cambis, "Journal des événements qui se sont passés au Cap I11 Anon., *Détail s9 in AN, D XXV 14, d. 130. 1793, published in Feuille mari22 et 23 juin 1793, ofl letter from Norfolk, Va.,July 13, 80, d. 785; testimony of Jean rt1 Manuscript copy September IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV time det Havre, Paris, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 796. Conscience, ms. in AN, D XXV 14, Baptiste Auguste in AN, D XXV 80, d.787; 113 Testimony of Delage, log of Jupiter, in AN, D XXV 54- depositions of Obet and Le d. 130; Cambis, ship's Avril, in AN, D XXV 80, d. 784; 114 Deposition of Joseph D XXV 81, ds. 795 and 796. Breton in AN, , Paris, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 796. Conscience, ms. in AN, D XXV 14, Baptiste Auguste in AN, D XXV 80, d.787; 113 Testimony of Delage, log of Jupiter, in AN, D XXV 54- depositions of Obet and Le d. 130; Cambis, ship's Avril, in AN, D XXV 80, d. 784; 114 Deposition of Joseph D XXV 81, ds. 795 and 796. Breton in AN, --- Page 203 --- You Are All Free After rebuking the sailors, Cambis with Sonthonax and Polverel. went ashore to meet colored and white He found them at a large fête with personally their free ofcolor supporters. Both the had much to celebrate: commissioners and the free men Sonthonax and mission to implement the law of Polverel had fulfilled their April 4, 1792 and to "countse-rerolutionaries 92 and the free eliminate all white a dominant political men of color had now achieved color who had position throughout the colony. Armed free men of accompanied the west and the south had commissioners on their campaign in the they helped break the resistance were clearly convinced that of the whites there; "Their physical and moral they were now entitled to a reward. to be force, even their had superior to that of their courage, been shown wrote. "They consequently enemies, an author favorable to them tions in the sought and obtained civil and country where they lived, which military posithey have always defended on behalf they cultivated and which The of their party to which Sonthonax and Polverel ungrateful oppressors. "IIS their supporters on June had invited some cighty of was the ultimate consecration 19, 1793 was no ordinary social occasion: it ised by the law of April of the equality between the races promhad published 4, 1792,16 A day earlier, the Moniteur a lengthy list ofi individuals, général been granted their freedom, mostly women, who had just primarily free colored together with the names of their figures such as sponsors, that most of these affranchisements Castaing. There can be little doubt women eligible to attend the were granted in order to make the SO fully recognized, the free commissioners' gala. With their rights now slights from the sailors. men of color were in no mood to tolerate When Cambis confronted Sonthonax surrounded by armed free at the party, the who had men of color, told him that one commissioner, man provoked some of the sailors had of color to Cambis, he then broke into been arrested, but, a tirade all according children of the law of "against those who weren't could be classified 4 April [1792], his sole support, all as property-owners He those who the commission, and that he could in insisted on the backing of (that was his expression) an instant, thanks to his create four hundred power Republic, and joining to that the abolition thousand soldiers for the of the skin, and the of slavery, the aristocracy nations.' 3 Cambis independence of all the colonies of the contested Sonthonax's European interpretation of his powers IIS "Relation de ce c'est 116 See the testimonies que of two passé au Cap François," in LC, Genet papers, reel D. XXV 81, ds. 795 and 796. invitees, Duverger and Jean Nicolas Martin Isnard, 5- in AN, create four hundred power Republic, and joining to that the abolition thousand soldiers for the of the skin, and the of slavery, the aristocracy nations.' 3 Cambis independence of all the colonies of the contested Sonthonax's European interpretation of his powers IIS "Relation de ce c'est 116 See the testimonies que of two passé au Cap François," in LC, Genet papers, reel D. XXV 81, ds. 795 and 796. invitees, Duverger and Jean Nicolas Martin Isnard, 5- in AN, --- Page 204 --- A Model Republican General and appealed to Polverel, who Commission is not the agreed with the admiral that its orders had National that "the Civil to be obeyed. Convention," but nevertheless prolonged calming "How could one insisted asked. He nevertheless according to these misleading hope for a sure and on board their vessels succeeded in getting the principles2" Cambis warships to remind the before the 7 P.M. curfew, He remaining sailors back he was convinced that sailors ofthe law and only visited several of the Unhappy with there would be no further ended his efforts when forcefully, some ofthe Cambis's refusal to confront the trouble that night. I17 to General Galbaud. sailors, naval officers and commisioners more government, Galbaud Because he had been political prisoners turned was was the only official appointed by the comparablet to that ofthe in the metropolitan to reclaim his colony whose authority position, to "He civilcommisionens who had ignored his deliver the colony from was strongly urged the colonial > authority in order to these two monsters joined in the system," one chronicler carry 118 out their plan to effort to persuade the reported. Galbaud's destroy myself and resist general. "Any brother César Nevertheless, oppression seemed opportunity to avenge tion, dated Galbaud continued to legitimate to me," > he later wrote. been 19 June 1793, claimed that hesitate. An anonymous overheard telling the general's denunciaances of support from another conspirator that aide-de-camp had attitudes of admirals the whites in the city and Galbaud wanted assurapparently made Cambis and Sercey."s But information about the men from the up his mind. At that moment by 7 P.M., Galbaud had that "General Concorde approached the a longboar filled with crewat the head of the Galbaud was going to put himself warship America to announce men of color who crews from all the other at their head, as well as republican had supposedly insulted ships .. to exterminate all the general and the two them.' 9I20 A quarrel between the republican dispute between a of color, who were sailors, who had no stake commissioners, in joined to the at best slavery, and the determine the fate of ambivalent about its free men As Galbaud and slavery in the French abolition, was about to June the sailors were colonies. 19, 1793, the typesetters and making their plans on the printers of the Moniteur evening of général 117 Cambis, ship's were 118 "Précis log de of Jupiter, entry for June 119 César Galbaud, historique letter fevenement, > in AN, D 19, XXV 1793, in AN, D. XXV 54, d. 19. June 1793, with of2s August 1793, in AN, 14, d. I30. 521. in AN, D XXV postscript dated DXXV81, d. 804 120 "Journal du vaisseau 80, d. 784, also in AN, "Cap, I Aug. 1793," and ; anonymous letter, TAmerica," s in AN, D. CC9 XXV A 8. signature "Christophe," 54, d. 523, entry for 19-20 June 1793. 54, d. 19. June 1793, with of2s August 1793, in AN, 14, d. I30. 521. in AN, D XXV postscript dated DXXV81, d. 804 120 "Journal du vaisseau 80, d. 784, also in AN, "Cap, I Aug. 1793," and ; anonymous letter, TAmerica," s in AN, D. CC9 XXV A 8. signature "Christophe," 54, d. 523, entry for 19-20 June 1793. --- Page 205 --- You Are All Free preparing the next day's edition. As usual, the tained legal announcements from residents paper's last page conon the convoy, one of them planning to leave for France a bargain price. From the offering "four splendid Negro sailors" for point of view of the authority of Sonthonax and Polverel paper, firmly under the the main news of the day had been since the dismissal of Galbaud, commissioners. "The mixture the dinner and concert held the made of colors and by a happy combination, different classes of citizens presided over by paper reported. "May this little civic festival harmony and equality, >9 the sentiment! The hymn of the Marseillais be a sample of the general voice of the women in the choirs did was sung several times, and the sentimental tone, without which much to give to the singers this that the author sought and that this hymn would not produce the effect cluded its account of the festivities the subject inspires. 32 The Moniteur conthe town, which by mentioning a "private produced a little quarrel, in but the fraternal interventions of fermentation while people were eating, measures that were the leaders and the quick and taken, provided a prudent and public tranquility wasn't remedy as quick as it was salutary, clashes between the sailors and affected.": the This oblique reference to the local news that the paper would men of color was the last item of ever publish. IaI Moniteur général, June 20, 1793. --- Page 206 --- The Powder Keg Explodes a By the evening of June 19, 1793, General up his mind. Instead of crossing the Galbaud had finally made Convention to recall Sonthonax Atlantic to persuade the National the"head of the and Polverel, he would put angry sailors, himself at a racial brawl between them and transforming what might have remained on the French republic's official the free men of color into an assault the sailors would land in the representatives in the colony. He and numbered city, overwhelm the commissioners' defenders, arrest the two outto defend their actions. With men, and send them back to France Galbaud would be the Sonthonax and Polverel out of the Converted symbol of French in way, to the idea of taking authority Saint-Domingue. only at the last minute, Galbaud up arms against the civil commissioners thought to what he would do ifhe does not seem to have had given much and Polverel back to France. succeeded, beyond sending Sonthonax commissioners would be Perhaps he thought that the removal of the tion into enough to intimidate the free submission, and that his colored populadefeat the slave insurrection. How military skills would enable him to British and Spanish invasions he would have dealt with the threat of June 20, 1793, the is completely unclear. On the of only thing that morning two men who had dismissed him mattered was to settle scores with the Although Galbaud SO brusquely a week earlier. lation, some of whom hoped for support from the city's white the clash that was about were unquestionably hostile to the populutionary to occur was not the result of a Revolution, conspiracy or of British counterrevotheir supporters in France would intrigue, as the commissioners and continued to assume. There assert and as many historians have were indeed counterrevolationary plotters a . On the of only thing that morning two men who had dismissed him mattered was to settle scores with the Although Galbaud SO brusquely a week earlier. lation, some of whom hoped for support from the city's white the clash that was about were unquestionably hostile to the populutionary to occur was not the result of a Revolution, conspiracy or of British counterrevotheir supporters in France would intrigue, as the commissioners and continued to assume. There assert and as many historians have were indeed counterrevolationary plotters a --- Page 207 --- You Are All Free representatives the colonists: in February 1793, pro-monarchist among white landowners signed an agreement with the of Saint-Domingue's under which the latter promised to occupy the terBritish government, until France's revolutionary regime was ritory and protect slave owners colonists in the island would turn the overthrown. In September 1793, base of Môle Saint-Nicolas over to southern city of Jérémie and the naval to act, and the British, but in June 1793, the latter were not yet prepared moveof any foreign encouragement for Galbaud's there is no evidence in several French ment. I Like the Federalist revolts that were occurring in the same time - unbeknownst to anyone provincial cities at precisely for control of Français on June 20, - the colony, of course the battle Cap between rival groups of French republicans." 1793 was a fight dawned bright and sunny in Cap The morning of June 20, 1793 the harbor, as sailFrançais. By 6 A.M., small boats began crisscrossing of those on the from the Normande set out to enlist the support ors had been worked out hastily, but other ships. The conspirators' plan to win over the warships' it proved effective. They made no attempt hesitate before joincommanding officers, who could be expected to duly appointed representaing an attack on the French government's sailors, who appealed directly to the rank-and-file tives. Instead, they the effects on their careers, had less concern for legal niceties or possible as two them to act "without even informing our superiors," and urged later testified.4 Toussaint Chesnu, who cannoneers from the Normande that the sailors row Galbaud to some of the other ships, reported helped "We all went along : we all cried, Ashore ! did not need much urging. "Long live the Republic! Long live Ashore 1?Ps The plotters' rallying cry, be in a counGalbaud!" reassured those who did not want to caught up it joining the general as a patriterrevolutionary movement: portrayed by his brother César otic act. At 9 A.M. Galbaud himself, accompanied and headed and sailors from the Normande, descended into a longboat According for Admiral Cambis's flagship, the seventy-four-gun Jupiter. Madame Galbaud was among those cheering to several witnesses, the colonists and the British, and the latter's policy toward SaintOn the contacts between Patrick Geggus, Slavery, War, and Revolution: The British Domingue in 1793, see David (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), 58-64. Occupation of Saint-Domingue 1791-1798 Federalist uprisings, see Paul Hanson, The Jacobin On the republican character of the PA: Penn State University Press, 2003). Republic under Fire (University 97 Park, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523, entry for June 20-21, 1793. 3 *Journal du vaisseau VAmerica, cannoneers on the Normande, in AN, CC9 A 8. Testimony of Pillois and Jean-Marie, Chesnu, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 795. Intertogation of Toussaint ist uprisings, see Paul Hanson, The Jacobin On the republican character of the PA: Penn State University Press, 2003). Republic under Fire (University 97 Park, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523, entry for June 20-21, 1793. 3 *Journal du vaisseau VAmerica, cannoneers on the Normande, in AN, CC9 A 8. Testimony of Pillois and Jean-Marie, Chesnu, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 795. Intertogation of Toussaint --- Page 208 --- The Powder Keg Explodes him on,6 As Galbaud's I9I bade him to come on longboat neared the Jupiter, Cambis the general onto the board, but his own crew overruled loudly forfor silence, deck. Surrounded by the him and helped explained his sailors, "Galbaud that he was still the reasons, his complaints, his called Governor > him General, rights, asserted favorably, according to the spoke to the crew, who gave a more inflammatory ships' officers. Galbaud's brother heard tecting the sailors' speech, accusing the César the fleet whose enemies, the men of color. commissioners of prorank equaled Cambis, the only shouted down by the sailors. Galbaud's, tried to argue with' person in to their council Cambis and the him but was chamber and ship's officers no way to oppose decided that the went below signed statement Galbaud's takeover of the vessel circumstances left them afterward, disavowing any except to draw up a armed sailors responsibility for the situation.7 guards at the door to imprisoned Cambis in his cabin and Soon The Jupiter was now prevent anyone from posted Galbaud's communicating with him. Having gained control of the fleet's headquarters. themselves to most of the other flagship, the Galbaud party rowed commanders were either warships, with the same their crews. 8 On the imprisoned like Cambis or results; their ing battle to frigate Fine, Captain simply ignored by that fear keep his men from the Augustin Truguet fought a losof the big joining movement. "It not going along warships and of being blamed by seemed to me vessel Galbaud influenced them the most, 99 he recalled, their comrades for commissioners' bypassed was the America, whose The only naval did not share attack on Port-au-Prince participation in the the other sailors' seemed to indicate that its Once the rebellious hostility to crew orders. At his crews had taken over the Sonthonax and Polverel. battle and first signal, the larger naval vessels warships, Galbaud gave his position themselves broadside were to form a line of open, ready to fire. The merchant to the town, with their ships and small gunports warships were to move d.798. Interrogation of Etienne Le Tellier, first pilot of 7 Statement of the officers of the Normande, in AN, D XXV Révolution de Saint-Domingue, the Jupiter, June 20, 1793, AN D XXV 81, Deposition of Groignard, AN DXXV 190. 48, d. 461; Dalmas, d.784; *Détail des 80, d. 784; et 2I juin 1793," AN événements D XXV qui se sont passés au deposition Cap dans les of Emeriau, D XXV 80, "Evenements du 20 juin, l'an 14, d.: 130; journal of D journées des 20, 21, 22 DXXV 47, d. Ier de la Cambis, XXV 51, d.. Io 446. République, à bord de la 489. "Journal du vaisseau frégate La Fine,"i in AN, 1793. VAmerica," in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523, entry for June 20-21, of Emeriau, D XXV 80, "Evenements du 20 juin, l'an 14, d.: 130; journal of D journées des 20, 21, 22 DXXV 47, d. Ier de la Cambis, XXV 51, d.. Io 446. République, à bord de la 489. "Journal du vaisseau frégate La Fine,"i in AN, 1793. VAmerica," in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523, entry for June 20-21, --- Page 209 --- You Are All Free where they would not be in the way if Galbaud to the back of the harbor, When he gave a second signal, by called for a bombardment of the city. shot from the Jupiter, the hoisting a blue flag and firing another cannon and row toward sailors from all the ships were to get into their longboats In addition to the harbor, SO that they would all come ashore together. held on Galbaud called on the numerous political prisoners the sailors, the several hundred white opponents of some of the ships, particularly who had been confined on Sonthonax and Polverel from Port-au-Prince, force also included some of the Saint-Honoré, to join the assault. His naval the soldiers carried on the ships to be deployed when operations real were the only men he had with any required fighting on shore; they training for this kind of operation. for the attack on the town, While the sailors prepared themselves which showed how Galbaud composed an appeal to the population, of view. Sonthonax completely he had endorsed the white colonists' point hands on the he wrote, "have dared to put their criminal and Polverel, named by the Provisional Executive Governor-General of this colony, slaves, they wanted Council of the Republic : . they gave arms to your themselves would not limit either to massacre or to deport you : they proclaimed, We are to the role of organs ofthe law, they blasphemously declare Sonthonax In Galbaud continued, "We the law." consequence, He ordered all good citizens to and Polverel traitors to the country." them and bring them to refuse to recognize their orders and to "pursue Convention.' >II In that they can be sent to the bar of the National us, SO Galbaud dropped any pretense of contrast to his earlier proclamations, of color, whom he assumed would making an appeal to the free people citizens' stand by the commissioners. By promising to protect "proper- the himself to defending slavery and continuing fight M ties," he committed He insisted, however, on his loyalty to the against the black insurrection. measure against two Republic, and painted his action as an emergency "He thought officials, rather than a revolt against the regime. renegade his and necessary for the, it useful to his cause to emphasize Jacobinism, 99 a of his plan to include a lot of insults to kings,' disgruntled success "this was not the way to succeed." His supwhite colonist complained; antiroyalist statements, porters persuaded him to remove these overtly of the but his insistence on his republican principles discouraged many whites in the city." June 2.0, 1793, on board Jupiter, AN D XXV 80, d. 784. 11 Galbaud, draft proclamation, 189. 12 Dalmas, Révolution de Saint-Domingue, to his cause to emphasize Jacobinism, 99 a of his plan to include a lot of insults to kings,' disgruntled success "this was not the way to succeed." His supwhite colonist complained; antiroyalist statements, porters persuaded him to remove these overtly of the but his insistence on his republican principles discouraged many whites in the city." June 2.0, 1793, on board Jupiter, AN D XXV 80, d. 784. 11 Galbaud, draft proclamation, 189. 12 Dalmas, Révolution de Saint-Domingue, --- Page 210 --- The Powder Keg Explodes - While Galbaud was up their positions in the writing his manifesto and the tle and agitation. harbor, unease ships were The balconies gripped the town. "All taking glasses, looking were filled with was busloud tones what attentively at the ships of persons armed with Merchants all this meant,' >> the war, and asking each other spy- in grab closed their stores and American Samuel Perkins their weapons. "Between ran home, to find their wrote. 13 worker in one of the town's ten and twelve o'clock," families and ment in the town. All the printing shops, testified, Lefebvre, a this alarm? They told shops closed; Iasked "Isaw. a big moveit was me that the sailors what was the reason for going to be quite a were going to toes and send the show, that they wanted land, and that went down commissioners to the to kill all the to the harbor, National >> mulatwere poised to where he saw for Convention." Lefebvre the sailors open fire. A few hours later, himself that the lowering themselves he went back and warships them ashore, 14 into the small boats that observed could do to a city. Everyone knew how much a would carry demonstrated Just two months damage naval the earlier, bombardment the recalcitrant point when they used the Sonthonax and Polverel had cannon white population of guns of the America were being aimed at the Port-au-Prince. But now the against Across the town, in the commissioners themselves. navy's city, the two republican Government House on the brewing. To some commissioners quickly realized west side of the of a plot had led them extent, they had expected it: two that trouble was anyone from to order the captain of the days earlier, rumors that any communieating with Galbaud Normande to opposition to their or his family.s prevent tocrats" like Galbaud fit policies had to be The notion Polverel had with the Jacobin inspired by former "arisbrought to convictions as to the nature of the Saint-Domingue with them, but Sonthonax it and the danger posed by the danger they faced; they misled them a.m., before Galbaud sailors' anger at the free certainly underestimated a message from took over the Jupiter, men of color. At 8:30 of Sonthonax sailors on the America, Admiral Cambis, alerted and Polverel, the sent them a by join Galbaud's cautious Cambis warning. No friend that they were risky enterprise; he settled for nevertheless refused to tiality toward responsible for their own telling the the free people of problems because commissioners of color. 16 His tone their par13 Samuel Perkins, only served to convince 14 Declaration of "Narrative," 337. 15 Commissioners Lefebvre, to Brest, 26 mess. AN 16 Cambis to Sonthonax captain of Normande, II, June D XXV 14, d. I30. and Polverel, 8 am,. June 18, 20, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. SI. 1793, AN D. XXV 47, d. 449. of problems because commissioners of color. 16 His tone their par13 Samuel Perkins, only served to convince 14 Declaration of "Narrative," 337. 15 Commissioners Lefebvre, to Brest, 26 mess. AN 16 Cambis to Sonthonax captain of Normande, II, June D XXV 14, d. I30. and Polverel, 8 am,. June 18, 20, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. SI. 1793, AN D. XXV 47, d. 449. --- Page 211 --- You Are All Free the two men that the admiral Nevertheless, the threat was also part of the cer stationed ofattack was plot against at the harbor obvious. By them. warships have me reported, "the mid-morning, an offipositioned more and more convinced maneuvers of the Republic's themselves that if wind gives broadside, they intend they have not shot and way to the one from the land. to do SO before the yet raised a The offshore Even signal flag." "I7 Jupiter just fired as the sailors a signal and Polverel still refused were preparing to come Frenchmen were to accept that SO ashore, Sonthonax own government. ready to turn against the official many supposedly patriotic harbor, but they *They had seen all the representatives of their Galbaud's orders weren'ty yet ready to believe movements taking place in the rience SO blindly," that the sailors on December Polverel's son recalled., would follow dangers of a white 2, 1792 should have made him Sonthonax's expeof color; instead, response to provocative more aware of the In that experience seems to gestures in favor of the December, the sailors have made him men of color had succeeded had stayed out of the overconfident. in facing down fighting, and the free occasion, an their white men on hand to moderate experienced free colored leader, opponents. On that and the most the pretentions of his Pierre Pinchinat, had been capable free group; on were at the other end colored military June 20, 1793, he white of the colony, commander, André stronghold of leading the Rigaud, Jean-Louis Villatte, Jérémie. A number of free colored campaign against the leaders, Christophe, fought Jean-Baptiste Belley, Antoine including crisis, but none of them valiantly on behalf of the Chanlatte, and Henri As they had had the political commissioners in the sioners SO many times in the skills of Pinchinat. June first resorted to the past nine months, the two publisher of the city's printing press. The shop ofthe commisfew blocks from their daily newspaper, was on the printer Batilliot, him rush out a headquarters, the Place d'Armes, a artillerymen and printed proclamation addressed Government House; they had Galbaud, soldiers on the to the "citizen Cambis and Sercey warships of the : sailors, have misled Republic." . you Turn them "Generals over to the z8 Sautet to Sonthonax and nements François Polverel, Coup d'oeil Polverel, June 20, 1793, ANI D. XXV qui ont eu lieu dans impartial SUT 48, d. 462. jusqu'à la de la cette isle, depuis Ramt-Demingue, le Ou Notions Sur III (1795)), proclamation 49. liberté commencement de les Évé19 générale (Paris: la Révolaution, Christophe and Villatte Marchands de ers Qn June 20 and are specifically nouveautés, An 23, 1793, in AN, D mentioned XXV 7, file in for orders issued by the 6-26 June 1793. commission- . 462. jusqu'à la de la cette isle, depuis Ramt-Demingue, le Ou Notions Sur III (1795)), proclamation 49. liberté commencement de les Évé19 générale (Paris: la Révolaution, Christophe and Villatte Marchands de ers Qn June 20 and are specifically nouveautés, An 23, 1793, in AN, D mentioned XXV 7, file in for orders issued by the 6-26 June 1793. commission- --- Page 212 --- The Powder Keg Explodes representatives of France, to the and you will be pardoned," delegates of the National Convention, Polverel knew that words alone they announced, But Sonthonax and tect them. They summoned the were not going to be enough to proand whatever reliable military commander, Etienne them. The commissioners troops they could find.: There were not Laveaux, armed could count on a few hundred many of compagnies franches, the militia members oft the of color, and on a few units of the companies made up of free men loyalty on earlier occasions. The regular army that had shown their the accounts of the day's fighting scarcity of references to army units in did not trust most of the soldiers suggests that Sonthonax and Polverel Frenchmen. In theory, the to be willing to fire on fellow white enrolled in the citizen commissioners could also call on the militia, the whites were more than doubtful. The National Guard, but their sentiments were black: the thousands of only other men of military age in the slaves who lived in the city imately 700 captive black insurgents in city, and the approxthem would mean the city's prisons. To to overturning the appeal doning the struggle to maintain the colony's racial hierarchy and abanGalbaud and the sailors to land, the slavery system. As they waited for to take such a monumental commissioners were not yet ready While step. Government Galbaud, on the Jupiter, and the House, prepared themselves for commissioners, in the of the town's population waited the coming battle, the rest "As we were well convinced that fearfully to see what would happen. perhaps the town be battered serious consequences would ensue, and Perkins recalled, "we down," the American merchant with such sent off our books and valuable Samuel specie as we had on hand, on papers, together signed to the house - . 922 Other whites board a brig which was coning to be able to protect their families took refuge in their houses, free colored men in the and their valuables. hoptown took Many of the but the rest of their up arms to defend the they knew that they group had as much reason to worry commissioners, as the What the were the main targets of the sailors' whites; ized that the thousands of black slaves in the city anger. two rival groups of free thought as they realis impossible to know. The African people were about to come to blows people of color was not ancestry they shared with the free enough to guarantee the slaves' sympathy for 20 Proclamation, June 21 AN, D XXV 42, d. 20, 1793, in AN D XXV 5, d. SI. 22 Perkins, "Narrative," 409. 337. the What the were the main targets of the sailors' whites; ized that the thousands of black slaves in the city anger. two rival groups of free thought as they realis impossible to know. The African people were about to come to blows people of color was not ancestry they shared with the free enough to guarantee the slaves' sympathy for 20 Proclamation, June 21 AN, D XXV 42, d. 20, 1793, in AN D XXV 5, d. SI. 22 Perkins, "Narrative," 409. 337. --- Page 213 --- You Are All Free them: Many free colored colored militia units had families owned slaves insurrection. Up until done much of the themselves, and free group had concentrated June 20, 1793, political leaders fighting against the slave no effort to bring on winning privileges for of the free colored city's slave about the abolition of themselves and made the men of population color had taken no part in slavery, the As we have seen, the there had been and the whites in confrontations no real August and between own behalf. Some had indication that they were December 1792, and campaign even been pressed into ready to revolt on their sympathized against the insurgents in service during the with the slave January 1793. Whether or military very different lives from those insurrection, the slaves in not they Many lived in their of the slaves on the Cap Français led and slaves hardly master's houses. Close island's plantations. ior during the crisis guaranteed close emotional contacts between masters certain shows that some blacks bonds, but their behavand concern, if not for their had indeed come to feel children. Other urban slaves owners, at least for their a some property of their had their own living owners' wives destroyed. Some blacks own, which they risked quarters and even Français plunged into may have welcomed the losing if the city was were undoubtedly others disorder ifit meant the end prospect of of seeing Cap the who fwhite people - black, worried about their own rule, but there bound up. white, and mixed-race - with safety and that of At 3 P.M., the whom their lives were selves for arrived. moment As the whole city's the harbor and the boom of the population had braced themall the blue flag was Jupiter's signal gun echoed points of the harbor made hoisted up the across the north end oft the for the shore, ship's mast, boats from were as harbor. By 4 P.M., at converging on the General high as 2,000 - had landed. least 600 men - some quays at Galbaud had made It estimates His supporters no plan of what immediately to do became clear that actions some kind expected him to read his once he got ashore. he feared that of public but proclamation, to give their a pledge of justification, he did not do colonists with royalist loyalty to the Republic would S0;" perhaps city's population was sympathies. His failure to appeal offend white tified that, in the absence significant: several city residents explicitly to the remaining in their of an official call to subsequently tesown homes.44 Since he arms, they felt justified in encountered no Deposition of opposition, 14 Depositions of Poulain, Mathieu AN D XXV 80, d. 784. Amat and Louis Joseph Presou, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 796. ist loyalty to the Republic would S0;" perhaps city's population was sympathies. His failure to appeal offend white tified that, in the absence significant: several city residents explicitly to the remaining in their of an official call to subsequently tesown homes.44 Since he arms, they felt justified in encountered no Deposition of opposition, 14 Depositions of Poulain, Mathieu AN D XXV 80, d. 784. Amat and Louis Joseph Presou, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 796. --- Page 214 --- TY The Powder Keg Explodes back and had them bring a second might have sent the boats but instead he let the undisGalbaud the size of his force, House wave of men, doubling the streets leading to the Government "A spontaneciplined sailors start up soldiers accompanying them. with just a few made it impossible to estabimmediately, inspired by the general anger and with no leadership," the ous movement went off pell-mell lish any order; everyone André Conscience, recalled.s they had brought general's aide-de-camp, only lightly armed; above all, brother Galbaud's forces were with them. Galbaud's of small pieces of artillery a walled enclosure just only a couple talk his way into the arsenal, some larger César went to try to where he hoped to obtain blocked block inland from the harbor, armed men ofcolor there a the officer on duty and the and himselfto one guns. When Galbaud turned around attached House; his way, the younger the streets toward the Government street. of sailors heading up another group along a parallel group Galbaud himself followed of the Marseillais, and General marched gaily, singing the hymn that the ene- "The general fed by the compliments editor, his sense of himself was deliciously him as he passed," the newspaper have realpaid must mies of the commissioners) Saint-Maurice recalled:* As a journalist, life. The account he produced, Saint-Maurice, the story of his the crisis and then, ized that he was covering for the first day and a half of to join followed Galbaud side, managed as he ability to land on the winning Galbaud's enterprise was with his unfailing when he realized that events. It was camp of these the commissioners of the most vivid descriptions in the form of doomed, is one preserved only his Moniteur however, to remain unpublished, collections of fated, attached to two surviving manuscript copies Figure 6.I.) were familiar to the général. (See inland.from the harbor wareThe first few blocks the district of the merchants' where sailors: this was the "lower town," blancs, the "whites' market," houses and of the marché aux événements du Cap, fait à P'ambassadeur officieur *Rapport des derniers par le citoyen Conscience, Genet 25 André Conscience, des provinces unies d'Amérique, Galbaud," 3 Library of Congress, de France auprès du Général au 8e Regt d'inf.ie et aide-de-camp to ashes the city of Cap franpapers, reel 7. of the unhappy event that reduced 99 in Popkin, Facing Racial 26 4 Historic narrative North Province, colony of St. Domingue," was also recalled by Poulain, a caisycapital ofthe Galbaud's singing of the Marseillaise Revolution, 188. Mouche. AN, D XXV 80, d.784the final printed number crewman from the versions of the report are bound following nationale de France (call number 27 Slightly varying in the collections of the Bibliothèque of the paper and the University of Wisconsin library. Lc12.28) 99 in Popkin, Facing Racial 26 4 Historic narrative North Province, colony of St. Domingue," was also recalled by Poulain, a caisycapital ofthe Galbaud's singing of the Marseillaise Revolution, 188. Mouche. AN, D XXV 80, d.784the final printed number crewman from the versions of the report are bound following nationale de France (call number 27 Slightly varying in the collections of the Bibliothèque of the paper and the University of Wisconsin library. Lc12.28) --- Page 215 --- aliallul alialigilis 996 3 G Joniteul - Te 2, Cinéent Palentte Ons Ccranpisc De Vaini AA Lomiagecr - e # auu - a auxcice & a lnmninenin DE Batitzior Place Armes AU CAP FMANCis d MISTORICAL -ETeg OF MTSCONSULL -Enloo FIGURE 6.1. Title Page of the An elaborate cover Moniteur Général. journalist H. D. de page prepared for a collection of Saint-Maurice's one of the Satt-Domingue and his Moniteur général de la copies of the Cap Français. Saint-Maurice manuscript account of the events partie française de recognized General lamented the of of June 20, 1793 in of color and the freed Galbaud's incompetence destruction and the city, but he Sonthonax and Polverel. slaves who fought on the side the courage of the free clearly men Maurice was, like The symbols at the of of the civil ure at many of top the commisioners the bottom of the the whites in page suggest that Sainta pike topped page holds Sain-Domingue a by a liberty symbols of the French Freemason; the figSource: By cap. Revolution, Library, courtesy of the Department including University of Wiconun-Madion of Special Collections, Memorial --- Page 216 --- The Powder Keg Explodes the seamen came to buy and sell on their ships were in port. As they neared the own account while their Place square in the center of the city, however, Montarcher, a small open the windows on the upper stories of the gunshots began coming from the middle ofthe street, from the buildings. "Shots came from was a crueler civil and windows, from the attics, there never ness recalled,:8 war, one that presented SO much Some of the snipers were on Galbaud's horror," a witLefebvre, trying to get back to his own side: the printer an unarmed man of color.29 But the house, saw shots being fired at where the sailors in the streets could not tell of them gunfire was coming from or who it was aimed were hit.3o They had assumed that the at, and some rally to their side, and they were white population would urban warfare against invisible totally unprepared for this kind of them forward, but they opponents. Their momentum carried were already tain. Galbaud was too far back in the becoming confused and uncerover them. column to exercise any control As the sailors headed inland, some of the city's pared to join them. One was the white citizens preoir, My Odyssey, that is young author of a remarkable memSaint-Domingue perhaps the liveliest eyewitness account of the uprising. "Still weak from an illness which terminated, I was, besides, on that day, overburdened was hardly of a very strong medicine,' > he wrote. from the effects weapons. already tain. Galbaud was too far back in the becoming confused and uncerover them. column to exercise any control As the sailors headed inland, some of the city's pared to join them. One was the white citizens preoir, My Odyssey, that is young author of a remarkable memSaint-Domingue perhaps the liveliest eyewitness account of the uprising. "Still weak from an illness which terminated, I was, besides, on that day, overburdened was hardly of a very strong medicine,' > he wrote. from the effects weapons. My family tried in vain "However, I got up and took my insensible to their to dissuade me; deaf to their tears, I tore myself from the prayers, most dear to me in this world and I arms of those who were already fighting in the went to join the brave volunteers, Montarcher Square. P31 Galbaud had stronger support in the city, however; he would counted on that only I5O volunteers had joined the later complain bitterly dents, fearful for their fighting.: Most of the city's resiown safety, closed their doors iously to see how events were and waited anxof some way to ward off the going to turn out. A few tried to think disaster they saw Corméré, a white city official hostile approaching. Mahé de ful of Galbaud's to the commissioners but distrustmarch down intentions, urged the rest of the to the waterfront in a body and municipal officers to "reconcile the spirits, >> but 28 Deposition of Sautet, in AN, D a9 Declaration of XXV 81, d. 798. Jo Conscience, Lefebvre, D XXV 14, d. 130. 31 My Odyssey, "Rapport," in Popkin, Genet papers, reel 7. hostile approaching. Mahé de ful of Galbaud's to the commissioners but distrustmarch down intentions, urged the rest of the to the waterfront in a body and municipal officers to "reconcile the spirits, >> but 28 Deposition of Sautet, in AN, D a9 Declaration of XXV 81, d. 798. Jo Conscience, Lefebvre, D XXV 14, d. 130. 31 My Odyssey, "Rapport," in Popkin, Genet papers, reel 7. 32 Deposition of Artau, Facing Racial Revolution, 209. 3 Sept. 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53. --- Page 217 --- You Are All Free "they preferred to stay in their what the victors dictated. *33 building, to wait for events, and to do On the other side ofthe Place Montarcher, the supporters prepared to defend themselves. commissioners and their initially a mere fifty men, Armed free men of color - quent according to Sonthonax and account34 - took up positions behind the Polverel's subsethe formal garden in front of the iron grilles surrounding Unlike the sailors, these free large and imposing Government House. colored militiamen ers, veterans of the struggle were experienced fightpaign the commissioners against the slave insurrection and the camWest and South Provinces. had waged against their white opponents in the The the men of color by their commissioners had won the loyalty of April 4, 1792, which uncompromising enforcement of the decree of The gave equal rights to all free men of color also knew that the people in the colonies. ily against them, because of the sailors' anger was directed primarthe two many incidents a groups in the days between members of paper editor Saint-Maurice leading up to June 20, 1793. As the newsthem: they had no other choice wrote, "There was nothing to consider for While the men of color than victory or death. "35 Sonthonax and Polverel prepared to defend the Government ordered fifty loyal white House, Boerner of the 92nd soldiers under Captain the Place regiment, one of the units sent from d'Armes, an open square about France, to front and the Government House. halfway between the waterition, they came under fire from the Before they could reach their posBoerner's windows ofthe colleague, Captain surrounding houses. badly wounded, had Coeur, was killed, and Boerner to crawl into an open himself, Sonthonax and doorway and H; Polverel had also ordered hide himself3s take up a blocking a unit of white militiamen to - Rue Espagnole, position at the corner of the Rue Notre Dame E across from the Government and the House. Fearing that these 33 Mahé de Corméré, "Précis des faits relatifs à V dfil AN D XXV 14, d. 127. This is an excerpt of la a malheureuse colonie de Ste. Domingue," 3 Saint-Domingue, found in AN F 3 longer document about the troubles in the section dealing with June 193; part of Mahé de Corméré's account not Mahy de Corméré, Histoire de 20, la 1793) was also published as Guillaume (but révolution de la partie François Développement exact des causes et de française de St. Domingue. intrigues employés pour son exécution principes cette révolution. Manoeuvres, 1794). (Baltimore, MD: Samuel and 34 Sonthonax and Polverel, John Adams, 5, d. 52. report to National Convention,, July IO, 35 "Historic 1793, in AN, D XXV 36 Deposition narrative," of Boerner, in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 188. September 9, 1793, AN D XXV S, d. 53. ement exact des causes et de française de St. Domingue. intrigues employés pour son exécution principes cette révolution. Manoeuvres, 1794). (Baltimore, MD: Samuel and 34 Sonthonax and Polverel, John Adams, 5, d. 52. report to National Convention,, July IO, 35 "Historic 1793, in AN, D XXV 36 Deposition narrative," of Boerner, in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 188. September 9, 1793, AN D XXV S, d. 53. --- Page 218 --- The Powder Keg Explodes 20I NLUFTI aa TITERTIETE PLACE ET FONTAINE le MONTARCHER, DELANT LE el OOUPRANEMENT, yheniaitheie FIGURE 6.2. The Place Montarcher and the In their first attack on June Government House. city nearly overran the Government 20, 1793, the sailors and white volunteers from the ers Sonthonax and Polverel. Armed House and captured the civil commissionNational Convention deputy free men of color commanded by the future grilles in front of the J.-B. Belley fought back from behind the iron building, seen in this attackers to retreat to the arsenal near the period engraving, and forced the Source: The Library waterfront. Company of Philadelphia. troops might prove unreliable, the commissioners mander, Milhet, to bring them inside the then told their comWhen the white soldiers refused Government House enclosure. and Polverel realized that to change their position, Sonthonax with the insurgents.7 they were planning to make common cause arrives, "Charrier, the officer in charge of the asking which side the volunteers position, sioners, long live Galbaud! are on? 'Against the commisthe Government Immediately the volunteers charge toward House, go along the grilles and one of them recorded.s (See fire at the men of color," Figure 6.2.) 37 Anonymous account A, Moreau de 38 Anonymous account B, Moreau de Saint-Méry Saint-Méry papers, CAOM F: 3 198. papers, CAOM F 3 198. common cause arrives, "Charrier, the officer in charge of the asking which side the volunteers position, sioners, long live Galbaud! are on? 'Against the commisthe Government Immediately the volunteers charge toward House, go along the grilles and one of them recorded.s (See fire at the men of color," Figure 6.2.) 37 Anonymous account A, Moreau de 38 Anonymous account B, Moreau de Saint-Méry Saint-Méry papers, CAOM F: 3 198. papers, CAOM F 3 198. --- Page 219 --- You Are All Free The white volunteers' impetuous attack come of the entire battle. Led by their nearly determined the outde Beaumont, they drove the commander, the young chevalier men of color back, pavilions in the garden, and reached the occupied one of the House. Beaumont himself main door of the Government ball, fired from inside, "was about to cross the threshold, when a he shattered his knee, and forced was about to achieve a decisive him to stop when ers," his friend Antoine victory by seizing the commissionnew Dalmas wrote. 40 "He fell at the troops came out of the arsenal and attacked moment when momentary disorder, occasioned us from the rear. In the of the Chevalier de B. by this unexpected attack, the absence of the Mulattoes, was not observed, and he remained at the who let him perish without mercy according to the author of My help or consolation," 92 the volunteers from the Odyssey. The troops who had attacked harbor. "They rear were the leaderless sailors coming from the greeted us with a volley of balls and only after having charged them and broken oaths, and it was understand that we were their line that we made them the cause of almost all of fighting on the same side. These sailors were lack of our defeats, because of their discipline. 7%4I In the confusion, the excesses and their by Jean-Baptiste "Mars" commissioners' defenders, led become the first black Belley, a free black officer who would later islature, man to sit as a deputy in the French national counterattacked and drove the whites out legthe Government House.4 of the park in front of The failure of the volunteers' assault had If Beaumont and his men had broken into the momentous consequences. captured or killed Sonthonax and Government House and one to issue an emancipation Polverel, there would have been no the chain of historical proclamation in Saint-Domingue, and events that the in motion would never have taken commissioners were about to set were not yet out of danger, however. place. The two republican officials teers backed The sailors and the white volunaway from the Government House to sort Galbaud finally reached the scene, and a decision themselves out. more organized attack, aimed at was taken to launch a racks behind the Government capturing the casernes, the large barHouse, where the commissioners: and their 39 Declaration of Garnier, in 40 Dalmas, Révolution de AN, D XXV 82, d. 799. 41 My Odyssey, in Popkin, Saint-Domingue, Facing 195. 42 Rélation détaillée des événemens Racial Revolution, 210-II. l'arrivée du ci-devant général malheureux qui se sont passés au Cap depuis et a pris la fuite (Paris: Imprimerie Galbaud, jusqu'au moment oi il a fait briler cette ville nationale, An II [1794)), 41. 39 Declaration of Garnier, in 40 Dalmas, Révolution de AN, D XXV 82, d. 799. 41 My Odyssey, in Popkin, Saint-Domingue, Facing 195. 42 Rélation détaillée des événemens Racial Revolution, 210-II. l'arrivée du ci-devant général malheureux qui se sont passés au Cap depuis et a pris la fuite (Paris: Imprimerie Galbaud, jusqu'au moment oi il a fait briler cette ville nationale, An II [1794)), 41. --- Page 220 --- The Powder Keg Explodes defenders had taken refuge. Galbaud but he was unable to keep them divided his men into three columns, stuck in front of the Government coordinated. His own group remained was held up trying to get around House, and a second assault column the troops again came under fire from the building's north side. Galbaud's advanced toward the upper houses along the streets. "As we an ambush, every window town, every building became the a hostile gunport, 29 the setting for complained. "At every step we lost a author of My Odyssey the houses which, although held comrade; we didn't dare fire into children and the sick of by the enemy, still held the our women, the marching ahead of party . Our merchant's clerk, who me, fell back, was a moment of panic had made him leaning on my chest. I thought that shove: he fell to the pavement. 243 jump back, and I gave him a gentle Only the third column, led by Galbaud's unteers' commander Milhet, brother César and the volreached its position to attack the casernes, objective. Once they were in themselves however, they fell to abouthowt to cross the arguing among in front of the buildings. large open square, the Champ de of his men wrote, "when "Milhet was trying to reestablish Mars, >9 r the Rouannet a shot fired at him from one of order,' one house at the corner of the rue the windows of de Mars blew out his brains. This de Bourbon and the third column retreated loss caused a complete rout. '44 Champ As toward the the tried to set up the small harbor, César Galbaud mortar they had stopped and was occupied getting the gun into brought with them. While he surrounded him. The sailors fled in firing position, a unit of men of color be taken prisoner. 45 Worry about his disorder, leaving Galbaud behind to on General Galbaud brother's fate would weigh Two hours throughout the rest of the crisis. heavily after their landing, the bled back toward the harbor; general and his supporters stummissioners' defenders had they had lost 50 men, whereas the comin their goal of suffered about IOO casualties. 46 capturing the Having failed to think of themselves, If commissioners, some of the sailors started rescuing the colony from they could not achieve the collective goal of come away with some of Sonthonax the and Polverel, they could at least town's wealth. In their minds, the fact 43 MyOdyssey, in Popkin, 44 Anogymous account B, Facing Racial Revolution, 2II. 45 César Galbaud described Moreau his de Saint-Méry papers, CAOM F: 3 198. Français, August 28 and capture in a letter to his brother, written 8: 126-8. 30, 1793, in Débats entre les from Cap 46 Letter by accusateurs et les accusés, ii Perussel, Baltimore, MD, August 4, 1793, AN D XXV 14, d. I3obis. a ogymous account B, Facing Racial Revolution, 2II. 45 César Galbaud described Moreau his de Saint-Méry papers, CAOM F: 3 198. Français, August 28 and capture in a letter to his brother, written 8: 126-8. 30, 1793, in Débats entre les from Cap 46 Letter by accusateurs et les accusés, ii Perussel, Baltimore, MD, August 4, 1793, AN D XXV 14, d. I3obis. a --- Page 221 --- You Are All Free the houses and that the city's had been fired on from some of made them consider that they to their side probably houses residents had failed to rally They began breaking into property as fair game. sides agree on the sailors' the inhabitants' Witnesses on all of color began and shops and plundering. also claim that the men involvement in the looting; some closer to the Government House. in the streets that white doing the same thing of the city's slaves, realizing that some to some of their It is more likely began to help themselves authority was falling apart, turned his masters' goods. for loot, Galbaud finally While the sailors were searching faced the prospect of having to spend attention to the arsenal. He now a second attack on an enemy shore before he could mount now that he the night on He certainly realized by and he who would be better prepared. bombard the Government House, artillery to largely of would need heavy 150-man garrison, composed The could hardly leave the arsenal's position SO close to the harbor. of color, holding a strategic passive during men for their part, had been curiously supportarsenal's defenders, had opened fire on Galbaud's fighting. If they the entire landing. the afternoon's ashore, they could have disrupted guns of ers as they came exposed to the menacing if he however, was directly was afraid that The arsenal, and its commander in the harbor, to rubble. Immediately the warships would be reduced to hostilities, the building himself and tried perbegan César Galbaud had presented to recognize after the landing, colonel Debray, the arsenal's commander, of the guns. suade lieutenant authority Or at least let him take some but some ofthe General Galbaud's Galbaud went away, with When Debray refused, the younger stayed and continued to argue who had come ashore to consider - naval officers by the situation. "I ask you fire on the felt overwhelmed if I opened ps1 him. Debray was. I had no orders; I saw that that were how perplexed I the arsenal and if the warships for who wanted to take over I would be condemned men the city to ashes, for broadside to us reduced and I would be personally responsible after acted without orders, his actions having > he wrote in a reportjustifying anything that happened," of the of the city."7 after the failure the destruction he returned to the arsenal hesitancy Galbaud, when House, continued to display hero. The attack on the Government as a republican war of character with his reputation out board the Trois Amis de colonel Debray, June 25, 1793, on 47 Deposition AN of D lieutenant XXV 80, d. 784. -Nantes, personally responsible after acted without orders, his actions having > he wrote in a reportjustifying anything that happened," of the of the city."7 after the failure the destruction he returned to the arsenal hesitancy Galbaud, when House, continued to display hero. The attack on the Government as a republican war of character with his reputation out board the Trois Amis de colonel Debray, June 25, 1793, on 47 Deposition AN of D lieutenant XXV 80, d. 784. -Nantes, --- Page 222 --- The Powder Keg Explodes believe how reluctant he was to Saint-Maurice could hardly journalist tackle the arsenal: clearly how easy it would reproached him and showed him four times in numbers. Who One citizen justly he had a superiority of three or there two or be to take it, since answer! "I presented myself would have imagined this General's - General, if you could he said, <but they wouldn't surrender." I swear that you will get control three times," the head of fifty willing men, doors open and put yourself at did not dare refuse, he marches, the a shot. Proud, no of it easily." The general this position without firing thinking of important in the arsenal without he takes possession Galbaud walks around it and who, takdoubt, of this conquest, citizens of color who had been guarding this out to of making sure of the escape one by one. A citizen points is going ing advantage of his blindness, of arresting these men, whose s9 escape replies, him and shows him the necessity of enemies. "I can't be everywhere," not Galbaud to let any man to increase the number Go give the order to the sentinels to give "nevertheless, you are right: citizen says to him, "I Idon't have any authority he gives Ecolor leave." "But," the says Galbaud, and finally of 91 "Ah, you're right," hundred men who were orders to the sentinels.. who could carry it out. Of the two board the on Jupiter. the order to someone thirty are taken prisoner and sent guarding the arsenal, and his supporters sucother accounts indicate, Galbaud among its In reality, as of the arsenal because of confusion ceeded in gaining control of belated show of determination rather than because any the naval officers who had defenders, According to Debray, the on the general's part. afternoon finally proposed a compromise: of him all of numbers been pressuring force made up equal arsenal would be guarded by a joint cries of *Vive la République' "At that instant, and men from the two camps. wanted to embrace each other, were heard from both sides, everyone I had no power to stop this enthusiasm, the two forces merged together; least twenty sailors for each soldier," since there were at by Captain Daniel particularly A key role in these events was played as he saw it, to try Debray wrote. who took it on himself, luck is Vandongen of the Concorde, between the two parties, bloodshed. "I throw myself and the general cry to prevent peace, everyone embraces he wrote in with me and dire-establish long live our union forever!" live the Republic, one of his men.4 was 'Long substantiated by an account after the unsuccessful his own deposition, that Galbaud, retreating one It was at this point appeared at the arsenal. Annecy, assault on the Government House, Facing Racial Revolution, 190. D XXV 81, " in Popkin, of Bujon in AN, 48 "Historic narrative," in SHM, BB 4 24; deposition 49 Vandongen, "Rapport," d. 798. long live our union forever!" live the Republic, one of his men.4 was 'Long substantiated by an account after the unsuccessful his own deposition, that Galbaud, retreating one It was at this point appeared at the arsenal. Annecy, assault on the Government House, Facing Racial Revolution, 190. D XXV 81, " in Popkin, of Bujon in AN, 48 "Historic narrative," in SHM, BB 4 24; deposition 49 Vandongen, "Rapport," d. 798. --- Page 223 --- You Are All Free of the free colored soldiers, reported that the men ofhis unit fraternal embraces and led general himself gave the live the nation! Long live the sailors in a cheer of "Long ises to the equality!" The hollowness of men of color was quickly Galbaud's promminutes later, he had the free exposed, as Debray related: "A few the ships, after having disarmed companies [of men of color] sent on board Vandongen's them. 350 *This behavior outraged companion testified: he and the us," had achieved a reconciliation between captain thought that they some of the other men of color the two parties.s Annecy and Petit Carénage, where escaped into the nearby suburb of the of white militiamen they fought a two-hour battle against a sailors' before escaping into the hills. Well aware group fury against them, the men of color still of the were in danger, One oft them, in the arsenal knew they would be better off corporal Charles Hilarion, even decided he and shoes and hid pretending to be a slave. He stripped off his uniform had taken himself among the black workers in the no part in the contest for control there.ss arsenal, who found himself in possession of the Although he now secure other important arsenal, Galbaud ignored advice to had just seized the positions. "I myself told him that the brigands brigands from ferry crossing, the most vital point for the countryside from keeping the later testified. "He didn't send entering,' a civilian named Delage next day, when it was too late." 54 any troops; he told me to wait until the Not yet aware of what had taken Polverel hoped that the failure place at the arsenal, Sonthonax and would make the of the attack on the Government sailors rethink their House They sent several groups of their engagement on Galbaud's behalf. supporters to A lamation offering the sailors spread their printed procthe commissioners. amnesty if they turned the general over to to Saint-Domingue, Polverel's own son, who had accompanied his father back and volunteered for this mission. Mounted on horseian accompanied by four soldiers, a court and gendarme, he approached the official, a civilmen gathered around them. arsenal, where a group of Galbaud's however, Instead of listening to the "they seized us, took our proclamation, and sent us onto different weapons, shoved us off our horses, ships as prisoners," young Polverel reported.ss 5o Deposition of Annecy, AN, SI Deposition of Bujon, in AN, CC9A D 8; deposition of Debray, in AN, D XXV $2 Deposition of XXV 81, d. 798. 80, d. 784. 53 Deposition of Debray, Charles AN; D XXV 80, d. 784; deposition of. Annecy, 54 "Récit" of Cit. Delage, Hilarion, July 14, 1793, AN D XXV 48, d. 461. AN, CC9. A 8. s5 François Polverel, n.d., AN, D XXV 80, d. 787. Coup d'oeil, 5o. osition of XXV 81, d. 798. 80, d. 784. 53 Deposition of Debray, Charles AN; D XXV 80, d. 784; deposition of. Annecy, 54 "Récit" of Cit. Delage, Hilarion, July 14, 1793, AN D XXV 48, d. 461. AN, CC9. A 8. s5 François Polverel, n.d., AN, D XXV 80, d. 787. Coup d'oeil, 5o. --- Page 224 --- The Powder Keg Explodes Leblanc, from the fate befell a patrol led by lieutenant-colonel loyal to the comA similar which, as always, had stayed the assault on the 16th dragoon regiment, critical role in breaking up that missioners and played a Sonthonax and Polverel now realized of earlier in the day3s because of the failure casernes would not simply fall apart by the fate of his Galbaud's force Galbaud was preoccupied the And just as about his son: its first attack. Polverel now had to worry reunited in France brother, the commissioner other again until they were two would not see each still had the more than a year later. the commissioners' enemies ready Despite their initial setback, were still in the harbor, and the warships orders for them advantage of numbers, in fact, actually given several these fire. Galbaud had, who were told to transmit to open but both the officers on shore who had stayed behind to do sO, and the naval officers commands to the ships them out. The journalist Saint-Maurice time to a the vessels refused to carry for the third la on witnessed a naval officer, "coming out the terrible claimed to have he was still determined to carry secured the ask the general whether fire on the town" after he had when I've order he had given to open Galbaud replies, 'and wThave thought of everything, This officer allowed arsenal. it must be executed." as far as giving an order, of such an order. 'Obey,' gone out the awful consequences see that this bloody himself to point He leaves to go bronze answer he was given. mouths of was the only out: the fuses are lit, a hundred city of Le Cap, command is carried destruction on the unhappy death and of the naval officers are ready to pour merchant marine and some but the officers of the and the order is left unexecured." humanity carries the day, for Galbaud, were oppose it, the despite their support who Even the gunners on Jupiter, with hotheads from the other ships shocked at the order and argued them to execute it.s8 the of the naval guns, tried to get were spared fury was not The city and the commissioners Galbaud meant that the fight refusal to abandon the French Republic's sovbut the sailors' and Polverel were to maintain needed to recruit more over. IfSonthonax colonial port, they the whites, ereignty over its most important could expect no help from city's have defenders. They knew they to Galbaud than might they had provided less support even though deposition of Sarrazin, Delage, s ANDXXV 80, d. 782; 5 *Récit de ce que a vu le citoyen 188; see also the deposiD XXV 80, d. 784- in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, d. 784. s7 "Historic narrative," and Poulain in AN D XXV 80, II, in AN, D XXV 56, d. 557tions of Sarrazin Raimbault, 24 mess. ;8 Interrogation of François though deposition of Sarrazin, Delage, s ANDXXV 80, d. 782; 5 *Récit de ce que a vu le citoyen 188; see also the deposiD XXV 80, d. 784- in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, d. 784. s7 "Historic narrative," and Poulain in AN D XXV 80, II, in AN, D XXV 56, d. 557tions of Sarrazin Raimbault, 24 mess. ;8 Interrogation of François --- Page 225 --- You Are All Free been expected. The men of color had been faithful factors, but there were too few of them to their French beneto defeat especially now that the general had gotten his hands Galbaud's supporters, cannon. That left only the black slaves. on the arsenal's heavy slaves obviously meant risking the Putting weapons in the hands of foundations of French colonial destruction of the system on which the rule had been an early stage in the Saint-Domingue built. Nevertheless, from parts of the island had recruited slaves insurrection, rival factions in some and the free colored to fight for them,s9 Both the white soldiers in their plantation owners in the West Province had used slave had enrolled struggles with each other, and some oft these already armed slaves in Sonthonax and Polverel their campaign in that region during the their own forces during colored ally André Rigaud. These spring of 1793, as had their free free colored commanders and slaves, of course, fought under white or they did not turn their were carefully supervised to make sure that guns on those who fought for their masters could employed them. Slaves who sibly even a grant of freedom for expect some form of compensation, posfrom a general themselves, but this was quite different proclamation of emancipation. Even before the outbreak of violence in 1793, the commissioners' enemies had Cap Français on June 20, slaves and turn them against the accused them of a plan to arm the island's white planning to abolish slavery in the colony. It is clear population, and also of Polverel were indeed thinking about that Sonthonax and for France. Knowing that the employing armed blacks to fight Spanish in were trying to recruit the organized black neighboring Santo Domingo their side, the French had little choice, insurgent bands to fight on ined leading a black Even General Galbaud had army on an invasion of the Spanish imagrewarding them with grants of conquered land colony and that would make it possible to leave the there, an arrangement French side of the border intact.6o white-owned plantations on the sent emissaries to Sonthonax and Polverel propose some kind of agreement to the black apparently Jean-François forwarded a letter from one of these leaders; Spanish interlocutors, both to prove that he intermediaries to his from them and, was not hiding the blacks. 61 A letter presumably, to get them to improve their own anything offer to who would join the fight from in the insurgent leader Pierrot, one of the men Cap Français on the commissioners' side on 59 David Geggus, *Slave, Soldier, Rebel: The Haitian Strange Career of Jean ax and Polverel propose some kind of agreement to the black apparently Jean-François forwarded a letter from one of these leaders; Spanish interlocutors, both to prove that he intermediaries to his from them and, was not hiding the blacks. 61 A letter presumably, to get them to improve their own anything offer to who would join the fight from in the insurgent leader Pierrot, one of the men Cap Français on the commissioners' side on 59 David Geggus, *Slave, Soldier, Rebel: The Haitian Strange Career of Jean Revolutionary Studies, 138. Kina, in Geggus, 61 Letter Deposition of Armand, in AN, D XXV, d. signed *Frere," 3 June 17, 1793, in Monte SI. y Tejada, Historia, 4: 43-4. --- Page 226 --- The Powder Keg Explodes June 21, 1793, shows that reached the blacks in the rumors of even more radical an unidentified weeks before the measures had "citizen general," showdown there. that "one of our brothers probably Galbaud Writing to told him to tell has come and himself, Pierrot said liberté us that it is your intention announced to us that you had Pierrot générale) and ask us to defend the to grant us our freedom was eager to hear more colony and the French (la and the English about this supposed nation." with propose to give us freedom and offer, because "Spain everything. We know that have even arms from the Spanish and it you have been told that we furnished us Nevertheless, is true. >62 have gotten Sonthonax and despite the white colonists' of general Polverel had neither decided violent emancipation to make any accusations, to recruit slaves prior to the events of proclamation Français as soldiers for their forces. Even June 20, 1793, nor even of what unfolded, they hesitated to take such as the crisis in Cap they did on June drastic steps. The the true significance of 20-21, 1793 are. details their the two men's decisions important, because they reveal actions, which set in motion the and the extent to which emancipation of the slaves in the process that would lead to the empire, were conditioned colony and then legal they found by the very specific throughout the French however. themselves. Determining exactly circumstances in which Various eyewitness accounts what happened is particulars, and we are at of these events difficult, role of the black a special disadvantage in disagree in many what they saw population because none of reconstructing the or did. In general, them left testimonies of Sonthonax and accounts by white that the Polverel - the most numerous colonists hostile to allege that commissioners appcaled to the slaves sources - tend to claim before the blacks were being armed and early on; some sources sailors landed on June incited to attack the whites case, and indeed, none of the 20, 1793. This was even city on detailed certainly not the June 19 or of the sailors' descriptions of the troubles the casernes on the assaults on the in the with afternoon of the June Government House and blacks, as opposed to clashes 20, 1793 mentions attack on the Government with the men of color. encounters If the fate of the House had succeeded - as it the first slaves had commissioners would have been very nearly did - In any chance to act to affect their sealed before the city's making their decision to own destinies. did not act alone. Their recruit slave soldiers, the actions were coordinated commissioners with their free colored Pierrot, in Port Français, June 4, 1793, to "citoyen général," AN AA 54, d. 1509. a * men of color. encounters If the fate of the House had succeeded - as it the first slaves had commissioners would have been very nearly did - In any chance to act to affect their sealed before the city's making their decision to own destinies. did not act alone. Their recruit slave soldiers, the actions were coordinated commissioners with their free colored Pierrot, in Port Français, June 4, 1793, to "citoyen général," AN AA 54, d. 1509. a * --- Page 227 --- You Are All Free supporters, and indeed several group may have acted on their sources suggest that the own members of this slaves, even before initiative to summon Faced with the Sonthonax and Polverel had taken support from color clearly prospect of being overrun the their decision. their saw no alternative but to by sailors, the free own racial privileges. abandon their effort men of to the slaves, When the to maintain the they had to consider commissioners did decide to several hundred three distinct appeal for the imprisoned groups. The first most part, during the insurgents in the city's jails. were were experienced military offensive in Captured, fighters. A decision to call January, these men abandoning any hope of an on them, These were, after all, rebel understanding with the whites however, in meant in hand," slaves who had been the colony. they according to the French captured "with should have been revolutionary weapons Cap executed without government's Français had been further ado, and the decrees, uprising. The commissioners' clamoring for their deaths for months whites in of their hope to reach decision not to kill them before the point between the an agreement with the had been a sign Sonthonax landing of the sailors and insurgent forces. At some and Polverel made up their the capture of the loyalists, the seneschal minds: one of their arsenal, their Vergniaud, freed few white promise to help defend the these prisoners in mer black prisoners commissioners. By exchange for northern edge of the were defending the barrier of La late afternoon, forapproximately city. Adding them to the Providence on the but they do equalized the number of commissioners' forces not seem to have been fighting men on the two tioning their release from deployed as a distinct unit; after sides, anything specific about prison, none of the menThe second their role in events. surviving documents says the civilian group of blacks the slaves in the city itself. commissioners Before now appealed to 1791, they numbered about the start of the were bly fallen somewhat 10,000, although the insurrection in and Polverel by, June 1793. Itis difficult to population had probalaunched their know when accounts of Galbaud's first appeal to the city's slaves. The Sonthonax tion of slaves assault on the numerous describe took rallying to their defense; all commissioners the make no menplace between whites combat these ness claims that he had heard and free men ofcolor. One documents the day, before the emancipation being white witIe encounter sailors' landing. announced earlier in no one except groups of "Along the way, as I cross the town, mulattos and blacks who force the Deposition of Jean Nicolas Martin Isnard, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 796. tion of slaves assault on the numerous describe took rallying to their defense; all commissioners the make no menplace between whites combat these ness claims that he had heard and free men ofcolor. One documents the day, before the emancipation being white witIe encounter sailors' landing. announced earlier in no one except groups of "Along the way, as I cross the town, mulattos and blacks who force the Deposition of Jean Nicolas Martin Isnard, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 796. --- Page 228 --- The Powder Keg Explodes non-libres 2II libres [slaves] to go with them, and ça commissaires là io bas who cry out to them, nous, tout pays-ce qui zotes libres, tout zotes tous ers say ça quine à nous. blanc ça you are all free, all whites ("You are all free; the legal à try belongs to us.") They led are now equal to us, this commissionHouse, armed them from head them to the arsenal or to the whole counthis man wrote, Antoine to toe, and thus increased Government joined Galbaud's Dalmas, one of the white their party 93 camp, both side, and André volunteers who had testified, Conscience, the decision in the however, that the general's aide-deattacking evening, once it became commissioners clear only made this furnished again the next day.s This that Galbaud would be by Captain of timing is confirmed the harbor: "At dark, Jones the Eagle, one of the in the report usual after the firing had American ships in preliminary to ceased, a drum the publishing was heard, the commissioners had proclamations, and it was negroes. P66 The published pardon and freedom reported that longest and newspaper editor to the revolted end of the most detailed we have, Saint-Maurice, also whose account is the day's fighting, while puts this men of color: "Toward assigning the main development after the and fearing a evening, the men of color, responsibility to the numbers and better-planned attack the next proud of their took day, sought to victory, the slaves who had advantage of the absence of the increase their The printed long been disposed that 67 masters to win over version of the way.' June 21, 1793, and it is commissioners' on the unlikely that had emancipation offer is dated evening of the previous they a chance to called "the decisive day.ss This circulate it the city; in the blow," was addressed proclamation, which Dalmas bands dark, the originally only to the blacks of insurgents in the commissioners had no way to in tion was drawn surrounding hills. Even contact the armed proceeded up in the heat of a though the with lawyer-like crisis, Sonthonax and proclamanot have been caution; the Polverel still more carefully document they sure. This caution reflected worded if they had been produced could concerns that their acting at their leieven the most radical understranding of their mission and the French abolitionists had when they Anon., Extrait d'une letter, SUT les 6s Dalmas, palement Sur l'incendie de la ville du malheurs Cap de Saint-Domingue en reel Révolution de Français, 13-14. general, et princi66 Gazette 7. Saint-Domingue, 197; Conscience, document they sure. This caution reflected worded if they had been produced could concerns that their acting at their leieven the most radical understranding of their mission and the French abolitionists had when they Anon., Extrait d'une letter, SUT les 6s Dalmas, palement Sur l'incendie de la ville du malheurs Cap de Saint-Domingue en reel Révolution de Français, 13-14. general, et princi66 Gazette 7. Saint-Domingue, 197; Conscience, oft the United States "Rapport," Genet papers, "Historic narrative," in Popkin, (Philadelphia), July IO, 1793. Proclamation in AN D XXV 5, d. Facing Racial Revolation, 191. SI. --- Page 229 --- You Are All Free of a sudden and uncontrolled emancipation of contemplated the impact aware that they had been the slaves. The commissioners were acutely not to do away with French control of Saint-Domingue, sent to preserve instructions they had received, the National slavery. The most expansive had authorized them to make Convention's decree of March 5, 1793, work gangs, but this changes to the regulations governing plantation was still a far cry from abolishing slavery altogether. 1793 was therefore The offer of freedom they extended on June 21, under the *black warriors who will fight for the Republic, limited to both against the Spanish and against other civil commissioners' orders, exterior." >> The proclamation made no menenemies, whether interior or whether the freedom it tion of "the rights of man" and did not specify Slaves who wished offered included the full rights of French citizenship. under military take advantage of this offer were to put themselves to not for the duration of the discipline and commit themselves to serve just had ended. The but until all fighting in the colony crisis in Cap Français, made it clear that the new reference to the Spanish and "other enemies" against other blacks, such soldiers could find themselves being deployed Biassou, and Toussaint, all as the insurgent armies led by Jean-François, In other words, the newly freed of whom were siding with the Spanish, themselves ordered to fight against slaves in Cap Français risked finding slavery in August 1791. the former slaves who had risen up against the situation of June 21, 1793 also addressed The proclamation those outside the city. The commissioners of a third group of slaves: of other slaves, by preventing them promised "to improve the condition but it did not offer freedom for from being mistreated as in the past," At most, Sonthonax and those slaves who remained on the plantations. blacks who will freedom to those Polverel spoke of "gradually extending conduct and their devohave given the strongest evidence of their good hanging by a thread, the 93 With their control of the colony tion to work. of their friend Julien commissioners still stuck to the gradualist program slave who offered Raimond. Nevertheless, by promising freedom to any of rather than offering it only to a specified group to fight for them, the initiative in the slaves' blacks, the commissioners' proclamation soldiers put could now claim their hands: all those who chose to become limited to the slaves of Cap liberty, and the offer was not specifically had the insurrection Français. Nor did it exclude the slaves who joined As the struggle for the the French and the colonists. and fought against and Polverel would find themselves recruiting city intensified, Sonthonax a far wider body of black supporters. , by promising freedom to any of rather than offering it only to a specified group to fight for them, the initiative in the slaves' blacks, the commissioners' proclamation soldiers put could now claim their hands: all those who chose to become limited to the slaves of Cap liberty, and the offer was not specifically had the insurrection Français. Nor did it exclude the slaves who joined As the struggle for the the French and the colonists. and fought against and Polverel would find themselves recruiting city intensified, Sonthonax a far wider body of black supporters. --- Page 230 --- The Powder Keg Explodes Limited though it was, the turning point in the proclamation of June 21, tory of the institution struggle over slavery. Never before 1793 marked a in the in the ernment taken such Americas had long hisfamous a drastic step. The officials of a European offer of freedom to slaves British general Lord govagainst the American colonists who would join his forces Dunmore's and different context. in 1775 had occurred in fight [slave] system nor "Dunmore's intention was an entirely to make war neither to was no autonomous slave on it," Sylvia Frey has overthrow the no prospect of a insurrection in the American written. There Dunmore acted complete collapse of the colonies, and out of system. A slave owner blacks would be military expediency, himself, most of the firmly under the control of white creating a force in which black soldiers he officers. In or by disease,s From the recruited were soon any event, that start of the wiped out in battle faithfully moment, the official policy of the insurrection French in August 1791 until ings about executed by Sonthonax and Polverel revolutionary government, maintenance slavery, had been to fight the despite their personal feelthe first of slavery as the basis of the insurgents and to insist on the time, official colony's economy. ment offered representatives of the French Now, for any male slaves freedom, not just to a handful of revolutionary governto mass willing to fight on their behalf. insurgent leaders, but to selves emancipation, Sonthonax and Polverel Having opened the door compelled to let would soon find within four months, cver-increasing numbers of slaves themslavery in the they would have decreed the pass through it; colony. complete abolition of Itis, of course, selves taking this paradoxical radical that Sonthonax and Polverel taken any part in the step even though the black slaves found themJune 20, 1793. In reality, organized episodes of combat in had hardly a strong influence however, the slaves' Cap Français on on the outcome actions had was surprised and of events, already had Galbaud, as we no more than disappointed he that SO few of the have seen, I5o, city's white reasons for the whites' complained - joined his side. There residents - on August 13-14, reluctance, After the earlier were many better than the 1792 and December 2-6, episodes of conflict Some of them sailors how skilled the free men 1792, they certainly knew distrusted Galbaud because of his ofcolor were at fighting, outspoken declarations 69 Sylvia R.F Frey, Waterfromthe NJ: Princeton Rock: Black the Slaves and University the American Press, 1991), 63; Simon Schama, Revolution Rough REcremse (New York: HarperCollins, Crossings: Britain, 2006), 70-87. E were many better than the 1792 and December 2-6, episodes of conflict Some of them sailors how skilled the free men 1792, they certainly knew distrusted Galbaud because of his ofcolor were at fighting, outspoken declarations 69 Sylvia R.F Frey, Waterfromthe NJ: Princeton Rock: Black the Slaves and University the American Press, 1991), 63; Simon Schama, Revolution Rough REcremse (New York: HarperCollins, Crossings: Britain, 2006), 70-87. E --- Page 231 --- You Are All Free he had shown and because of the hesitancy of loyalty to the Republic Another important consideration the commissioners. their weapons and going about confronting however, was that taking up and their at the for the white men, leaving their families property "women out into the streets meant American ship's captain mentioned when of their slaves. An in their dwelling houses" mercy who had locked themselves by the commisand others, broke out.7o One white citizen, interrogated the critical hours of the fighting admitted that he had spent seven hunting sioners after the events, office, in which he had tried to use June 2.0, 1793 in his second-floor but, he claimed, he never rifles and two pairs of pistols, by "my four negroes. >71 His situation watched evidence them, since he was being Even though there is hardly the any first day of could not have been unique. against their masters during paralyzed of domestic slaves turning throughout the town effectively fighting, their mere presence descend into white resistance. however, some blacks began to Or not they As the night came on, active role in events. Whether streets and to take a more their freedom, they the were on the threshold of obtaining broken down. Like the realized that they law and order in the city had The certainly saw that take advantage of this opportunity. some blacks decided to the arsenal and the commisionsailors, forces at hostile camps - Galbaud's armed patrols to maintain two House 1 both sent out closest to their positions. ers in the Government on the streets the "marché aux order, but they both concentrated the Place de Clugny, site of was of the town around "The night The part According to Saint-Maurice, and cries. No white noirs," was unsupervised. direction one heard gunshots himself carefully, troubled: from every frozen with fear, kept dared show himself; each one, The slaves, under cover of the darkness, along hidden. fell on the town not to say shamefully, of their masters, several the disorder, and the paralysis a part of it, and committed ones with the citizens of color, pillaged Clugny and some of the richest The stores on the place and devastated during massacres. emptied d'Armes were completely on the place the city. Whites this horrible night. could be heard throughout of blacks All night long, gunfire in their own quarters, at the mercy the whites found themselves isolated them, and the rumors felt compelled to obey who no longer Chronicle, July 13, 1793. White, in Virginia XXV 19, d. 186. 70 Captain Joseph of July 15, 1793, AND 191. 71 Deposition Duliepvre, in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 72 "Historic narrative.," Armes were completely on the place the city. Whites this horrible night. could be heard throughout of blacks All night long, gunfire in their own quarters, at the mercy the whites found themselves isolated them, and the rumors felt compelled to obey who no longer Chronicle, July 13, 1793. White, in Virginia XXV 19, d. 186. 70 Captain Joseph of July 15, 1793, AND 191. 71 Deposition Duliepvre, in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 72 "Historic narrative.," --- Page 232 --- The Powder Keg Explodes <The city was given over to magnified the sense of danger. the blacks. At eight p.m., heard only by the mulattos and one Michel, a forbrigandage and pillage woman belonging to house six blacks and a black room in the five Or owner, had already filled a large had pillaged : : The mer lemonade-shop and different valuables they the We passed where I was with liquor was almost as stormy as day. on night of the 2oth to the 2ISt moment, we heard blacks banging if the cruelest torments. At every to set fre to the house it in with their musket butts, threatening white fuckers in there, we our doors and saying angrily, there are either all white or all black," we didn't open, all. The colony's got to be Samuel Perkins should kill them recalled.3 The American merchant one who one witness later fears of the whites led them to dread whites every and the remembered that "the between the and as they could not distinguish there?' and a shot followed appeared, the dark, it was only a cry of"Who's Thus in the general blacks in could be answered. the the sound before the question and blacks destroyed blacks through Caire panic whites destroyed whites the wounded white gendarme woman protected he had sought night. 974 A black who broke into the house where take her master's from a band of blacks telling her that she should shelter, but he heard them the city was going to be destroyedz between best linen for herself, since the outcome ofthe struggle dawn approsched on June 21, in doubt. The fate of slavAs remained who won the Galbaud and the commissioners been determined: No matter in the city, however, had had already shaken off their bonds ery day, the slaves have restored battle on the coming themselves. Whether anyone could is hard to and begun to act for in time to prevent the city's destruction instead of conorder in Cap Français and the sailors had slipped away colored allies Perhaps if Galbaud and their free say. Sonthonax and Polverel the outbreak tinuing their attack, looting and disorder and prevented hardly could have limited the the town, but they could of the fires that were soon to consume Given his supporters' hostility forced the blacks back into slavery. it is unlikely that a victorihave blacks and the free people of color, over them except at the to the could have imposed his authority that had ous Galbaud By upsetting the fragile equilibrium in the rest of price of brutal massacres. despite the slave uprising enabled Cap Français to survive en general, et princid'une lettre, SUT les malheurs de Saint-Domingue 15-16. 73 Anon., Extrait de la ville du Cap Français, SUT l'incendie palement "Narrative," s 341. 74 Perkins, of Caire, AN D XXV 48, d. 461. 75 Deposition the to the could have imposed his authority that had ous Galbaud By upsetting the fragile equilibrium in the rest of price of brutal massacres. despite the slave uprising enabled Cap Français to survive en general, et princid'une lettre, SUT les malheurs de Saint-Domingue 15-16. 73 Anon., Extrait de la ville du Cap Français, SUT l'incendie palement "Narrative," s 341. 74 Perkins, of Caire, AN D XXV 48, d. 461. 75 Deposition --- Page 233 --- You Are All Free the North Province, General Galbaud, plantation owner and republican war hero, and the white sailors who had no stake in the institution of slavery at all had earned the unlikely honor of making the end of slavery in the colony of Saint-Domingue inevitable. Whether the commissioners Sonthonax and Polverel would live long enough to implement their policy of controlled emancipation, and whether the French National Convention in Paris would endorse their actions, depended on the outcome of the fighting that was about to resume in Cap Français. pC JR a --- Page 234 --- E E Freedom and Fire the of June 21, 1793, as the population The sky was overcast on morning of fighting.' Throughout of Cap Français braced itself for another day opened winresidents from all three racial groups cautiously the city, information about what had happened during dows and doors to seek for the coming day. The city's slaves the night and assess their prospects but the fate of Le Cap still hung in had already claimed their freedom, sailors who had gone back to their ships the balance. At the waterfront, those who had stayed at the arseduring the night landed again, joining shore could not have had much nal. The sailors who had remained on had continued the pillagsleep. Some had patrolled the streets, others had taken advantage of ing that had begun the previous day, and many themselves into a stupor. the wine handed out at the arsenal to drink Polverel must have spent an House, Sonthonax and In the Government to the city's slaves had brought them equally sleepless night. Their appeal also unleashed a wave of disorder additional defenders, but it had some Before they could hope to bring things under conthroughout the city. assault from General Galbaud trol, however, they had to face a renewed and his supporters. afternoon, Galbaud tried to orgaStung by his failure on Thursday He ordered the sounding of nize his forces better on Friday morning. all citizens were supposed to the general alarm, in response to which They were added to report for duty, but only fifty volunteers appeared. there were about twice as and Polverel thought the sailors - Sonthonax du vaisseau l'America," in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523. For the weather, see "Journal in AN, D XXV 80, d. 784. Account of Poulain, --- Page 235 --- You Are All Free many of them as there had been and other combatants. the day before, slaves, Galbaud's While the perhaps 1,200 in all - supporters had commissioners had been own, releasing some jailed engaged in an act of freeing the British sailors liberation of captured as a prize shortly from a ship called their the command of a before the crisis. They the Hyena, American British officer, and "put themselves under ship captain. Galbaud fought bravely," columns of about divided his according to an Mars, 250 men each, The first attacking force into three opposite the casernes where was to go to the were housed. The second, the troops loyal to the Champ de from the arsenal, headed equipped with a heavy commissioners third was ordered straight for the 24-pounder cannon completely to swing south, through Government the House, while the the encircling the commissioners' Place de Clugny, thus assailants, the wheels ofthe redoubt.+ immediately, central column's Unfortunately for with the delaying its advance and heavy gun broke almost other columns. opposite the casernes where was to go to the were housed. The second, the troops loyal to the Champ de from the arsenal, headed equipped with a heavy commissioners third was ordered straight for the 24-pounder cannon completely to swing south, through Government the House, while the the encircling the commissioners' Place de Clugny, thus assailants, the wheels ofthe redoubt.+ immediately, central column's Unfortunately for with the delaying its advance and heavy gun broke almost other columns. Once causing that force to it came under fire from the central column starting lose contact which men of color had snipers hidden in the houses and in moving again, wounded and taken occupied during the the church, to the > night,s "Several wrote. "The sight oft them, arsenal," the newspaper editor people were those at that post, which intimidated the less Saint-Maurice made no began to discourage the bolder determined among no arrangements to care for the ones." 33 Galbaud had surgeon to aid them, no injured. tions. The brave bandages, no "Unfortunately there was men who had been instruments to perform experience and misguided operawounds and intelligence of Galbaud enough to trust in the the pain of secing suffered from the eral's themselves sacrificed pain of their By incompetence 8 and self-regard." "6 because of the genwhere it A.M., the heavy gun had finally been had began bombarding the set up in the Place set up their own smaller Government House. The d'Armes, it quickly became useless artillery piece in front of the commissioners to fire twenty-three when its axle broke. The building, but shots shattered rounds before their attackers managed the gun, too, became loose from the walls Government House's façade and disabled; their inside.7 Meanwhile, another knocked plaster detachment of sailors Account Captain, Jones, in Gazette ofthe United A, States 3 Declaration CAOM, of F: 3 198. (Phriladelphia),J July IO, 1793. "Historic Cordeil,July 8, 1793, in LC, 7 Account A, narrative,"i in Popkin, Facing Racial Genet papers, reel 5. before their attackers managed the gun, too, became loose from the walls Government House's façade and disabled; their inside.7 Meanwhile, another knocked plaster detachment of sailors Account Captain, Jones, in Gazette ofthe United A, States 3 Declaration CAOM, of F: 3 198. (Phriladelphia),J July IO, 1793. "Historic Cordeil,July 8, 1793, in LC, 7 Account A, narrative,"i in Popkin, Facing Racial Genet papers, reel 5. Popkin, Facing CAOM, Racial Moreau de Saint-Méry Revolution, 192, August 22, 1793. Revolution, 192; letter papers, of Captain F 3 198; "Historic narrative," 39 in Fanning in London Times, --- Page 236 --- Freedom and Fire of one of the mornes, Or hills, smaller cannon up to the top for its defenders. As dragged a House, creating a new threat in the center above the Government in the streets and squares the texture day, the fighting on the previous Saine-Maurice's news report captured of the city was fierce. for freedom: of what had truly become a struggle were sure emboldened by their enemies' lack of success, had armed and The citizens of color, aided by the blacks close they to the Government of victory; they were Galbaud's wonderfully party from getting as blacks), proud to be whose activities kept the day before. These new men [the not have expected from House as they had dedication that one would discipline. These called citizens, showed fighting a without organization, without and servitude; inspired men without leaders, bent beneath the yoke of contempt off their masks. No more were no longer men these men had thrown Those whose glance had made by hatred and the vengeance, master and the slavein revolt! believed to be a race superior to truce between those whom they had always tyrants: the spell was broken. them tremble, more in their eyes except in the fighting: they theirs, were nothing confess, were at a great disadvantage blows were hard behind The whites, one must hidden in their houses, and whose had to face enemies their walls." situation the commissioners' of their defenders, and Polverel Despite the courage untenable. Although Sonthonax free colored supbecoming their was rapidly hold their position to the death, in the crumhad sworn to risk being killed Or captured urged them not to gave in to the prayers porters House. "Your commissioners Dufay would tell the bling Government color, and made their retreat," their defeat the of the citizens of 1794? The sailors, wary after to hang Convention in February too closely, preferring reluctant to approach still day before, were batter their foes, SO the commissioners of them back and let the 24-pounder to ensure that at least one In an attempt road out of town had a chance to escape. Polverel took the main on the made it to safety, they split up: to the fire of the gun even though it was exposed hill that led to Fort Belair, to the south, Sonthonax used a path up the both had succeeded in morne, while fortifications. By late morning, south of the city." IO The one of the city's of Haut du Cap, a few miles the the reaching village House after commissioners' who who entered the Government of the free men of color whites able to measure the loyalty departure were thirty-one of them lay dead." had defended them: Racial Revolution, 194-5. I * in Popkin, Facing 6, 1794). a 8 "Historic narrative, Pancien Moniteur, 18 pluviose II (February 193. de Revolution, 9 Réimpression in Popkin, Facing Racial 1o "Historic narrative," CAOM, F3 198. II Account A, a - ' who who entered the Government of the free men of color whites able to measure the loyalty departure were thirty-one of them lay dead." had defended them: Racial Revolution, 194-5. I * in Popkin, Facing 6, 1794). a 8 "Historic narrative, Pancien Moniteur, 18 pluviose II (February 193. de Revolution, 9 Réimpression in Popkin, Facing Racial 1o "Historic narrative," CAOM, F3 198. II Account A, a - --- Page 237 --- You Are All Free By letting Sonthonax and missed his second chance Polverel get away to Haut du slavery in to change the course of the Cap, Galbaud column [of Saint-Domingue. Galbaud's "It was natural to think that struggle over between itself forces] would block the left-hand would and the center column, their passage and trap have been defeated and the in such a way that the them frustrated white volunteer commissioners mulattoes would have had wrote. 12 To do captured or killed," a ited to push into the Petite so, however, the white troops do primarily by free people of Guinée, a part of the town SO. Although they had color and slaves, and inhabcommissioners had to abandon the they were afraid to of sovereignty, managed to salvage some of the seat of government, the issue proclamations. including printing equipment that essential instruments of color but They were would enable them to by their by General Laveaux accompanied and a few not only by the free men forced prized prisoner, César other loyal whites, as to march "between Galbaud, who well as the back with their two rows of black soldiers complained that he was Sonthonax and bayonets."s Regardless of who poked me in ernment Polverel were what happened in the of determined to keep city, As the Saint-Domingue. functioning as the govHaut du commissioners installed Cap. - the birthplace of themselves on the Bréda took a turn they Toussaint plantation at letting had not anticipated. However Louverture. - events in the city Sonthonax and careless he on the verge of Polverel escape from the had been in is success. "If Galbaud had city, Galbaud was now thought he must have gained stood out 5 minutes wrote."4 His forces a victory," one longer, it they could no longer faced American ship not bring the any organized captain city under their southern, heavily black opposition; even if perimeter around control, they should have been able neighborhoods of the House. Instead, the northern parts of it, to set up a defense Galbaud however, as including the and his followers multiple eyewitness accounts Government was the other side of the succumbed to the fear of black make clear, Whether it was the whites' assumption of their savagery that column nearest the general himself or some of the own superiority. broke out: "We Petite Guinée who were first white sailors in the though are lost! The mulattoes are seized by panic, a none of the armed black coming to attack usl"5 Even cry insurgents who 12 Account A, would shortly enroll 13 César CAOM, F3 198:. 14 Captain Galbaud, Jones in AN, D XXV. 48, d. 46s. 15 Deposition of Poulain, (Eagle), in AN Gazette oftbe United States D XXV 48, d. 784. (Philadelphia), July IO, 1793. in the though are lost! The mulattoes are seized by panic, a none of the armed black coming to attack usl"5 Even cry insurgents who 12 Account A, would shortly enroll 13 César CAOM, F3 198:. 14 Captain Galbaud, Jones in AN, D XXV. 48, d. 46s. 15 Deposition of Poulain, (Eagle), in AN Gazette oftbe United States D XXV 48, d. 784. (Philadelphia), July IO, 1793. --- Page 238 --- Freedom and Fire themselves to fight on Sonthonax's city, "everyone yelled that thousands and Polverel's side had yet entered du-Cap and that they of blacks were the of fear were going to coming from Hautentire swept through the other two exterminate all of us."16 The force broke into a columns as well, and wave sides came cries of "To the disorderly retreat to the arsenal, Galbaud's the citizens. Continual ships! To the ships! and fear "From all armed blacks who fire from the upper had seized all the we recognized, windows of the unfortunate city was everything increased the buildings, the colonial immediately abandoned and terror and fear for his administrator Cordeil wrote. left to be looted," 99 father, his "Everyone was were sick or wounded; mother, his wife, his seized with disorder children, his ness remembered,7 and confusion took friends who The general over," another witclaimed that it himself was swept along by the Galbaud's was he who first broke and crowd; one witness even flight supporters tried to claim that ran." 18 Long after the by some of his aides, who the general had been forced event, erlessifhe was captured, feared that the whites would to take supposedly made One account even quoted a be left leadonce he reached the heroic speech France, the true republicans, arsenal: "Citizens! let the Galbaud country. Let the others stay with me; they should die friends of tells a different disappear; Imust die or "19 defending their ticular story, however. The resounding triumph. Most evidence pro-Galbaud witness words the bear a suspicious quoted by this parbut newspaper editor Saint-Maurice resemblance to those never did. 20 Rather than says Galbaud should have that straight to the waterfront, rallying his forces, Galbaud uttered, witness testified that he looking for a boat to take him actually headed probably vigorously had seen "Galbaud run to safety. One ship's boats pursued, because up with his whole and skiffs and they all threw troop, ing Galbaud themselves into 'Sauve, : .. His himself the qui > splash in the water jumped into the water, peut," or at least I didn't must have kept him cryhear it.' >21 Whether from saying Galbaud threw himself Account A, 17 Deposition of CAOM, F 3 198, l'événement du CordellJuly 8, 1793, in LC, 18 "Historic Cap," AN D XXV 14, d. Genet papers, reel S; "Précis 19 "Précis narrative," in Popkin, Facing I30. historique de Paris in historique de l'événement du Racial Revolution, 195. and put him 1795, one witness even named Cap," the two AN D XXV 14, d. I30. In laffaire des involuntarily on a boat. Débats men who supposedly testimony in colonies (Paris: entre les accusateurs grabbed Galbaud "Historic Imptimerie et les 2I narrative," in Popkin, nationale, An III 8: accusés, dans Deposition of. Artau, September Facing Racial Revolution, (1795)), 19. 3, 1793, AN D XXV 5, d. 53. 196. ," the two AN D XXV 14, d. I30. In laffaire des involuntarily on a boat. Débats men who supposedly testimony in colonies (Paris: entre les accusateurs grabbed Galbaud "Historic Imptimerie et les 2I narrative," in Popkin, nationale, An III 8: accusés, dans Deposition of. Artau, September Facing Racial Revolution, (1795)), 19. 3, 1793, AN D XXV 5, d. 53. 196. --- Page 239 --- You Are All Free into the water or was because, before he pushed, he made an unforgettable to plunged into the sight, safeguard his most valuable harbor, he had especially at seeing Galbaud in possession. "Imagine stopped long enough to keep it Water up to his neck, everyone's surprise dry!" one of the several holding his watch in his concern for his timepiece people who had observed the mouth The recalled, general's newspaper editor disaster that Saint-Maurice, who eral's conduct destroyed his city, gives an account blamed Galbaud for the once he was of the to be quoted at length: safely back on board the Jupiter dripping-wet genthat deserves On his arrival on board the to his wife in the Jupiter, Galbaud, soaked to out of his chest. stateroom, His wife while waiting for someone the skin, sat down next ing him in a tender fashion. rubbed his hands and to take some dry clothes he is SO useful to the Ah, my dear one, she squeezed them while caresslater, Galbaud, touched Republic that we must take said, in a trembling voice, Someone thought by his wife's tenderness, good care of him. An instant said to they heard him went into his him. "Oh, no,' 92 he crying. "You are cabin to change. After this touching replied, sobbing. "In any crying, general," someone greatest honor. "Itis scene, a frugal meal was case, it would be from that I had really too bad," he served, to which Galbaud rage." won, I was already said, "thatI was did the heights around Le Cap] in order preparing.to seize the pushed back. Thinking Cambis listened to him from to put a quick end to mornes this (the >> mountainous setback whose responsibility below and concealed a smile war.' [Rear admiral] wearing a small white vest he didn't need to share, at the thought of a sailors to reassure and yellow After the meal, "Tell them about his slippers, wanted to show Galbaud, me, am Iall right like condition." What a himself to the ward. "Can Ishow this?" he asked the rear costume for a leader! "you must be worn myself this way to your crew?" admiral, putting his leg forher dear out, you should take "Perfectly," the had husband with her things easy. 7 Mrs. latter replied, no idea how pitiful he eyes, she couldn't contain Galbaud devoured is completely true and appeared to everyone. Pardon her joy, and the poor man as the savior of Le Cap, really shows the character of the me this digression, it man who many hailed While Galbaud was having his Jupiter, events were moving touching reunion with his wife rapidly in Cap on the Français. At the arsenal, with Deposition ofl Poulain, ANDXXV 23 Antoine narrative" and Account A, Moreau 48,d. de 784. The watch is also mentioned Dalmas's account also Saint-Méry papers, in "Historic wearing a nightcap and says that Galbaud was seen CAOM F 3 198. costume, nor the right slippers, with a pen in his hand... "seated in front of a terrible combat." place for a general This was desk, Dalmas, Histoire de whose army was neither the right "Hisoric narrative," 5 in Popkin, la révolution, 201. engaged in a bloody and Facing Racial Revolution, 196-7. mentioned Dalmas's account also Saint-Méry papers, in "Historic wearing a nightcap and says that Galbaud was seen CAOM F 3 198. costume, nor the right slippers, with a pen in his hand... "seated in front of a terrible combat." place for a general This was desk, Dalmas, Histoire de whose army was neither the right "Hisoric narrative," 5 in Popkin, la révolution, 201. engaged in a bloody and Facing Racial Revolution, 196-7. --- Page 240 --- Freedom and Fire the general gone, "there gone mad and was no leader and no ideas and subject to every kind ofimpulse one in charge. A crowd an account exaggerated both real and came up with the craziest civilians collected by Moreau de imaginary dangers," according to became Saint-Méry. "Everyone, their desperate to get on board the Sailors, soldiers, and on their faces, eyes unfocused, their mouths vessels in the harbor. and covered with thought they already saw an open and terror painted Everyone threw blood, about to fall on them army with of mulattoes, furious whether the himself in the water without sabers in their hands. threw nearest ships would be thinking, without away rifles, knapsacks, swamped by the crowd, knowing per them. The seashore, uniforms, hats, anything that Everyone with things left behind witness to a dishonorable might hamtrying to reach by cowards who threw flight, was covered left the house some distant rowboats," 99 themselves into the water without as we stood, without a second Saint-Maurice testified. "We all American carrying off our watches, which shirt to our backs, and even merchant Samuel Perkins were left in our > Galbaud's flight recalled,s bedrooms,' the literally abandoned. was SO precipitous that the (See Figure 7-I.) volunteers, after The author of My center of the city was observing the Odyssey and some ing, had spent the day commissioners' evacuation other white above the city. When fighting bands of blacks on the in the mornastonishment. they re-entered the slopes of the hills The streets were town, "we were movement, deserted, the stupefied with nothing to announce the houses closed. No defeated." 727 Those whites who proximity of an noise, no that they were on their did not simply give army victorious or that the city now own, as the blacks and way to panic realized whites had belonged to them. The result people of color discovered edly expected, a racial massacre, was not, however, as many exaggerated when he Although Louis 4 February claimed, in his Dufay undoubtfreed blacks] 1794, that "the citizens of 4 April address to the Convention on whites devoted themselves and their auxiliaries of every age and sex," 9> while exclusively to saving a large number (the destroyed the town, there is Galbaud and the sailors of of the whites who nevertheless substantial deliberately other races. 28 Moreau survived owed their lives to the evidence that many de Saint-Méry noted down efforts of people of 25 Atcount A, the Creole "cries of the 26 Perkins, CAOM, F 3 198. 37 "Mon "Narrative," 33 342. 28 Compte Odyssée," rendu SUT in la Popkin, Facing Racial la partie du nord. 16 situation actuelle de Revolution, 213. plu. II (Paris: Imptimerie Saint-Domingue Par Dufey [sic), député de nationale, An II), 6. the evidence that many de Saint-Méry noted down efforts of people of 25 Atcount A, the Creole "cries of the 26 Perkins, CAOM, F 3 198. 37 "Mon "Narrative," 33 342. 28 Compte Odyssée," rendu SUT in la Popkin, Facing Racial la partie du nord. 16 situation actuelle de Revolution, 213. plu. II (Paris: Imptimerie Saint-Domingue Par Dufey [sic), député de nationale, An II), 6. --- Page 241 --- You Are All Free a INCENDIK DU am) CAP FRANCAIS, République laness Juiu 1793. ma34ns Messidor Auedela 7.I. Refugees from Le Cap: the center) strike dramatic FIGURE (on the left) and whites (in Alchough Separate groups of blacks the city of Cap Français in the background. was probably poses as flames whose ravage depiction of the city is only approximate, that blacks, including this engraving, it is one of the rare acknowledgments the fire along with the white made in France, lost their homes and had to flee the city's slaves, population. nationale de France. Source: Bibliothèque destruction of Le Cap": "Citognin! who saved whites during the (Citizen! Don't shoot! It's a good Negroes bon Citognin!" and Na pas tiré! c'est gnon both the speakers' good intentions citizen words that emphasized status as free men."9 of their new were among those aided by their consciousness and his family he became The author of My Odyssey On the first day of fighting, colored members of other racial groups. "I hid in the home of a from his unit of volunteers. condition, >> he recalled. After separated who took pity on my youth and my and with her help I found girl, him, "she disguised me as a woman, when he was finally reunited feeding Weeks later, a way to get to the arsenal." 3 198 (Moreau de Saint-Méry papers). 29 CAOM,F their new were among those aided by their consciousness and his family he became The author of My Odyssey On the first day of fighting, colored members of other racial groups. "I hid in the home of a from his unit of volunteers. condition, >> he recalled. After separated who took pity on my youth and my and with her help I found girl, him, "she disguised me as a woman, when he was finally reunited feeding Weeks later, a way to get to the arsenal." 3 198 (Moreau de Saint-Méry papers). 29 CAOM,F --- Page 242 --- Freedom and Fire United States, he learned that they owed their with his family in the black leader whose men invaded their survival to the intervention of a mother at first sight, whose house as it was burning. "He recognized my What! it is you, my former slave he had been," the author wrote. will henceforth respect mistress,' he said. 'Be reassured. My soldiers his from the fury of the others He had you and I will save you including the save what they could of the family's possessions, men and escort them to the commissioners' camp at author's manuscripts, Haut du Cap.Jo dramas recounted by survivors shed a The individual and family that led members of revealing light on the complicated relationships other even as the city they had different racial groups to help each around them. Jean Nicolas shared on such unequal terms fell apart of the at the commisMartin Isnard, a merchant, had been one guests morning, he and On the following sioners' banquet on June 19, 1793. relative whose house was outside his family had gone to dine with a the sounds ofthe surrounding the town. Hearing the defense perimeter Isnard tried to return to his home but found fighting in the afternoon, who were now manning the the way barred by the freed black prisoners whom Ihad emanThat evening, however, "the negress Penelope, she had gate. with her children in exchange for the services cipated along and he was able to send her into the city performed for me," joined him, check on his house. She returned on the morning of June 21, 1793 to been looted, with the exception to tell him that all his property had as fires raged through of his dirty laundry. By the evening of June 22, his house again. He Isnard realized that he would never see the city, the camp at Haut-du-Cap, tried to take his family to commissioners' the man named Pierre, who a escorted by efive blacks among whom was at a barrier on the lived with the negress Penelope. >> They were stopped but when their escorts road by a larger group of blacks on horseback, 99 the black cavalrymen lifted testified that they were "good citizens," and four of Penelope's - onto the group's children - three of Isnard's Isnard concluded their horses and guided the whole group to safety. of color, of both by naming a number of blacks and people his account during the month they spent before sexes, who had assisted his family United States, including one man they found a ship to take them to the for my master. >> When who had told him, "I will always recognize you them, but finally left, Penelope was not allowed to accompany they in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 21I-12, 216. 3o "Mon Odyssée," Isnard concluded their horses and guided the whole group to safety. of color, of both by naming a number of blacks and people his account during the month they spent before sexes, who had assisted his family United States, including one man they found a ship to take them to the for my master. >> When who had told him, "I will always recognize you them, but finally left, Penelope was not allowed to accompany they in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 21I-12, 216. 3o "Mon Odyssée," --- Page 243 --- You Are All Free she entrusted Isnard and his well be that Penelope's wife with her youngest that Penelope had children were also daughter.. It may however, the helped raise the family's white Isnard's, and it is probable household relationships between the children. In any were powerful different members of case, secure their mutual enough SO that all of them the Isnard abandoned Pierre and safety. According to Isnard, worked together to she had been able taken all of her Penelope would have to. children to the Not all the cases in United States if racial groups involved which whites were aided by Isnard. Another relationships as intimate members of other themselves behind merchant named Seguin and his as that described by neighborhood locked doors in their family had barricaded about when the fighting house in the Petite eighty blacks began on June 20, Guinée decided to risk began to smash down their When a group of spare his family coming and out of hiding and to door, however, Seguin life to the intervention property. Like many white try to convince them to suaded the blacks of a man of color, one survivors, he owed his and to leave the Bien-Aimé Noel, who children to the harbor. building and then escorted pervaluables; when Noel Seguin stayed behind, Seguin's wife convinced Seguin that returned and saw the mounting hoping to save his level-headed than he, too, needed to flee. Noel danger, he finally Seguin; the merchant was thinking to take any was ready to leave evidently more would need it. Seguin money, until his protector without even leave behind his was most distressed, reminded him that he consul in Baltimore account books; he delivered however, his because he had to with some legal as soon as he arrived there, testimony to the French protection against his trying to provide relationship with creditors. himself humanity in Seguin is unclear, but he was The nature of Noel's to take his cash intervening to save Seguin's clearly motivated by basic for himself. with him, Noel family. In reminding house His ability to dissuade passed up the chance to Seguin indicates that the free the blacks who had tried appropriate it authority over the former population of color still to loot the was collapsing. slaves, even as the colonial had some moral While racial Seguin and his hierarchy on a ship, many whites family managed to reach the the waterfront. Another found themselves, like the harbor and get white survivor recalled Isnards, cut off from how he 31 Account of and his family 32 Degosition Isnard, of Seguin, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 796, Baltimore, MD,July 16, 1793, AN D XXV 80, d. 785. to loot the was collapsing. slaves, even as the colonial had some moral While racial Seguin and his hierarchy on a ship, many whites family managed to reach the the waterfront. Another found themselves, like the harbor and get white survivor recalled Isnards, cut off from how he 31 Account of and his family 32 Degosition Isnard, of Seguin, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 796, Baltimore, MD,July 16, 1793, AN D XXV 80, d. 785. --- Page 244 --- Freedom and Fire "hurriedly packed our gave them to our things with our most and we fled." Whereas servants to carry, we took our precious possessions, we tected by a man of Seguin had been menaced children in our arms, Although the family's color, this family had the by blacks and pro- "as soon as we were slaves had been opposite experience. took our bags, outside we were prepared to help them House, and forced our blacks to go surrounded with by mulattoes, escape, who wanted to force us to them to the managed to escape, come, too.' >> The Government suffered a machete although the author was hit whites in the party the city. "But what wound before he reached by a musket ball and every a painful spectacle safety in the hills outside and children direction, the only thing we saw was presented itself to our eyes! In der, crowding around the of large groups of men, fleeing their assassins while gates the town, women, nate, fell under their pleading for emerging in disorcompassion I shed blows," he wrote, "I will mercy; others, more fortuin imitation of as I saw pious children never forget the tears of weight of their Aeneas, their fathers or their carrying on their years. >33 mothers, shoulders, Free people of color and bent under the disaster engulfing the blacks clearly helped vail. The city, but many whites wave of violence that humanitariani instincts did escape the but only the whites swept the city not always preBaptiste were able to leave claimed victims of all Auguste Paris testimonies about races, been part of a patrol that reported that on the of their losses. Jean were looting the tried to disperse a evening June 20, he had the Place warehouse of a Jewish group of men of color who Clugny, When they merchant named citizens : killed by saber entered the building, Chabes near women and children, blows in front of their "we found several birth whose belly had including a pregnant woman doors, and a number of her legs, along with the been slit open, SO that her almost ready to give ing of Le Cap, another fruit of her womb. 34 Ten intestines were between him to rescue their survivor wrote to his days after the burnslaughtered two younger brother in Bordeaux to by the siblings: "Our father beg and one on the Negroes, I received two saber and mother were be alive. "35 right arm . When you receive this cuts, one on the head letter I may no longer 33 Anon., Extrait d'une lettre, Racial sur les Revolation, 221. malbeurs de 35 Duvallon Deposition ofj Jean Baptiste Auguste Saint-Domingue, in Popkin, Facing municipales d'Etang de Bordeaux). to brother, July 2, 1793, Paris, in in Musée AN, D XXV 81, d. 796. d'Aquitaine (original in Archives be alive. "35 right arm . When you receive this cuts, one on the head letter I may no longer 33 Anon., Extrait d'une lettre, Racial sur les Revolation, 221. malbeurs de 35 Duvallon Deposition ofj Jean Baptiste Auguste Saint-Domingue, in Popkin, Facing municipales d'Etang de Bordeaux). to brother, July 2, 1793, Paris, in in Musée AN, D XXV 81, d. 796. d'Aquitaine (original in Archives --- Page 245 --- You Are All Free themselves, Sonthonax whites in the city tried to save their authority over As the trying to save something of had already disand Polverel began that Galbaud's movement was to prepare the colony. Not realizing 21, their first concern their integrated by midday on June from the town. Etienne Laveaux, white themselves for a possible attack the road, and some commander, set up a gun covering to shoot them down for military accused him of "threatening from them by their colonists later the slightest groan forced it was underthe slightest complaint, ofthe previous day and a half, but they suffering." 936 After the events distrusted the city's whites, and standable that the commissioners a crowd of helpless civilians realized that they were facing The commissioners managed quickly measures to care for them. and biscuit from the town. began taking colored allies bring flour have their free a sort of administration to distributed to the unfortunates; For "Rations were Haut du Cap," Saint-Maurice reported., be at to in the open, starts to organized the refugees were forced camp focused on more the most part, however, while Sonthonax: and Polverel exposed to the elements, matters. Galbaud's forces, the commissioners pressing lost to for except to With the city apparently had nowhere to look support crisis of and their free colored allies months earlier, at the time of the Seven had approached the black population. bands of armed black insurgents 2, 1792, opportunity December that they might have their long-awaited "citizens" the town, hoping began to do SO again. Five unidentified arrived on the to storm it; now, they before Sonthonax and Polverel descent of who were at Haut du Cap that they had seen "a considerable ofJune 2I testified and their supportmorning Once the commissioners to from the mornes" the camp . . urged brigands the village, the blacks "approached their On June ers had reached color who kept running in direction." to have been advance by men of Haut du Cap seem who reached seemingly 21, the black insurgents already in the area, and the commissioners on the ships groups who were them Or direct them. Observers joined made no effort to organize coming into the city, where they the stream of blacks and fighting with saw a regular liberated town population in pillaging were not the only the already The black insurgents in the area the At a camp remaining whites. of gunfire coming from city. & ones who heard the sounds also Account A, in CAOM, F 3 198. "Considérations." 195; see Revolution, 199. 36 Dufresne, narrative," in Popkin, Facing Racial 37 "Historic in AN D XXV 48, d. 461. 38 Documenti à , where they the stream of blacks and fighting with saw a regular liberated town population in pillaging were not the only the already The black insurgents in the area the At a camp remaining whites. of gunfire coming from city. & ones who heard the sounds also Account A, in CAOM, F 3 198. "Considérations." 195; see Revolution, 199. 36 Dufresne, narrative," in Popkin, Facing Racial 37 "Historic in AN D XXV 48, d. 461. 38 Documenti à --- Page 246 --- Freedom and Fire miles from the city, the plantation-owner François Carteaux had twenty that had broken out, heard cannon shots that "made us think fighting he and what it was about, we did not know," but who was involved in it, mixed "Full of whites, mulattoes, and blacks together wrote. thoughts, the others, in each color silently held itself on guard against our position; preparing to sell its life dearly. "39 the city During the afternoon of June 21, those observers watching fire was breaking out in the city. from afar noted a new phenomenon: located that the conflagration began in a bakery Several reports specify of the town.4 In the afteron the rue du Conseil, at the northern edge of the destruction, partisans of Galbaud and supporters math of city's César Galbaud claimed the commissioners accused each other of arson. orders for the destruction of the city to have heard Louis Dufay giving the Government as the commissioners' party was preparing to abandon be roasted "Start fires burn all the houses, let them House: everywhere, from Port-au-Prince who had been like pigs. 741 A white political prisoner that their on 2I claimed that he had heard many people say on shore June had orders from the commisblack servants had told them "that they the who had taken refuge at Haut du Cap to burn and loot city. sioners in blaming Galbaud and Sonthonax and Polverel were equally emphatic had left town), the sailors started to his supporters. "As soon as we [the minister the of the men of 4 April," they wrote to the burn neighborhood "Galbaud himself urged them to loot. 743 In his Genet in Philadelphia. Dufay, himself accused of report to the Convention in February 1794, that Galbaud's starting the fires, turned the accusation around, claiming the fire with torches in their hands. >44 An American "satellites spread that the first flames broke out on streets controlled by observer claimed of the Commissaries did not set fire the sailors, "a proof that the Party to the town, as is reported."s Histoire des désastres de Saint-Domingue (Bordeaux: Pellier39 François An Carteaux, X [1802), cited in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 229. 40 Lawalle, Declaration of Garnier, in AN, D XXV 82, d. 799. 41 César Galbaud, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 465. bru. II, in AN, D XXV 80, 42 Testimony of Jean Baptiste Augustin Deprat, Brest, 17 d. 788. to Genet, 8, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 46. 43 Sonthonax and Polverel July malheureux qui se sont passés au Cap depuis 44 Rélation détaillée des événemens Galbaud, jusqu'au moment oi il a fait briler cette ville Parrivée du ci-devant général eta pris la fuite (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, An II), Advertiser, SI. August 13, 1793 (copy 45 Prior, account in Maryland Journal and Baltimore in AN, D XXV 38, d. 381). , D XXV 5, d. 46. 43 Sonthonax and Polverel July malheureux qui se sont passés au Cap depuis 44 Rélation détaillée des événemens Galbaud, jusqu'au moment oi il a fait briler cette ville Parrivée du ci-devant général eta pris la fuite (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, An II), Advertiser, SI. August 13, 1793 (copy 45 Prior, account in Maryland Journal and Baltimore in AN, D XXV 38, d. 381). --- Page 247 --- You Are All Free In reality, it is highly unlikely that destruction of Cap Français. However anyone consciously planned the what they furious they may have regarded as the treachery of the city's been at Polverel could hardly have wanted to take whites, Sonthonax and most valuable city in the colony; responsibility for the loss of the supporters stood to lose furthermore, many of their free colored The sailors and the blacks everything they owned if the city burned down. had less of a stake in the who had begun entering the city from the hills in the city depicts city's survival, but no detailed account of events the fires. The fact any deliberate effort on the part of either that reliable reports, such as the group to start volunteer preserved in Moreau de recollections of a white America, put the start of the fires in Saint-Méry's the papers and the log of the 21, hours after the commissioners' afternoon or the evening of June escape to Haut du and inglorious retreat to the harbor, Cap Galbaud's result of the looting and disorder suggests that they were the accidental spread. On June in the city. High winds helped them 21, 1793, the fires affected the absence ofany functioning only small parts of the city. In an effort to prevent the flames from authority, however, no one could organize However the fires getting out of control.46 may have started, the realization city was likely to be burned that much of the the responsibility for the fires gave new impetus to the looting. As with this behavior themselves, many survivors tried to blame exclusively on their enemies, but there is partisans of both sides participated in little doubt that against time to grab anything that what had now become a race could be carried destroyed. In their letter to Genet, Sonthonax away before it was "the slaves armed themselves and Polverel wrote that sal, brigands of all colors . and pillaged, the disorder was univerregard for color, fought over the booty, shot each other without midst of the [and] some of them, full of strong liquor, fell in of flames, or were buried in the ruins. 747 the the conflict, Moreau de From the other side Saint-Méry's same scene: "The informant described much the in all the Negroes, as if invited by the roads leading to the town, where flames, soon appeared Looting preceded the they arrived like a flood. ravages ofthe destructive town, the sailors themselves did what element and, in the lower the colored upper part. The disorder was at its peak, it brigands did in the was universal."s 46 Account A, in CAOM, F: 3 198; du d. 523; account of Poulain, in "Journal vaisseau PAmerica," in D 47 Sonthonax and Polverel AN, D XXV 80, d. 784. AN, XXV 54, of letter also found in AN, to Genet, D July 8, 1793, in AN, D XXV II, d. XXV S, d. 46). I09 (rough draft Account A, in CAOM, F 3 198. 46 Account A, in CAOM, F: 3 198; du d. 523; account of Poulain, in "Journal vaisseau PAmerica," in D 47 Sonthonax and Polverel AN, D XXV 80, d. 784. AN, XXV 54, of letter also found in AN, to Genet, D July 8, 1793, in AN, D XXV II, d. XXV S, d. 46). I09 (rough draft Account A, in CAOM, F 3 198. --- Page 248 --- Freedom and Fire 23I The spread of the flames and the the city ever more looting made those trapped in Boerner, desperate to reach the ships in the harbor. wounded on the first day of had Captain loss of blood to leave the bed fighting, been too weak from him. When he on which his comrades had abandoned catch fire, "he threw realized, however, that the house he was in was about to himself, despite had a on the floor next to his having ball through his bed : and ran, wrapped in a body, any other clothing, to the sheet, not > balcony to call for help." Two having prisoner and brought him to the sailors took him who had fought on Galbaud's Jupiter, where some men from his unit American ship captain, side recognized him and freed him. 49 The Samuel Perkins, and his had possessions under the protection of their colleagues left their vessel, even though their leader had slaves when they fled to their ised his liberty if he would told them "that he had been promfound themselves join the rebels." When their black unable to keep servants saw them in the harbor plunderers out of the building, Perkins of sailors ended "wading off towards the ships;" he and a up rescuing the blacks who had tried to couple Perkins's servants were not the only nonwhites help them.so the harbor. On the June who sought safety at Convention 22, 1793, the officer keeping the of the nationale, one of the smaller log townspeople are getting on the ships with warships, noted that "the slaves. "5I When ships from the their possessions and their August, the French consulate convoy finally reached New York in early recorded several members of different races. Monsieur family groups thatincluded landed with a tri-racial Baupaid, a merchant from Le Cap, old son, the child's black entourage consisting of his wife, their nurse and the nurse's two two-yeardren, listed as "mulattoes;" five-year-old chilship brought another they may have been his children. The same white woman with a slave, as well as Robert, a free black woman. The Marie Nouel reached New York with Anarchisis, originally from Nantes, were black slave eighteen refugees from Le Cap, of whom four women accompanying their white brought her own black child. The mistresses; one had lies ashore in Norfolk, of which five Saint-Honoré put nine refugee famiFemale slaves who cared for included black domestics, the largest group who joined the their masters' children were probably exodus to the United States; they may 49 Deposition of Boerner, in AN, D fo Perkins, "Narrative," XXV 5, d. 53. SI Summary of log of Convention 342. June 22, 1793. nationale, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523, entry for "Rapatriement des réfugiés," * in CADN, New York, 63. é put nine refugee famiFemale slaves who cared for included black domestics, the largest group who joined the their masters' children were probably exodus to the United States; they may 49 Deposition of Boerner, in AN, D fo Perkins, "Narrative," XXV 5, d. 53. SI Summary of log of Convention 342. June 22, 1793. nationale, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523, entry for "Rapatriement des réfugiés," * in CADN, New York, 63. --- Page 249 --- You Are All Free their young white charges, reluctant to abandon in flames. Unlike have been genuinely left homeless as the city went up offer of and fearful of being take advantage ofthe commissioners' fled the black men, they could not service. A white man who had female freedom in exchange for military that he had "encountered two to save city during the fighting reported who were all in tears, begging male me slaves citizens and two black women in the harborss Some He rowed them to a ship called the Félix reported their lives." The captain of a ship who on the ships. to M. Jarrassay," also escaped carried "Nicolas, a Negro belonging to slaves, some free that he had without his owner:* In addition from this group are had come on board sailed with the convoy. Few men them to leave people of color also mention sailors forcing for free recorded; a number of accounts sail. The situation was different by before the convoy set newspaper edited the ships published in a Philadelphia that call the whites, the women. An account journalist reported from Le Cap tried to an exiled Saine-Domingue and a number of black slaves the finally free women of color also noted that *when taken ships refuge > although the journalist and the blacks who had escape," of the women of color 55 A letter from the French sailed, most cruelly sent back to shore." reporting to on them were Michel-Ange Mangourit, gleefully of African consul in Charleston, Carolina law banishing all individuals from the French Genet that a South who had arrived in the state to say descent men from Saint-Domingue or part-African many of the white of the latter had colonies was forcing is evidence that a number goodbye to their mistresses on the convoy: on the succeeded in joining their partners onto the ships, Galbaud, were swarming disaster his initiative Even as the refugees grasped the extent of the Admiral Cambis Jspiter, still had not fully itself was a virtual battlefront: the men of had set off. The ship sailors to keep them from killing wrote a with angry Galbaud had to plead on board as prisoners. if they tried to color who had been brought and Polverel order for the arrest of Sonthonax that "the flight of Polverel out an the North Province, explaining the brigands and the escape from could cause movements among and Sonthonax 1793, in AN, D XXV 23, d. 236. to Sonthonax, September 5, York 63. 53 Dupuch des refugiés," in CADN, New $4 "Rapatriement July 12, 1793. in CADN, Philadelphia 13 (correspondence 55 Radoteur, to Genef; October 20, 1793, in s6 Popkin, * Mangourit Charleston). in AN, D XXV S, d. 53, translated from de François Lapierre," : $7 "Déclaration Racial Revolution, 224. & Facing - 236. to Sonthonax, September 5, York 63. 53 Dupuch des refugiés," in CADN, New $4 "Rapatriement July 12, 1793. in CADN, Philadelphia 13 (correspondence 55 Radoteur, to Genef; October 20, 1793, in s6 Popkin, * Mangourit Charleston). in AN, D XXV S, d. 53, translated from de François Lapierre," : $7 "Déclaration Racial Revolution, 224. & Facing - --- Page 250 --- Freedom and Fire regenerated citizens [the men of color). 3,8 He tried to to transport him to some other part of the persuade Cambis charge of my colony, "so that I can take government post. "59 When Cambis summoned the captains of the other ships in the demurred, Galbaud at which he complained that the whites in harbor to a meeting, had not provided him with the city were "cowards" who not provided the assistance enough support, and that the warships had still he had counted on. not abandoned hope. "Give Nevertheless, he had make a third attempt which me enough men, and tomorrow we'll Iam sure will succeed," he told according to an eyewitness. **The idea is the group, tains unanimously exclaimed, impossible, the merchant cap- 'we have showing him the list of already lost a lot of men, and if a third missing sailors, unsuccessful, we won't have attempt is equally Finally brought face enough to get our ships back to France.' 9>60 to face with the failure of his tains' refusal to back him, Galbaud project by the capwhat he could do to limit the was forced to start thinking about ashore damage. The council to set up a defensive agreed to send men perimeter around the as many of the city's residents and arsenal and to save Cambis set aside his as many supplies as they could; even this effort. quarrel with Galbaud for the moment to White residents of the city "saw support everyone begged the men of color and flight as their only hope, everyone escaped however he even the slaves to escort them, ofLe could, and already almost all Cap were left to the slaves," Saint-Maurice of the houses were able to reach the waterfront recalled. Refugees who taken to ships in the harbor. were picked up by small boats and # They Those trapped in the barracks had no managed to send a delegation to Galbaud, food. the general received them coldly, begging for rations, but men who left him to his fate dare saying that he found it "strange that ask him for bread." as always in the middle of things, Madame Galbaud, the persuaded him to his general was soon distracted by other change mind, but ise, leaving the refugees with matters and forgot his prommiseries.62 empty stomachs in addition to their other Unwilling to spare much thought for the Galbaud did make an effort to rescue his civilian refugees, trade for brother, whom he Polverel's son. Polverel rejected Galbaud's proposed to proposition and even $8 AN, D XXV 48, d.. 463. $9 "Historic narrative," s in 60 Account of Pierre-François Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 198. tion of Artau, in AN, D XXV Lachèze, July 7, 1793, in AN, D XXV 19, d. 61 Declaration of 5, d. 53. 186; deposi62 Cambis, in AN, D XXV d. "Historic narrative," - in Popkin, Facing 5I, Racial 489. Revolution, 197-8. V 48, d.. 463. $9 "Historic narrative," s in 60 Account of Pierre-François Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 198. tion of Artau, in AN, D XXV Lachèze, July 7, 1793, in AN, D XXV 19, d. 61 Declaration of 5, d. 53. 186; deposi62 Cambis, in AN, D XXV d. "Historic narrative," - in Popkin, Facing 5I, Racial 489. Revolution, 197-8. --- Page 251 --- You Are All Free an offer made by the leaders of the free group as a hostage in the son's men of color to send one of their because the delegates of the place. "Icannot consent to an exchange, as they would with an Republic > cannot negotiate with Galbaud leagues. enemy,' Polverel wrote to and "They can only regard him as a Castaing his colwould be a crime against the rebel - Any exchange made able act on my part.' >63 sovercignty of the nation and a dishonorhe still had Writing to a friend a few weeks no idea of his son's fate, Polverel afterward, when the audacity to said that Galbaud "had Galbaud who propose to me to exchange him for his brother I don't was captured in arms at the head of a César need to tell you how I column of rebels. said. Iti is possible that I will replied to him. You can imagine what I that remains for never see my son again, it's the final me to make. 64 sacrifice "All night and all morning, frequent fusillades rounding posts," Admiral Cambis at the arsenal and sur- "Embarkation ofv women, noted in his ship's log on June 22. children, and the slaves who Many citizens took refuge on the stayed with them. Galbaud had been back ships, instead of reinforcing the put aboard the posts:" he had been held before the start of the Normande, the ship on which orders to the sailors. fighting, but he was still sending Among other things, he guns of the city's forts to make directed them to spike the tried to depart. Meanwhile, sure they did not fire on the ships if they shore to help defend the Cambis tried to get the sailors to return to arsenal, but, he est in getting their share of the noted, they showed more internow thrown goods in the state which open for looting, than in warehouse, was in the day, he noted that "one aiding the defense effort. Later troops that were known began to see arriving in the to be those of Biassou and city armed an cipal chiefs of the insurrection.", Cambis Jean-François, prinnow, two days after the start of the was correct that it was only crisis, that insurgents had entered the city, but these organized bands of armed and Jean-François. were not the men of Biassou They were instead two local leaders, Pierrot and insurgents under the command of missioners' call for Macaya, who had responded to the comsupport in exchange for In their report to the Convention, freedom. ing to convince the Sonthonax and Polverel, strivdeputies that the destruction of outweighed by the new alliance with the Cap Français was blacks, claimed that these 63 Polverel, letter of June 23, 64 Polverel to Vernet, July 16, 1793, copy in AN, D XXV I2, d. II6. 6s Cambis, log of Jupiter, inAN, 1793, DXXV in AN, D XXV 5, d. 46. 1793, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 462; André 54, d. S21; Galbaud, order to spike guns, June 22, Conscience, in AN, D XXV I4, d. 130. el, letter of June 23, 64 Polverel to Vernet, July 16, 1793, copy in AN, D XXV I2, d. II6. 6s Cambis, log of Jupiter, inAN, 1793, DXXV in AN, D XXV 5, d. 46. 1793, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 462; André 54, d. S21; Galbaud, order to spike guns, June 22, Conscience, in AN, D XXV I4, d. 130. --- Page 252 --- Freedom and Fire knees to be allowed to fight for the former insurgents "begged on their who seems to have 9966 The journalist Saint-Maurice, French republic." the debacle on the morning of the abandoned General Galbaud after left what is probably a and made his way to Haut du Cap, June 2I of the encounter that resulted in the somewhat more accurate account and the French republifirst alliance between the organized insurgents can authorities: rebels who had heard about the civil commissioners' procTwo troops of black themselves under their orders. They advance, they lamations appeared to put of Camp Breda in fairly good order and they enter the enclosure Their are recognized, from the house occupied the civil commissioners. assemble in ranks across insist on their loyalty to the Republic and two leaders, Pierrot and Macaya, soldiers. The civil commissioners give them come to offer their arms and their to await their orders. Then all the documents and tell them in battle their emancipation in the general camp are assembled and put regular troops and free men arrived slaves, and they are told that they are formation at the head ofthe newly Vive la is heard all over. the arsenal. The cry of République!" going to seize makes all the leaders and then the entire troop The commissioner Sonthonax of the National Convention, the orders of take the oath to obey all the decrees for the defense of the sole its delegates, and never to use their weapons except and indivisible Republic. denouncing Galbaud but urging the Sonthonax then gave a speech men" and even s'to spare motley army to treat the sailors as misled and the column set off for them, to welcome them into your midst,"er the situation in the failed to comprehend Le Cap. The commissioners white officer that the arsenal would city: they optimistically assured a out an organized attack Rather than carrying be retaken in two hours.s this new republican army forces at the arsenal, however, on Galbaud's chaos spreading across the city. dissolved into the general seems to have into the city, Sonthonax and Polverel A day after sending the black troops officers "to use all means in their had to order three of their free colored of Le Cap, to stop the looting, to drive the sailors out of the city power return to their duty." 769 and to make the Negroes order in the city, much less Although they were not able to restore units to sailors, the rallying of these insurgent win over the rebellious civils, le IO juillet 1793," in AN, D XXV 5, 66 FExtrait de la lettre des commissaires d. 52. 2 in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 200-I. 67 "Historic narrative," in AN, D XXV 42, d. 409. 68 Order to Bezos,. ,June 22, in 1793, AN, D XXV 7, file for, June 6-26, 179369 Order of June 23, 1793, of these insurgent win over the rebellious civils, le IO juillet 1793," in AN, D XXV 5, 66 FExtrait de la lettre des commissaires d. 52. 2 in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 200-I. 67 "Historic narrative," in AN, D XXV 42, d. 409. 68 Order to Bezos,. ,June 22, in 1793, AN, D XXV 7, file for, June 6-26, 179369 Order of June 23, 1793, --- Page 253 --- You Are All Free the commissioners was the first step toward the front between the blacks of creation of a common Their apparent Saint-Domingue and the French success in recruiting the principal Republic. insurrection in their immediate representatives of the hopes that their vicinity raised Sonthonax's and Polverel's proclamation of June the black movement to their side. After 21, 1793 would bring the rest of Pierrot and having made their Macaya on June 22, the commissioners agreement with commanders ofthe various armed issued orders to the to take any action against the posts guarding the roads to Le Cap not For the white forces that had insurgent bands unless they were attacked. and that had received been defending the approaches to the no news about the crisis town was bewildering. Lieutenant Raison there, this change of policy the night of of the 18th infantry June 22 leading his men in a desperate regiment spent larger black band; when he reported the firefight with a much he was told "that I was action to Laveaux the next day, give them, in accordance supposed to treat those men as my brothers, and commissioners also with my means, the things they needed. 970 offered their long-time The J to come to meet with them. Two free enemy Biassou a safe conduct to "travel through this of the colored emissaries were authorized all the free men and part if North and, on our authority, order to become free to join even, the necessary, all other individuals who want discovered, regular troops. 371 The commissioners however, that convincing the former soon tions of a French slaves ofthe good intengovernment that had opposed the long was going to be more difficult than insurrection for SO While the commissioners they anticipated. insurgency with the French were taking the first steps to fuse the black "The nature of the merchandise cause, the flames were devouring the city. warehouses in many of the French and was such that it burned vividly, with American caused by the large quantities of occasional explosions, them. Great quantities of brandy, rum, and other spirits left in oil, tar, and pitch brighten the flame, SO that all contributed to feed and ible, s, Samuel objects at a distance were rN Perkins recalled. By distinctly visstarted the previous day had nightfall, the separate fires that had the entire town. Horrible grown into a single conflagration engulfing though it was, "the - is sublime, and we sat sight of a great city in flames that watching the flames until something must be done for our own daylight announced On the evening of June 22, preservation and support. 372 1793, Cambis, who had temporarily regained 70 Testimony of Lieutenant 71 Orders in AN, D XXV 7, Raison, file for in AN, D XXV 80, d. 786. 72 Perkins, *Narrative," June 6-26, 1793. 349. ing though it was, "the - is sublime, and we sat sight of a great city in flames that watching the flames until something must be done for our own daylight announced On the evening of June 22, preservation and support. 372 1793, Cambis, who had temporarily regained 70 Testimony of Lieutenant 71 Orders in AN, D XXV 7, Raison, file for in AN, D XXV 80, d. 786. 72 Perkins, *Narrative," June 6-26, 1793. 349. --- Page 254 --- Freedom and Fire YUE DE EINCENDIE DE CNomith 2 LAVILLE DU CAP FIGURE 7.2. View of the War Ci ule PRANCATS, "The sight of a burning city. Samuel Perkins great city in flames... is that the stores ofs wrote in his account of the sublime," the American columns of fire, sugar and coffee in the events of June 20, 1793. merchant He small boats clearly seen in this warehouses nearthel harbor noted Source: carry refugees to the contemporary engraving. In fueled huge O Musée ships in the harbor. the foreground, d'Aquitaine, Bordeaux - Photo JM Arnaud. authority over the Jupiter, meeting. Although they convoked the other naval and Polverel not were still under commanders for to leave formal orders from a they had no choice but Saine-Domingue, the Sonthonax the merchant to take matters into their commanders decided that set fire to the captains, who feared that the own hands. The pleas of board the ships, the situation of the blacks on shore would try to vessels, and the large number of to justify their decision evident impossibility of refugees now on orders to be to escape. All the in saving the city seemed ready to sail on the ships the harbor were America, who had refused following day. Even the given cooperated in to join in the attack sailors of the Figure 7.2.) helping to arrange ballast on the on the other commisioners, warships.) (See 73 "Conseil de guerre D XXV 19, d. 186; extraordinairement convoqué. Séance "Journal du vaisseau TAmerica, in du 22 Juin au soir," in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523. AN, ships the harbor were America, who had refused following day. Even the given cooperated in to join in the attack sailors of the Figure 7.2.) helping to arrange ballast on the on the other commisioners, warships.) (See 73 "Conseil de guerre D XXV 19, d. 186; extraordinairement convoqué. Séance "Journal du vaisseau TAmerica, in du 22 Juin au soir," in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523. AN, --- Page 255 --- You Are All Free The naval commanders justified their decision grounds that they were no able to set sail in part on the sioners. Matters became longer to communicate with the commiswhen the captains more complicated on the morning of reconvened and learned that a June 23, Sonthonax and Polverel had been package of orders from things, the commissioners delivered to the Jupiter. Among other oned demanded that on the America. The admiral Cambis have Galbaud imprisrebellious sailors brought Galbaud attempted to carry out the order, but lengthy debate, the back to the Jupiter instead. After a and captains sent two of their number, Daniel Augustin Truguet, to meet with the Vandongen case for the necessity of commissioners and make the Polverel reiterated authorizing the ships to leave.74 Sonthonax their refusal to order the and Galbaud and the two admirals, Cambis convoy's departure unless over to them, along with Polverel's and Sercey, were first turned were sure that [the convoy] had been son. According to Vandongen, "they the departure plan was a ruse to betrayed to our enemies" and that the two captains returned surrender it to the British. By the time to the Jupiter, acted on its own; Vandongen found however, the merchant fleet had most of them beyond the outlet "the whole convoy under sail and While to the harbor.' 75 Vandongen and Truguet had been Galbaud had succeeded in carrying out their mission, remained regaining control of the loyal to him, and Admiral Cambis Jupiter. The crew fined to his cabin. From below again found himself condeck, as a prisoner on the ship, heard the Lapierre, a free man of color held Galbaud," *Good patriot, sailors' "cries of Yes,' 'No, *Vive etc.' He gathered from 'Long live Galbaud and the French the words of the sailors that Republic, Cambis . they said 'He's scum, and it won't they were angry with throat; he's the agent of the be long before we cut his aged to let Admiral fucking commissioners." '>76 Cambis manSercey, on board the to exercise his command because Eole, know that he was unable vened of Galbaud's interference. yet another council of ships' Sercey confinally gave orders for the captains and, with their approval, On Galbaud's warships to accompany the merchant orders, all the remaining vessels. put on two captured British gunpowder from the arsenal was ships, which were then sunk in the harbor. 74 Report of conseil de guerre, on board d. I512. Jupiter, 7 a.m., June 23, 1793, in 75 Vandongen, AN, AA 55, 76 Cambis, "Journal "Rapport," du November in I, 1793, in SHM, BB 4 24. Popkin, Facing Racial bord,". AN, D XXV 54, d. 521; deposition of 77 Sercey, report of Revolution, 226. Lapierre, cited in September I, 1793, in AN, CC9 A 8. d. I512. Jupiter, 7 a.m., June 23, 1793, in 75 Vandongen, AN, AA 55, 76 Cambis, "Journal "Rapport," du November in I, 1793, in SHM, BB 4 24. Popkin, Facing Racial bord,". AN, D XXV 54, d. 521; deposition of 77 Sercey, report of Revolution, 226. Lapierre, cited in September I, 1793, in AN, CC9 A 8. --- Page 256 --- Freedom and Fire some of the free colored prisonof the sailors' hostility to them, but most were either transBecause and the Eole were killed, ers on the Jupiter ashorez* ferred to the America or put made it clear to those whites remaining SaintThe departure of the ships over forever. The journalist shore that the colonial order was the feelings of the thouon behind, vividly imagined to stop the Maurice, who stayed ships: *Everyone wants for one sands of refugees on the departing everyone wants to touch that flees with too much speed, the soil ôn which he was vessel moisten with his tears, soil that he last time, to at least this beloved and sacred the soil that made him rich, The man weeps for his missing born, himself away from SO painfully. whom she was separated, tears cries out for the husband from of the wind, wife, the wife their children .The whistling fathers and mothers seek the megaphones, the sailors' and lugubrious calls through oft the departure add the prolonged of the masts, the hastiness cries, the sharp creaking >79 for months to the horror of this tableau." 1793, the harbor, which the end of the day on June 24, for the departure of the convoy, By crowded with ships waiting of the America had been Surveying the scene, the captain officially conwas virtually empty. the frigate Fine, which had been ship the counted only the Jupiter, and the British prize the Concorde crews had abandemned as unseaworthy, small merchant ships whose drama in Hyena, along with some safer vessels." 80 A final act of the doned them in favor of larger, the focus of SO much agitation out on the Jupiter, of in addithe harbor was played crowded with hundreds refugees by during the crisis and now 2.4, the ship remained paralyzed its crew. All day long on June and his naval officers tion to Galbaud against Cambis relinquished pitting unless the general a confrontation its departure Galbaud was who refused to organize them. The sailors recognized that but they were his claim to command the ship once it put to sea, Their to command him back to France. not competent the general safe and escort desire to make determined to keep much by loyalty as by their the dictated not SO for stance was would be on hand to take responsibility to France and sure that the general when they returned At midrebellion against the commissioners the disaster of June 20, 1793. faced the inevitable inquiry into while Galbaud was sleeping, Cambis night on June 24, 1793, apparently for 23-24 June PAmerica," 9 in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523, entry 78 *Journal du vaisseau of Lapierre, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53. 202. 1793; deposition Racial Revolution, 23-24, narrative," * in Popkin, Facing XXV 54, d. 523. 79 *Historic vaisseau T'America," in AN, D 80 "Journal du while Galbaud was sleeping, Cambis night on June 24, 1793, apparently for 23-24 June PAmerica," 9 in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523, entry 78 *Journal du vaisseau of Lapierre, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53. 202. 1793; deposition Racial Revolution, 23-24, narrative," * in Popkin, Facing XXV 54, d. 523. 79 *Historic vaisseau T'America," in AN, D 80 "Journal du --- Page 257 --- You Are All Free summoned an assembly of the to leave Galbaud under their ship's crew, In exchange for his ment to obey his orders. protection, Cambis won the men's promise Saint-Domingue to Truguet, Transferring the command of the naval agreewas finally able to follow captain of the forces in have imagined how the other ships of the damaged 8I Fine, Cambis loyalty was much longer his duel convoy. He could to last. with Galbaud for the hardly Before leaving, Cambis crew's beginning to gutter noted in his log that the fire Contemporary out, since nearly all the houses in the city was Cap had been maps indicate that some 85 had been consumed. burned; the percent of the was the small suburb only neighborhood that buildings in Le of the arsenal,s of the Petite escaped unscathed The blacks Carénage, along the and 22, 1793 had either who had taken over the seashore north outside its fallen victim to the city on the June 21 boundaries. With the fleet conflagration or taken smoldering embers, Sonthonax gone and the flames refuge of the ruins. and Polverel giving way to the seizure of Already on June 23, they had issued began to organize a cleanup any abandoned an order 25, some semblance of regular supplies of food found in the city, authorizing 83 city, with the administration By June commissioners began to place to prevent further issuing orders to the reappear in the zens to help looting. 84 An edict commandant de la patrol the calling on the on a press set up in the city, issued on the June 26, was remaining cititors, the Carénage. Its lengthy actually printed the conspirators, the denunciation of "the traidestruction of the city couaie-ewodiationatdiee whom it ity: The indicated the return of blamed for commissioners had resumed one form of normalrevolutionary rhetoric,es (See expressing themselves in The most painful Figure 7.3.) standard vivors was task confronting the counting the dead. A commissioners and the streets, recognizable white colonist surfilled with bodies of between the ruins that were remembered still that "the horrible objects, all colors - . Orders were smoldering, were and which threatened to cause given to clear away these blacks, gorged with a plague. While the the smoking ruins, the loot, continued to enrich mulattoes houses burned, their unfortunate whites who had themselves, digging in fortunes destroyed, survived when their mistreated, 81 Cambis, log of dishonored, were 82 Mapi in Jupiter, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 83 AN, D Dufresne, "Considéerations 99 521. 84 Order to XXV7. opposite p. 198. 85 Edict of June Galineau 26, de Gascq,, June 25, 1793, in 1793, in CAOM, F3 198 (Moreau AN, D XXV 42, d. 409. de Saint-Méry papers). reated, 81 Cambis, log of dishonored, were 82 Mapi in Jupiter, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 83 AN, D Dufresne, "Considéerations 99 521. 84 Order to XXV7. opposite p. 198. 85 Edict of June Galineau 26, de Gascq,, June 25, 1793, in 1793, in CAOM, F3 198 (Moreau AN, D XXV 42, d. 409. de Saint-Méry papers). --- Page 258 --- J a - E E --- Page 259 --- You Are All Free conscripted to carry away the stinking corpses. who had made themselves the vile Villains, white like them, Sonthonax, added ministers of the will of Polverel to their suffering by and In view of the circumstances, insulting and outraging them. n86 mates. A note in Moreau de casualty figures were at best rough estiof all parties and all colors infected Saint-Méry's papers reported that "corpses insupportable. the streets of Le Cap and made them Using the remnants of wood from the three great pyres were lit at the place burned houses, the place Clugny and the bodies d'Armes, the place Montarcher and the waterfront were thrown on them. Those found were thrown in the sea."87 On a return visit near early August 1793, the American to Le Cap in lying in long rows across the ship captain Perkins saw "bones . had been burned.ss squares in great masses" where the bodies Estimates of the number of dead ranged from cited by General Laveaux in a letter the figure of I,200 to his wife to totals I0,000 mentioned by colonists hostile of more than August 1793, the commissioners to Sonthonax and Polverel. In deaths.9 A white themselves wrote of "more than volunteer who had 3000" figures of I,500 to 1,800 white fought on Galbaud's side gave the white population casualties and 6,000 blacks.90 Most of probably survived, but a number according to several accounts, invalids died, including, harder to evaluate than the trapped in the city hospitals. Even erty. One survivor number of casualties was the loss of figure estimated it at between I20 and 140 million propamounting to more than half of livres, a before the Revolution, but this author Saint-Domingue's annual exports the disaster as high as million added that others put the cost of livres.91 The losses in lives erty certainly exceeded those in any of the outbreaks of and propduring the Revolution. violence in Paris Regardless of what figure one accepts for the the journée of June 2.0, losses of life following 1793, there is little doubt that the majority of the 86 Laplace, Histoire des desastres de 87 CAOM, F 3 198 (Moreau de Saint-Domingue, 302. 88 Perkins, "Narrative," Saint-Méry papers). 89 Laveaux to wife, August 363. I, 1793, in AN, D XXV D XXV 76, register of Page and Brulley, 80, d. 786; colonists' estimate in AN, estimate in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52, manuscript entry of for article August 24, 1793; commissioners' aines, August II, 1793. for no. I of Affiches américla Letter headed "Du bord de la Gentille dans la Baye de Nouvelle Angleterre le 9. juillet 1793," >3 in F Chesapeake devant Hampton à papers). CAOM, 3 198 (Moreau de 91 Letter-of Perussel, August Saint-Méry 4, 1793, in AN, D XXV 14, d. I3obis. manuscript entry of for article August 24, 1793; commissioners' aines, August II, 1793. for no. I of Affiches américla Letter headed "Du bord de la Gentille dans la Baye de Nouvelle Angleterre le 9. juillet 1793," >3 in F Chesapeake devant Hampton à papers). CAOM, 3 198 (Moreau de 91 Letter-of Perussel, August Saint-Méry 4, 1793, in AN, D XXV 14, d. I3obis. --- Page 260 --- Freedom and Fire killed either in the fighting in the city, in the clashes dead were blacks, in accounts, or in the ruins of buildings among looters described many casualties were mourned by destroyed by the fire. Whereas the white Atlantic world, the blacks relatives and friends spread throughout the document seems who died in Cap Français left no traces behind; white no survivors, even any of their names. For most to have preserved that they owed their own lives to black rescuthose who acknowledged and looters who deserved the ers, the blacks were a mass of "assassins" blacks; as the suffered. Some whites certainly were killed by fate they with the armed men on Galbaud's side firing city dissolved into chaos, it was inevitable that their indiscriminately at every dark face they saw, about the would respond in kind. If they had stopped to think targets in the looting might have said that they matter, blacks who participated with the added justification that the white sailors, were simply imitating the of black labor. Doubtless, the wealth they were taking was product side bothered to reflect on their few of the fighters and looters on either much of their behavior was motives; as the eyewitness accounts indicate, consumed during the fighting. fueled by the torrent of alcohol that they acknowledged the role of Sonthonax and Polverel, even though they insisted that the former blacks in the violence that destroyed the city, also The truth, as we have slaves joined the melée to fight for their freedom. was not simply The crisis of June 20, 1793 seen, was more complicated. of the slave uprising that had begun in August an extension into the city that the city's own black slaves partici1791, and there is little evidence the of June 21, although pated in the fighting on June 20 and morning the commissioners' theblack insurgents released from the prison joined whites from joinforces. Fear of their slaves probably helped deter many in the Galbaud's forces in the streets, and some blacks participated ing the of June 20, but most seem to have reacted looting that began on night between the whites and the as they had during the earlier confrontations that is, 13-14, 1792 and December 2, 1792; - free men of color on August between the various groups of free they waited to see how the conflict indication that the blacks would end. Furthermore, there is no people waiting for the opportunity to destroy who lived in the city were simply and some of them, of the city's slaves were women, it. A high proportion emotional ties with whites, as their willingness at least, had meaningful the showed. Many of Le Cap's to join their owners in fleeing to ships and the savings Of pécule that slaves must have lost their own homes freedom when the city : they had been accumulating to buy their own on If they helped themselves to their masters' property was destroyed. would end. Furthermore, there is no people waiting for the opportunity to destroy who lived in the city were simply and some of them, of the city's slaves were women, it. A high proportion emotional ties with whites, as their willingness at least, had meaningful the showed. Many of Le Cap's to join their owners in fleeing to ships and the savings Of pécule that slaves must have lost their own homes freedom when the city : they had been accumulating to buy their own on If they helped themselves to their masters' property was destroyed. --- Page 261 --- You Are All Free June 20 and 21, they no doubt did SO in the comforts of their masters' urban hope of enjoying some oft the and the life it lives, not with the thought that the represented were about to city To the black disappear. advantage of the insurgents who began to enter Le Cap on June power vacuum created the 21, taking ers and the panic of Galbaud's by flight of the commissionferent. Unlike the urban forces, the city meant something very difwho had slaves, they were all men, and already freed themselves from furthermore men 1793 were to prove, many of them slavery. As events after June 21, emancipation on the restrieted saw no advantage to accepting legal blacks, Cap Français terms offered by the French. To was the visible these the bastion where the symbol of the slaveholders' power, redoubt from which plantation owners had taken refuge, the fortified ful defeats Laveaux's troops had ventured out on them a few months earlier. If the to inflict painintact, they would not have known what city had fallen to them ior throughout the Haitian to do with it: as their behavRevolution most former plantation slaves, freedom consistently demonstrated, for or acquiring land meant either oftheir own to cultivate. The becoming soldiers to them, and they had little reason city was profoundly alien nity to plunder was undoubtedly to care about its fate. The opportuthe weapons they had regularly welcome to them, and arson was one of countryside; they may well have deployed to terrorize their enemies in the hard to imagine that some of the resorted to it in the city as well. It is not of Le Cap were the result of clashes black casualties during the destruction tryside and black urban residents between insurgents from the counIt would thus be anachronistic trying to protect their city. the fighting and destruction to label all the blacks who died of Cap as durirg motives - self-preservation and Français freedom fighters. Other and a desire to inflict a final defeat opportunism for the city's slaves, figured on the whites for the revenge - prominently, and the blacks certainly did insurgents also group. The destruction of Le Cap nevertheless not act as a unified point in the struggle for freedom in proved to be a turning of the white ruling class in the North Saint-Domingue. Overnight, most the soldiers and sailors who had Province disappeared, along with the colony. The free people of color, represented the the metropole's power in but their influence was "citizens of 4 April," remained, numbered by the emancipated greatly reduced. As soldiers, they were now outproperty in Le Cap. If blacks, and many of them had lost their the French republican they wére to maintain any authority in the colony, recruit commissioners were left with no alternative supporters among the former slaves, and freedom but to was now the --- Page 262 --- Freedom and Fire only thing they had to offer the blacks. The decree they had issued on June 21, 1793, before they realized how drastic the outcome of the crisis would be, still reflected their trepidation about taking such a radical step. The decree had furthermore failed in its immediate purpose of enabling the commissioners to save Cap Français. As they contemplated the city's smoking ruins and the piles of the dead, Sonthonax and Polverel still did not understand how farin the direction of abolition they were going to have to go to give themselves a chance to salvage French authority in Saint-Domingue. % - P - * - - - - S a * a : 1793, before they realized how drastic the outcome of the crisis would be, still reflected their trepidation about taking such a radical step. The decree had furthermore failed in its immediate purpose of enabling the commissioners to save Cap Français. As they contemplated the city's smoking ruins and the piles of the dead, Sonthonax and Polverel still did not understand how farin the direction of abolition they were going to have to go to give themselves a chance to salvage French authority in Saint-Domingue. % - P - * - - - - S a * a : --- Page 263 --- The Road to General Emancipation By nightfall on June 25, 1793, the city of than a field of blackened stone walls and Cap Français was little more had finally departed, taking with it smoldering rubble. The Jupiter the last of the mutinous sailors General Galbaud, Admiral and Cambis, and some 750 refugees; when soldiers who had attacked the city, American republic would they arrived in the United States, the and revolutionary become, together with France, one of the three Saint-Domingue itself Le Cap would set off arenas in which the events in vors and the news of the struggles over the issue of slavery. While the survitoward North America events of June 20, 1793 began to make their Sonthonax and and Europe, however, the civil way Polverel had to deal with the commissioners cipation process they had begun the consequences of the emanSO narrowly survived. With during five days of violence they had representatives of the French Galbaud gone, they were once again the sole count on the support of the free government in the colony. They could still with whom they had men of color, the "citizens of but the forged an alliance in the months 4 April" newly freed "citizens of 20 before the crisis, of color among the commissioners' June" now outnumbered the men Polverel to take their demands into forces, compelling Sonthonax and As they adjusted to this new account. face the other problems that had situation, the commissioners still had to With the navy and many of the French confronted them before June 20, 1793. rendered defenseless by Galbaud's troops now gone and Cap Français of invasion from Spanish Santo spiking of its forts' guns, the danger loss of France's prized colony loomed Domingo and British Jamaica and the was only one of the threats larger than ever. Foreign invasion facing the commissioners after the Galbaud --- Page 264 --- The Road to General Emancipation crisis. Rebellious whites in the South Province authority: as they began restoring order were still resisting their and Polverel learned that the in Cap Français, Sonthonax by Pierre Pinchinat army of free colored troops and André Rigaud that commanded the colonists' stronghold of had been sent to reduce losses. "You would have Jérémie had been driven back with misfortune shed a torrent of tears if you had heavy that has befallen witnessed the missioners on June 21, my brothers," Rigaud wrote to the comproblems of their own." 1793, unaware that they were facing far worse setback Together with the disaster at Cap challenged the notion that the alliance Français, this had forged with the free men of color Sonthonax and Polverel most recent news from was bound to be successful. The the commissioners' France, dating to the middle of April, added to fresh supplies, concerns. They knew they could not count on troops, or money from a any own crises; they also realized that their metropole overwhelmed by its tion, were losing support in the National patrons, Brissot and his facSaint-Domingue colonists whom Convention, and that the white gaining influence there. Sonthonax had deported to Paris were Grim as the situation looked, there Outside of the area around were some reasons for hope. faced organized opposition Jérémie, from Sonthonax and Polverel no longer of whom had now left the white colonists, several the on the convoy. ops, or money from a any own crises; they also realized that their metropole overwhelmed by its tion, were losing support in the National patrons, Brissot and his facSaint-Domingue colonists whom Convention, and that the white gaining influence there. Sonthonax had deported to Paris were Grim as the situation looked, there Outside of the area around were some reasons for hope. faced organized opposition Jérémie, from Sonthonax and Polverel no longer of whom had now left the white colonists, several the on the convoy. They had been thousand newly arrived French minister to the United promised help by who had been chosen, like them, by Brissot and States, Edmond Genet, things, with obtaining funds and supplies for the charged, among other importantly, the commissioners French Antilles. Most colony's black population. Until were now free to try to win over the abolitionist sentiments, Sonthonax June 20, 1793, despite their personal ted to upholding the institution and Polverel had remained committion to a conclusion that would of slavery and to bringing the insurrecon the see the slaves returned to their plantations. The terms of their mandate, the need "duty" complete revolt among the island's whites, the to prevent a of color to support reluctance of the free men from the Convention emancipation, and the absence of had served to limit their encouragement to reform the institution of slavery, initiatives to promises the revolt in Cul-de-Sac in exemplified by their pacification of reinstating Louis XIV's April and their proclamation of May 5, Code noir. The crisis had 20, 1793 had driven both the commissioners they faced on June and, equally importantly, 1 Rigaud to Sonthonax and Polverel, June 21, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. from the Convention emancipation, and the absence of had served to limit their encouragement to reform the institution of slavery, initiatives to promises the revolt in Cul-de-Sac in exemplified by their pacification of reinstating Louis XIV's April and their proclamation of May 5, Code noir. The crisis had 20, 1793 had driven both the commissioners they faced on June and, equally importantly, 1 Rigaud to Sonthonax and Polverel, June 21, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. SI. --- Page 265 --- You Are All Free these their supporters limits. among the free men of color and Several thousand armed in Le Cap, to French citizens. blacks were now go beyond 21, 1793 was Nevertheless, the officially free men freedom only a first step toward the commissioners' appeal of only to former slaves who abolition of slavery. It offered June explicitly foresaw the continuation agreed to serve in the tion, albeit with of slavery for the army, and it Over the unspecified rest of the next four improvements in their populathe scope of months, Sonthonax and condition. in the French-controlled emancipation SO that, by the end of Polverel would extend The best-known portions of October, all the slaves moment in this Saint-Domingue were 29, 1793 ending process, legally free. of measures slavery in the North Province, Sonthonax's decree of August certain extending freedom to former was just one of a series tal parts oft the colony, and under slaves in certain manner in which the decree certain conditions. The categories, in general proclamation of of June 21, 1793 was incremenwere not a simple femancipation demonstrates that broadened into a apply the principles consequence of the commissioners these measures Even after the crisis enshrined of in the Declaration of the determination to to take such a huge June 20, 1793, Sonthonax and Rights of Man, Convention the step. They were cautious Polverel hesitated off Galbaud's extent of the emergency decision about explaining to the attack, they had taken to - appeal to the blacks particularly because the ward city. True had been the immediate result of to the gradualist destruction of the their i Brissot and Raimond, approach to abolition that colony's richest enable them to they still tried to imagine they shared with maintain control over the procedures that would production, and safeguard the colony's value population, restore Sonthonax and Polverel to France. plantation D SO much by the logic of their were driven toward general they found ptinciples as by the emancipation not tion that themselves, and above all circumstances in which the was now in a position to demand by pressure from a black June crisis. Even as they gradually a better bargain than popula- before Sonthonax and Polverel yielded to this the Atlantic world. In kept a wary eye on pressure, however, Français reconstituted the United States, the developments white elsewhere in since their arrival the hostile milieu the refugees from Cap the colonists in Saint-Domingue. From commissioners had faced were able to communicate Baltimore and with France more Philadelphia, 2 Robert easily than the Domingue," (Louis] 92 The Stein, Americas "The Abolition of Slavery in the 41 (1985), 54. North, West, and South of Saint this the Atlantic world. In kept a wary eye on pressure, however, Français reconstituted the United States, the developments white elsewhere in since their arrival the hostile milieu the refugees from Cap the colonists in Saint-Domingue. From commissioners had faced were able to communicate Baltimore and with France more Philadelphia, 2 Robert easily than the Domingue," (Louis] 92 The Stein, Americas "The Abolition of Slavery in the 41 (1985), 54. North, West, and South of Saint --- Page 266 --- Emancipation The Road to General Convention listened to their for months, the National Sonthonax and Polverel had commissioners; threatened to disavow everything the abolipleas and decree of February 4, 1794 upholding in the done. The Convention's and calling for emancipation of the tion of slavery in Saint-Domingue the inevitable consequence French colonies was not simply of hard-fought political other initiatives, but rather the outcome cities of the United two men's but in the port not only in the Caribbean, struggles, France. was fought States and in metropolitan which the battle over emancipation The first theater in and the first opponents the commission- already itself, who had was in Saint-Domingue ironically, the black insurgents Although they ers had to face were, freedom by joining the insurrection. in the asserted their own with the participants in the insurrection at Hauthad had no direct contact meeting with Pierrot and Macaya of North Province until their and Polverel had been confident 2.2, 1793, Sonthonax ever chose to do SO. du-Cap on June the slave population if they that he could their ability to win over Cambis on June 19, 1793 his belief Sonthonax's boast to Admiral was testimony to soldiers with one whistle" to join the French cause, "create 400,000 waiting for a signal 179I that the slaves were simply efforts its forces had made after August that and that in spite of the the black population would recognize to defeat the insurrection, of liberty. of the France truly was the country reflected a profound misunderstanding found in the Sonthonax's optimism after interrogating whites he himself insurgency. In February 1793, during Laveaux's offensive, captured from the insurgents the blacks had their own program, areas the Convention that The ease with had reported to odds with French republican ideas. an that was clearly at revolt in the West Province, one Polverel had pacified the slave may have misled which he and had remained largely intact, the same result in area where the plantations thinking that they could achieve own society the commissioners into had been creating its had where the black population of January 1793 the north, half and where the French campaign the in for a year and a Rather than acknowledging that participants French left painful memories. have their own reasons for rejecting the blacks' the black insurrection might Sonthonax chose to explain revolutionary dogmas, however, had been misled by counterrevolutionary evidence that they their own interests.4 behavior as "simple men" > did not understand conspirators: these 1793, in AN, D XXV 51, d. 489. to Sonthonax and Polverel, June 20, D XXV 5, d. 48. 3 Cambis, letter February 18, 1793, in AN, 4 Sonthonax to Convention, own reasons for rejecting the blacks' the black insurrection might Sonthonax chose to explain revolutionary dogmas, however, had been misled by counterrevolutionary evidence that they their own interests.4 behavior as "simple men" > did not understand conspirators: these 1793, in AN, D XXV 51, d. 489. to Sonthonax and Polverel, June 20, D XXV 5, d. 48. 3 Cambis, letter February 18, 1793, in AN, 4 Sonthonax to Convention, --- Page 267 --- You Are All Free While the January campaign had left the control of many of the insurgents' former commissioners' forces in strongholds, the European war to the Caribbean in the spread of the forces a new spring of 1793 offered the black opportunity. From the start of the Spanish in Santo Domingo had uprising in I791, the French journalist noted that the discreetly encouraged the insurgents. A French whites Spanish had refused to aid the on the grounds that revolutionary France embattled try "that no longer had a king or religion," was a counsome of the values upheld by the slaves.s indicating that they shared forces in the island, but The Spanish had only limited once the war started in to recruit the blacks as allies and 1793, they were willing the Spanish to appoint their leaders as officers in army. In return, Jean-François assured he was ready to fight to "defend the the Spaniards that spill the last drop of our blood right of his Majesty, that we will fered all the obstacles to support this good prince who has sufbarbarous and martyrdom in the world, from a troop of people who failed to respect the crown and the his Majesty in dethroning the king and throne of his laws they wished."6 imprisoning him to make whatever These approaches from the Spanish gave the black leaders recovering from their losses in January hopes of tantly, of persuading 1793 and, even more one or the other of the importo recognize their freedom. In competing colonial powers of the particular, in the course of the 1793, most capable and articulate of the black summer adopt the name under which he would become generals would Louverture - and would make it famous - Toussaint for "liberty and equality, >> the increasingly clear that he was fighting Polverel claimed to be fundamental rights that Sonthonax and bringing to after the destruction of Saint-Domingue. For some ten months dom, however, Cap Français and the first French offer of freeToussaint would also make it clear that he prospects for emancipation under the considered the realistic than the offers Spanish more attractive and more emanating from the French; even proclamation of general Sonthonax's him over. Without the emancipation on August 29, 1793 failed to win black support of at least some substantial fraction of the insurgents, Sonthonax and Polverel had little fully implementing their emancipation prospect of successThe black insurgents' efforts policy. against each other had to play the French and Spanish off begun even before the crisis of June 20, 1793. As 5 Gazette universelle, November 25, 1791. Jean-François to Don Bienithe Tabert, n.d., in AN, D XXV 20, d. 198. ipation on August 29, 1793 failed to win black support of at least some substantial fraction of the insurgents, Sonthonax and Polverel had little fully implementing their emancipation prospect of successThe black insurgents' efforts policy. against each other had to play the French and Spanish off begun even before the crisis of June 20, 1793. As 5 Gazette universelle, November 25, 1791. Jean-François to Don Bienithe Tabert, n.d., in AN, D XXV 20, d. 198. --- Page 268 --- The Road to General Emancipation we have seen, at the beginning of June, ers who joined Sonthonax Pierrot, one of the insurgent leadapparently and Polverel on June 22, 1793, wrote a addressed to General Galbaud, who letter 6y highest French authority in the North was at that moment the our Province, him : brothers has told us that had telling that "one of us that it is you ordered him to communicate your intention to give us to us to be the defenders of the general liberty and that you want colony and the French nation. general, to give us written assurance I ask you, request. Iwarn SO that we can respond to you that Spain and the English your liberty and even that we are furnished propose to give us general with you have been told that we have received everything. We know that is true, but up to this arms from the Spanish and this moment we hope for your assurance. >7 indication that Galbaud ever considered There is no clearly thought that there such a drastic step, but Pierrot was a possibility of cessions by challenging the French obtaining important contheir enemies. to match the offers being made by The outbreak of fighting in Cap Français possibilities for the insurgent leaders on, June 20, 1793 opened new and set off a among them. Once Pierrot and wideranging debate cipation for their soldiers Macaya had accepted their offer of emanGalbaud in exchange for joining the and the sailors, Sonthonax and Polverel struggle against tactical alliance with the tried to broaden this with the insurrection's insurgents closest to Le Cap into an agreement top leaders. The first to tried to send to Toussaint, Biassou replies the messages they ing:on June and Jean-François were 25, 1793, Toussaint, camped at Bassin discouragthe commander of the chain of French Cayman, told Nully, l'Ouest that had successfully posts known as the cordon de kept the insurgents from Province, that he and his men invading the West under the orders of his Catholic were fighting "to gain the protection and Majesty [the king of quence they will never negotiate with the civil Spain]; in conseauthority they do not recognize, commissioners, whose they can add that now alongside their brothers to uphold the having fought up to shed the last drop of their blood right of the king, they will all have promised to defend the Bourbons to whom they less unswerving loyalty to the death.' 98 Toussaint agreed to a truce with the French forces neverthethe signatures of some thirty of his facing him, and even added officers to his letter, indicating that 7 Pierrot to "Citoyen général," in AN,AA 54, d. 1509.A Galbaud, indicates that the letter was passed to him note on the letter, presumably from Copy of letter from Toussaint and Moyse,, by his free colored aide-de-camp. June 25, 1793, in AN, D XXV 20, d. 200. ssaint agreed to a truce with the French forces neverthethe signatures of some thirty of his facing him, and even added officers to his letter, indicating that 7 Pierrot to "Citoyen général," in AN,AA 54, d. 1509.A Galbaud, indicates that the letter was passed to him note on the letter, presumably from Copy of letter from Toussaint and Moyse,, by his free colored aide-de-camp. June 25, 1793, in AN, D XXV 20, d. 200. --- Page 269 --- You Are All Free he had communicated Meanwhile, the news of the commissioners' nity to gain the Jean-François saw the destruction of Le offer to them, the black leader upper hand over the weakened Cap as an opportuinitially wrote to Candy, a free colored French, On June 27, 1793, French supported the August 1791 military leader who had camp, to tell him, uprising before the 26th of this "Thave 60 whites from Le going over to the Le Cap Come month, telling me about the Cap who arrived on here with two disaster that arms to do like me and of your men; you are happened at While the join the crown of Spain. PIO awaited with open gent leaders, commissioners they were waiting to hear fight were from the main on their side had their discovering that the blacks who had insurist municipal official own notions about future agreed to N and Polverel Mahé de policy. The to Haut du Corméré, who had followed royalnessed an interview Cap during the fighting, Sonthonax - The black leader between the two men and claimed to have wittricolor allowed Sonthonax's mistress Macaya on June 26, ribbon, but he had little to adorn him with a 1793. political ideas or in putting interest in adopting the large your "Public," >9 he told himself under their commissioners know that I have them, "but long live the authority. "I don't know are generals who are my King; furthermore, you - "Public Jean-François and Biassou. You superiors. I respect are the fathers of the say that you them, théy E mother. I think that blacks, but the commissioners of the fathers and Spanish love us like you like, Pll arrange all that mothers should be a good - a man with a with good friends, and if . with talent for vivid Jean-François and Biassou. 99 the Spanish; when the language, would soon return to Macaya, he his alliance reportedly told them, "Iam commissioners the tried again to win him Congo, master of all the subject of three kings: of the over, my father; of the blacks; of the King of King of a J Kings are the King of Spain who represents France who represents made descendants ofthose who, led my mother. These three man," thus reaffirming his by a star, came to adore God convictions," combination of royalist and religious 9 Letter signed by Toussaint, Io dated, June 27, in AN, D XXV Moyse, 20, d. and other officers, June 26, Jean-François d. to Candy, from 199. 1793, with postscript II Mahé II7. camp of Serca, June 27, de Corméré, in AN, D XXV 1793, in AN, D XXV I2, Révolution de Haiti (orig. title Mémoires 14, d. 127, pp. 64n-66n ; Pamphile de Saimn-Domingue, Garrigus, ed. Pierre Pluchon pour servir à I'histoire de la Lacroix, La eds., Slave Revolation, 128, (Paris: Karthala, 1995, 167, trans. Révolution in Dubois de and ca, June 27, de Corméré, in AN, D XXV 1793, in AN, D XXV I2, Révolution de Haiti (orig. title Mémoires 14, d. 127, pp. 64n-66n ; Pamphile de Saimn-Domingue, Garrigus, ed. Pierre Pluchon pour servir à I'histoire de la Lacroix, La eds., Slave Revolation, 128, (Paris: Karthala, 1995, 167, trans. Révolution in Dubois de and --- Page 270 --- The Road to General Emancipation initial reaction to the news ofthe crisis at Le Although Jean-François's supporters, he and Cap had been to try to win over the commissioners' and Polverel on June 28, Biassou did meet with envoys from Sonthonax side, although not withand considered coming over to the French the charmed by your proclamation," out conditions. "We were quite We had declared a truce between black generals wrote in a joint letter. the of your deputies men and also held an assembly in presence our to before you in triumph. They nine thousand men appear - to prepare however, when they réceived word had stopped these preparations, forces were attacking their posifrom Bassin Cayman that the French camp, and it was Bassin Cayman was the location of Toussaint's tions. involved in this incident; Biassou and Jeanhis troops who had been authorized Toussaint to defend himself. François wrote that they had role in keeping the two Toussaint thus played a key Deliberately or not, and Biassou wrote sides apart,"* On the same day that Jean-François Sonthonax Toussaint also arrested four emissaries sent by their letter, the commander of the borand Polverel and turned them over to Spanish Biassou were not as hostile and der town of San Rafael." Jean-François be excited to hear that "you were to the commissioners. They claimed to la couleur"] and asserted for us as well as all of those of color ["toutes that we are the Spanish knowing that they were "ready to change against themselves, however, will be." Before committing French and we always and Polverel had ordered the end they demanded proof that Sonthonax will see us return their forces. "After your reply you of fhostilities against s they concluded." with your two deputies, triumphing," leaders came to joining the This was as close as the black insurgent sealed their alliwithin a few days, they had definitively commissioners; wrote to Pierrot, ance with the Spanish. On July 2, 1793,J French: Jean-François "How is it that for two denouncing his collaboration with the for the right of our good and ten months [sic] you have fought years have learned that the crown of Spain supking, and today when you by the voice of these Messieurs ports us, you let yourself be carried away to seize these civil comwould be to try Commissioners . : The best thing over to the Spanish."s missioners and send them SO we can turn them "Aux gouvernement de la mine, 9 June 28, 1793, r3 Letter of Biassou and Jean-François, in AN, D XXV 12, d. I18. in Monte y Tejada, Historid, 4: 52. 13 Cabrera to Casasola,. June 29, 1793, "Aux gouvernement de la mine," June 28, 1793, 14 Letter of Biassou and Jean-François, in AN, D XXV I2, d. I18. 1793, in AN, D XXV 12, d. I18. 15 Jean-François to Pierrot, July 2, of Biassou and Jean-François, in AN, D XXV 12, d. I18. in Monte y Tejada, Historid, 4: 52. 13 Cabrera to Casasola,. June 29, 1793, "Aux gouvernement de la mine," June 28, 1793, 14 Letter of Biassou and Jean-François, in AN, D XXV I2, d. I18. 1793, in AN, D XXV 12, d. I18. 15 Jean-François to Pierrot, July 2, --- Page 271 --- You Are All Free The black leaders' decision to side with the the result of an extensive Spaniards was at least partly of the Spanish border campaign of flattery and seduction. The town of Laxavon, Father priest key role in courting the black generals. Josef Vasquez, played a Father Vasquez wrote to "I put all my confidence in you, > warding his copies of his Jean-François on July 2, thanking him for forThe Spanish commander correspondence with Candy and Toussaint. the next Cassasola joined in the day, assuring letter-writing campaign 6 was Jean-François of his belief that the black incapable of doing anything against the interests general Spain," and Vasquez wrote of the King of from which Jean-François again, offering sympathy for a toothache had been God who will help you, since suffering and adding, *I hope in your main object is the good cause re-establishment of order. >16 and the Having sealed their alliance with the Biassou now became their allies' Spanish, Jean-François and ers ofthe commissioners. agents in trying to win over the supporthad laid OnJuly 6, 1793, the two siege to the key generals, whose forces saying "We exhort position at La Tannerie, wrote to its you in the name of the defenders, church and we would sacrifice apostolic and Roman Catholic of the King of like ourselves to see you under the Spain all the other white men protection and receive a thousand favors In who are well regarded compensate all whites for their slaves addition, the King of Spain offers to their fortunes." 99 A letter and their land. They will not lose to the commissioners, written reiterated the generals' on the same loyalty to the French and day, rejected any possibility of an Spanish monarchies and Republic. "We arrangement with the cannot possibly recognize civil representatives of the have found a king and followed this law. commissioners until you that would be equally We could make arrangements color," they concluded.7 advantageous to white citizens and people of Two days later, any Vasquez that he had been in contact with Jean-François assured Father ready to revert to the Spanish side. r8 Pierrot and that the latter was Not only did the commissioners fail of the insurrection, but to win over the main leaders they were barely able to hold the loyalty of the 16 DXXV; Letters of Father Vasquez, July 2 and 3, 1793, and 12, d. II7. Cassasola, July 3, 1793, in AN, Jean-François Spanish had offered and Biassou, letters of July 6, 1793, in AN, D XXV I2, d. I18. them even before the crisis support of June and compensation to French whites who came over The to to this effect was published in the 20, 1793. Cassasola's proclamation of June 7, 1793 July 9 1793. Philadelphia émigré journal, the Radoteur, on Jean-François to Vasquez, July 8, 1793, in AN, D XXV I2, d. II8. and Biassou, letters of July 6, 1793, in AN, D XXV I2, d. I18. them even before the crisis support of June and compensation to French whites who came over The to to this effect was published in the 20, 1793. Cassasola's proclamation of June 7, 1793 July 9 1793. Philadelphia émigré journal, the Radoteur, on Jean-François to Vasquez, July 8, 1793, in AN, D XXV I2, d. II8. --- Page 272 --- The Road to General Emancipation one black commander who had joined them of June 20, 1793. On July at the moment of the crisis 9, Pierrot wrote to tell way to maintain the loyalty of their them that the only to reach an agreement with newly recruited black troops was "general liberty." Time Jean-François that included provisions for was of the essence, Pierrot were on the point of warned, because "we by finishing with you. >19 The telling Pierrot that he was in danger of commissioners replied the banner of "the kings, and putting his men back under you to the whites, it is the consequently that of slavery : Who sold kings, who is it who sells girls to the Spanish? It is black boys and the commissioners Jean-François and Biassou." Only the French, insisted, would grant the blacks definitely our intention and that of the French "general liberty; it is it, but everything has to be earned in this nation to see that you get it when you imitate the blacks of world, and you will only have Republic. *20 At the Le Cap, when you bear arms for same time, they warned the not to trust Pierrot or his men.ar other military commanders As many of the black leaders' letters archist values of the indicate, the religious and monFrench and their Spanish made them more congenial allies than the unfamiliar Republic. Other tated in favor of the Spanish alliance. considerations also milithe black generals The Spanish were prepared to let operate on their own, whereas the French integrate them into their own command wanted to and Biassou were eager to regain control of structure, the and Jean-François and Dondon, which they had lost in positions at La Tannerie come of the crisis of June January. Furthermore, the outmitted by the Spanish 20, 1793 and the news from Europe transthat the French convinced the black leaders, not unreasonably, revolutionary government had slim chances of Throughout the spring of 1793, the survival. of one setback after another for reports arriving in the Americas told ing in the Vendée, Dumouriez's the republican cause: the royalist uprisfrom treason, the renewed Austrian Belgium, violent dissensions in the Convention invasion provinces. Toussaint, who retook La and in the French captured French sergeant write Tannerie on July 5, 1793, had a that further to his comrades in Dondon resistance was pointless: "Paris is telling them have taken seven or eight towns from the burned the Spanish French. 322 "Le Cap is lost 19 Pierrot to "commissioner," July 9, 1793, in AN, AA d. Commissioners to Pierrot, 55, ISI2. 21 Commissioners to July I3, 1793, in AN D XXV 43, d. 415. 22 Etienne Dubuisson,, July I3, 1793, in AN, D XXV Brandicourt to Sonthonax and 42, d. 409. d. 202, Polverel, July 7, 1793, in AN, D XXV 20, * X B 19 Pierrot to "commissioner," July 9, 1793, in AN, AA d. Commissioners to Pierrot, 55, ISI2. 21 Commissioners to July I3, 1793, in AN D XXV 43, d. 415. 22 Etienne Dubuisson,, July I3, 1793, in AN, D XXV Brandicourt to Sonthonax and 42, d. 409. d. 202, Polverel, July 7, 1793, in AN, D XXV 20, * X B --- Page 273 --- You Are All Free to the nation forever as well as the rest of the wrote to the defenders of Dondon colonies," Jean-François these other on July 9, 1793.33 Compared to all considerations, the French commissioners' emancipation offer did not impress the black leaders. narrowly framed By the end of the first week of July, forced to recognize that they had lost Sonthonax and Polverel were main insurgent leaders. their bid for the support of the Biassou and to the Spanish to the end; when Jean-François would remain loyal Spain made 1795, Biassou became the commander peace with the French in Spanish colony of of a black militia unit in the Florida, and settle in Cadiz.4 In May Jean-François crossed the Atlantic to abandon the 1794, Toussaint Louverture would Spanish and rally to the French finally Sonthonax and Polverel in cause, but only after ernment in France had Saint-Domingue and the revolutionary after the overcome the worst of the crises govFrench National Convention had facing them and decree.s In July 1793, having failed passed its own emancipation the commissioners had to persuade the insurgent don the chiefs to appeal directly to the former slaves leaders, who had led their movement to abanother choice: every day after Galbaud's since 1791. They had little bad news from the rest of the attack seemed to bring more commissioners' former colony. From the South Province, the secretary as an emergency Delpech, whom they had appointed "terrible replacement for the defector state of distress we are 99 Ailhaud, wrote of the by the news of Rigaud's in," a plea followed a few days later defeat by the whites of after, Nully, the commander of the vital Jérémie. Shortly therethe first of a series of cordon de l'Ouest, became Lieutenant-colonel high-ranking white officers to abandon his his Paul, who stepped in to post. men would not obey his orders and replace him, reported that noncombat tasks that the blacks were deserting, seduced employed for to serve the Spanish, the king of by "those who have sworn bor came news that the sailors France and religion." From the harship left in the on the America, the only major warback colony, were pressuring their to France. On June captain to take them in Fort Dauphin, 29, 1793, François Pageot, the commander wrote, "My hand trembles as news of the capture of Ouanaminthe I set down the sad by the Spanish and the brigands. A3 Jean-François, letter of July 24 David Geggus, "The Slave Leaders 9, 1793, in AN, D XXV 12, d. I18. Troops," in Geggus, Haitian in Exile: Spain's Resettlement of its as David Geggus, "The Revolutionary Studies, 185, 197-200. Black Auxiliary Revolutionary Studies, "Volte-Face' of Toussaint Louverture," in I19-36. Geggus, Haitian the Spanish and the brigands. A3 Jean-François, letter of July 24 David Geggus, "The Slave Leaders 9, 1793, in AN, D XXV 12, d. I18. Troops," in Geggus, Haitian in Exile: Spain's Resettlement of its as David Geggus, "The Revolutionary Studies, 185, 197-200. Black Auxiliary Revolutionary Studies, "Volte-Face' of Toussaint Louverture," in I19-36. Geggus, Haitian --- Page 274 --- The Road to General Emancipation Left without supplies, the starving a fight. 26 garrison had surrendered without On July 2, 1793, a week after the and Polverel departure of the fleet, Sonthonax published a proclamation seemed desperate in every respect. In addition summarizing a situation that ers, whose revolt had led to the to Galbaud and his followa long series of traitors, destruction of Le Cap, they denounced including the whites in the among other things, "armed hordes of slaves" South, who had, the army officers who had to fight on their side, and de l'Ouest and Ouanaminthe abandoned their commands of the cordon invoked familiar to the Spanish. Sonthonax and Polverel Jacobin rhetoric to denounce "the their foes, conspirators are almost all the insisting that Domingue, some sunk under their debts Europeans transplanted to Saintthe others eager for despite their air of opulence, pillage, because they own majority of the leaders of the nothing. They are the ferred military units from France, who Saint-Domingue to Coblentz because only preserve the counterrevolution better they thought they could Freed from the necessity of there." But they refused to despair. lation, Sonthonax and respecting the sensibilities of the white announced Polverel referred openly to the poputheir alliance with the free rights of man and "The citizens of April men of color and the Africans. will eventually raise 4 1792, those of June 20 1793, and those who to the dignity of free we the European powers, the French men, will not forget that of all how to respect the rights of Republic is the only one that knows and political rights that man, and that they cannot preserve the civil they have received from around her delegates, by fighting for her her except by rallying uniting all parts of the island under and driving back the enemy, by the tricolor P27 Although the wording of their flag." eventual emancipation for the whole proclamation held out the promise of and Polverel of the slave were still far from population, Sonthonax The last instructions ready to proclaim general they had received from the emancipation. of March 5, 1793, had authorized them Convention, the law the defense of the colony; to take all necessary steps for under that arming slaves to fight Galbaud heading. The law had also authorized certainly fell them to make changes 26 Delpech to Sonthonax and Polverel, June Sonthonax and Polverel to Nully, in AN, D XXV 16, 1793, in AN, D XXV I2, d. and Polverel, June 27 and 29, 1793, in AN, D 42,June 24, 1793; Paul to Sonthonax II3; to crew of America, June 26, 1793, in AN, XXV: D XXV 20, d. 199; Sonthonax and Polverel 17 Polverel,, June 29, 1793, in AN, D XXV 20, d. 198. 42; Pageot to Sonthonax and Proclamation of July 2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52. 1793, in AN, D 42,June 24, 1793; Paul to Sonthonax II3; to crew of America, June 26, 1793, in AN, XXV: D XXV 20, d. 199; Sonthonax and Polverel 17 Polverel,, June 29, 1793, in AN, D XXV 20, d. 198. 42; Pageot to Sonthonax and Proclamation of July 2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52. --- Page 275 --- You Are All Free in the regulations abolishing slavery governing slave labor, but whether this missioners, true to the alrogether was hardly clear. extended to adhered, were worried gradualist assumptions to Furthermore, which the comrestrictions about the they had on the black prospect of always into consideration population disappeared. complete anarchy if all such as those possible reactions to their They also had to take who, mentioned by two republican policy in the United States, on June apparently acting on their own, wrote officials in 29, 1793 urging him to to the French Port-au-Prince his supporters might denounce any rumors that minister Genet slaves has been spread that "the general Galbaud and vent that aid and decreed. 5 They feared that "this enfranchisement of the States, and subsistence which we should calumny (might] their cause all kind of expect from the predecree, Sonthonax and shipments to this Island to United that they were still in Polverel were therefore cease. P28 In repeated their offer control of the black determined to show set a deadline to free slaves who population. Although they of July 8, enrolled in their ofi it, and they ended 1793 for blacks army, they now ing arms with a stiff wanting to take on their own would warning that ex-slaves advantage be arrested and punished be "considered to be in found carryeven if unarmed, accordingly." Blacks revolt, and will lary of the slave were also threatened with found roaming at large, warned slaves system lived on in the punishment. The vocabuthe versions that they could only proclamation: its Creole version in both circulate with a or to denounce languages used the word pass, "billet," and As vagabonds, "marron" or they "runaway" Polverel also struggled had to win over the black Mahé de to reconstruct some kind insurgents, of Sonthonax and missioners Corméré, in still concealing his government in Le Cap. that order to survive in their seething hostility to the they had constituted a camp at Haut du comored loyalists. The members small council of their white Cap, noted the military commander included Laveaux and and free colidentified as of the city, Galineau de a "toothpuller, 99 Vergniaud, Gignoux, whom Gascq, Mahé Commission, and the free men Boucher, of the white head of the institution, Michel, color who had been Interim Castaing, and Boisrond, members of that together 28 Letter from with Dufay and Aduertiser, Wante and 29 Printed versions July 30, 1793. Desfourneaux, June 29, 1793, in of Philadelphia General 198 (Moreau de proclamation of July 2, in * Saint-Méry papers). 1793 French and Creole, in CAOM, F3 , and the free men Boucher, of the white head of the institution, Michel, color who had been Interim Castaing, and Boisrond, members of that together 28 Letter from with Dufay and Aduertiser, Wante and 29 Printed versions July 30, 1793. Desfourneaux, June 29, 1793, in of Philadelphia General 198 (Moreau de proclamation of July 2, in * Saint-Méry papers). 1793 French and Creole, in CAOM, F3 --- Page 276 --- Emancipation The Road to General The abbé Garnot and RobquinJ" of Castaing's two white brothers-in-law, held in prison since January on suspicion made a who had been been released and de la Haye, black insurgents, had that his with the and Polverel hoped complicity council; probably Sonthonax facilitate negotiations with member ofthe with Biassou would of the firsthand acquaintance signaled the continuation of the group and on the small group him.3" The composition circle dependence on Castaing's of the newly commissioners' There were no representatives of their white supporters. loyal to freed "citizens of 20 June." house in the fire, remained who had lost his own of color were not necessarily Castaing, but other free men by black fighters. A the commisioners," heavily outnumbered the pleased to find themselves émigré newspaper mentioned the armed report published in a Philadelphia of the men of color, irritated by the discouragement and distrust increased." According to this account, while whose number had with "African guards," blacks had surrounded themselves at which threats commissioners' of color had held an assembly themselves number of the men The commissioners a had been voiced. men of color to accept their to the commissioners the reluctance of the free the skin, just like the complained about sYou have aristocrats of more ungratepolicy. even emancipation who are even more inconsequent, for their children whites; aristocrats because they only [show contempt] declare yourself ful than the whites, in chains, whereas you to keep forand don't keep them perpetually it is your fathers who you want the enemies of your fathers, to one of them.34 return to in slavery," they wrote were finally able to ever the commissioners section that On July 4, 1793, themselves in the Petit Carénage one of Cap Cap Français and install July II, 1793, they had resuscitated it lay out their the fire. By, and used had escaped the Affiches américaines, "One cannot hide Français's newspapers, outlined their dilemma: has had in An article in the paper word of liberty plans. the effect that the enchanting try to oppose strong from oneself The more one might the days of all heads in Saint-Domingue. the more one would prolong dikes to this impetuous current, and Marthe. (Noel, married to Castaing's sisters Françoise had Dufay and and Garnot were in the year, Sonthonax 30 Robquin Noir des Castaing," 174.) Later National Convention. "Le Garnot Sang sent to Paris as deputies XXV to the 14, d. 127,P. 63n. de Corméré, in AN, D in AN, D XXV 43, d. 415. 31 Mahé to La Salle, June 27, 1793, 32 Commissioners July 26, 1793. in AN, D XXV 43, d. 41533 Radoteur, to Duvigneau, July 18, 1793, 34 Commissioners 30 Robquin Noir des Castaing," 174.) Later National Convention. "Le Garnot Sang sent to Paris as deputies XXV to the 14, d. 127,P. 63n. de Corméré, in AN, D in AN, D XXV 43, d. 415. 31 Mahé to La Salle, June 27, 1793, 32 Commissioners July 26, 1793. in AN, D XXV 43, d. 41533 Radoteur, to Duvigneau, July 18, 1793, 34 Commissioners --- Page 277 --- You Are All Free murder, fire and pillage. On the other hand, liberty would make the African however, a sudden universal restraint, without people into a people of brigands, without laws, without passions.' 99 The offer that had been government, and left to the fury of its join the army "will cause made ofl liberty to any slave who would will a general revolution want to serve the among all the Africans: all and their Republic to become free; all will want children to be free like them; and their wives love combat, there will soon be among a people who naturally no more we must avoid. >> The solution cultivators. That is the difficulty by the commissioners proposed in the article, probably composed would first be themselves, was eminently gradualist. The given one free day a week to work slaves and then another day during which on their private plots, they could hire money, "and when it will be clear that the themselves out to earn concession, one can blacks are not - give them another and misusing this the week." Even in the chaotic day, SO on up to the whole of Cap Français, the dream of a conditions following the destruction of affect the controlled reform of slavery that would not plantation owners or the economy remained alive,3s Bythetime this article appeared in print, the blacksin already succeeded in Cap Français had July II, the obtaining one of the concessions it 1793, commissioners decided mentioned: on alty of their troops, they had that, in order to keep the loyfamilies oft the newly no choice but to promise freedom to the their wives emancipated soldiers. "It was and children," 79 the commissioners necessary to also free "and to make this just wrote to the Convention, we have ordered that the measure profitable for morals and public decency, must marry them warriors who want to emancipate their wives the National according to the forms established by the decree Assembly. P36 As historian Elizabeth of decree made freedom for women Colwill has noted, the liberated man, and it imposed dependent on their association with a the new citizens.7 Whether a European model of family structure on the black soldiers ing terms of the Creole version of the appreciated the moraliz- "anyone who takes decree, which informed them one woman today and leaves that row is not good," is unknown.,s her for another tomorNot the least of the commissioners' 35 Affiches américaines, July II, 1793. This, the Cap after June 20, 1793, appeared in a small only copy of the paper published in Le from the paper's previous size. single-column format, 36 Sonthonax and Polverel much reduced 37 Colwill, *"Fêtes de I'Hymen, to Conyention, Fêtes de la July 30, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52. ofthe Haitian Liberté," in Geggus and 38 Proclamation Revolution, 132-3. Fiering, eds., World Méry papers). of July II, 1793, Creole version, in CAOM, F 3 198 (Moreau de Saint- previous size. single-column format, 36 Sonthonax and Polverel much reduced 37 Colwill, *"Fêtes de I'Hymen, to Conyention, Fêtes de la July 30, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52. ofthe Haitian Liberté," in Geggus and 38 Proclamation Revolution, 132-3. Fiering, eds., World Méry papers). of July II, 1793, Creole version, in CAOM, F 3 198 (Moreau de Saint- --- Page 278 --- The Road to General Emancipation the situation of the the question of how to present no direct preoccupations was Although they had received the exiled colony to the French government. than three months, they knew that the from France for more them; among news had been mounting a campaign against in their first report white colonists denounced to the Convention long list of those they Page and Augustinof Le Cap were Pierre-François had to anticion the destruction colonial lobbyists in Paris.9 They and the Jean Brulley, the chief of June 20, 1793 from Galbaud that accounts of the events in France before their' own letters; pate the would arrive had been turned colonists on convoy Governor Blanchelande, they could aware that their predecessor, Tribunal for much lesser offenses, that to the Revolutionary for the disaster over their fate if they were held responsible Even before they wrote easilyi imagine most important city. Galbaud to had befallen the colony's drafted letters denouncing the two men French consuls who were to the Convention, Genet and to some of the the French minister be the first to encounter the refugees. with Genet presumably going to been in correspondence had already never met, they knew The commissioners the three men had had been the before the crisis, and alhough Brissot's protégés. Genet, who to that he was also one of Petersburg since 1789, had not returned French representative in Saint months after the civil commissioners 1792, three in the Army Paris until September 40 "Lieutenant of Dumouriez his departure for Saint-Domingue. here the principles of his patron, [Galbaud] professed his audacity of the North, his maneuvers, unbelievable the friend, and it is his intrigues, that almost annihilated capital letter that brought about the catastrophe and Polverel told Genet. Their than of Saint-Domingue," Sonthonax of the free men of color; rather stressed the courage and loyalty blacks in return for support, the letter their offer to free the Having thrown as much blame mentioning of the slaves "arming themselves." themselves as innocent victims spoke Galbaud and depicted more on a for supplies." as possible ended their letter with plea in Charleston, of a conspiracy, they the French consul similar letter went to Mangourit, stories the refugees were likely A warning him against the South Carolina, to spread. July IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV 52, de d. l'Amérique 52. w.Sonthonax: and Polverel to Convention, Genet. La Révolution français à lassaut 40 Claude Moisy, Le Citoyen in Sonthonax's hand- (Paris: Privat, 2007), I07. July 8, 1793, draft with corrections 41 Commissioners to D XXV Genet, II, d. 109. in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52. writing, in AN, Polverel to Mangourit, July 8 or 9, 1793, 42 Sonthonax and 52. w.Sonthonax: and Polverel to Convention, Genet. La Révolution français à lassaut 40 Claude Moisy, Le Citoyen in Sonthonax's hand- (Paris: Privat, 2007), I07. July 8, 1793, draft with corrections 41 Commissioners to D XXV Genet, II, d. 109. in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52. writing, in AN, Polverel to Mangourit, July 8 or 9, 1793, 42 Sonthonax and --- Page 279 --- You Are All Free Having rehearsed their lines several times, were now ready to write to the National Sonthonax and Polverel was to emphasize the scale of the Convention. Their strategy unleashed, and to contrast it with the "great catastrophe" Galbaud had had achieved in the rest of the positive results their own policies "The West Province had been colony up to the moment of the crisis. of the royalists and the pacified: the leaders and known aristocrats of the skin agents on the ships of the convoy,' > they had been put under arrest cess in getting the "25,000 wrote, and they insisted on their sucBouquets" insurgent blacks in the to return to work. Meanwhile, parish of Croix-desCap and spread disorder by Galbaud had landed in Le lutionary revealing how much value the French paper currency had lost. Although revobehaving like a dictator and they accused Galbaud of admitted that they had had ignoring little their authority, the commissioners strengthen the case against direct evidence of his intentions. To against the him, they cited "the continual Republic" of César Galbaud, denounced declamations their henchmen Dufay, in the depositions of their report. After Robquin, and Vergniaud, which were attached to in the harbor, they explaining accused how they put the general on board a him of having ship between the sailors and the citizens of color" "resuscitated the old quarrels organized the landing on June and described how he had ing stressed the "more than 20, 1793. Their description of the fighthuman while making no mention whatever courage" of the free men of color, to recruit of their decree of June 2I supporters among the slaves. attempting their arrival at Haut du Instead, they claimed that upon slaves who had Cap, "we found various of more than a month earlier troops insurgent put on those of the Republic" and who given up the royal colors and the kings while "asked to serve the nation ers." promising to obey all the orders of the civil against Having thus passed over the role of the commissioncreated the impression that the blacks in the city itself and French on their own insurgent slaves had offered to defend the initiative, the them liberty in the name of the commissioners added, "We promised In addition to greatly Republic." insurgent slaves, Sonthonax exaggerating the republican enthusiasm of the the sailors. "Incited and Polverel chose to minimize the to murder, to pillage by the relatives role of émigrés, by these naval officers who and friends of Coblentz because, while only preferred Saint-Domingue to of betraying it more eating the state's bread, they were confident they easily, the sailors never lost wrote. "They continually sight of the Republic," sully themselves with the cried, Long live the nation,' they did not signs and symbols of royalism." >2 In reality, the . "Incited and Polverel chose to minimize the to murder, to pillage by the relatives role of émigrés, by these naval officers who and friends of Coblentz because, while only preferred Saint-Domingue to of betraying it more eating the state's bread, they were confident they easily, the sailors never lost wrote. "They continually sight of the Republic," sully themselves with the cried, Long live the nation,' they did not signs and symbols of royalism." >2 In reality, the --- Page 280 --- The Road to General Emancipation the reverse: the ordinary sailors and the more situation had been just while the senior officers had tried junior officers had stoked the conflict, Sonthonax and Polverel had to head it off. As we have seen, however, the sans-culottes consistently refused to accept the fact that seagoing also played to the turned them; by accusing the officers, they had against all the Republic's troubles on conspiratorial Jacobins' tendency to blame "the always just aristocrats. *Spare the sailors, > they concluded; victim people, of its leaders; it is in its views, always pure in its intentions, is the felt freer to denounce them that the national justice should fall." They on from the town, whom they accused of having the white volunteers and worn white neckties," a claim for "deployed flags with fleurs-de-lys at all. Returning to which the surviving documents provide no support the island's whites to see Galbaud, they claimed that he had encouraged the of eternal *the restorer of the privilege of color and protector him as of"a better future, the certainty of slavery," whereas their own promises exaggeration of what they gradually obtaining freedom," a considerable slaves in the offered, had persuaded most of the rebellious had actually south to return to work. 22 Sonthonax and Polverel con- "That is, Citizen Representatives," which Galbaud has left us in the cluded, "the disastrous position in without any means of North Province. Without a navy, without money, do not of with supplies only for one month, we yet despair procuring it, We even further, we do not ask you for the salvation of the country. go we will save the propsoldiers; we do not ask for ships or sailors; and any for France with the natives of the country erty of Saint-Domingue claimed, "two thousand well armed with the Africans." They had, they them into battalions blacks just in the town of Le Cap, we are forming > They concluded by and legions, under the name of liberty and equality.' "all the absurdities that predicting that that they would be the targets of us." Their all the slavers of Saint-Domingue are going to spread have against all the confidence they said, would be that "it is true we answer, and that the slaves regard us as their libof those who had been freed, is crime in the Convention's eyes to erators. It is entirely true that if it a followed its principles, to have constantly protected have scrupulously we are guilty of this honorable the oppressed against the oppressors, with them, it had only to recall crime.' 9> If the Convention was unhappy to make us obey its decithem: <Neither ships nor troops will be needed where we will appear decree will bring us to its bar, sions; a simple they attempted to justify one without fear or remorse." In a postscript, in the wake of the June 2.0, 1793 of their most controversial decisions true that if it a followed its principles, to have constantly protected have scrupulously we are guilty of this honorable the oppressed against the oppressors, with them, it had only to recall crime.' 9> If the Convention was unhappy to make us obey its decithem: <Neither ships nor troops will be needed where we will appear decree will bring us to its bar, sions; a simple they attempted to justify one without fear or remorse." In a postscript, in the wake of the June 2.0, 1793 of their most controversial decisions --- Page 281 --- You Are All Free crisis: they had instructed the military the colony to use force if commanders of the other ports in from Le Cap from necessary to prevent any of the warships entering their harbors. coming at preventing Galbaud from The measure was clearly meant but they correctly landing anywhere else in anticipated that their enemies would Saint-Domingue, authorizing attacks on the Republic's blame them for The double own military forces. into the French process of integrating the newly enfranchised blacks the Convention republican continued community and justifying their actions to Sonthonax and Polverel with the celebration of Bastille Day that ceremony they held amid carefully the ruins stage-managed of on July 14, 1793. The ing to Mahé de Corméré, Cap Français, attended, accord6,000 blacks,4 linked by IOO whites, 200 free people of and them to the color, the Convention was to vote for the recall metropole - where, two days later, sioners - and, and arrest of the two ironically, to the white commisthe United States and who refugees who had just arrived in a public show of proceeded with equal determination to make the soldiers and the observing the holiday.44 In Le Cap, Polverel crowd assembled in spoke to rie" decorated with a front of an "altar of the had been erected liberty tree topped with a red paton the Champ de liberty cap that Fédération." >2 He emphasized the Mars, rebaptized as the "Place de la "who were beaten with blows common interests of the French soldiers, of the metropole, who to make them march," >> the "culivators" share "fertilized the earth with in its fruits,' 39 "the Africans" their sweat, and did not demned to "an eternal taken from their country and confree people of color, who, slavery," and "the descendants of the in spite of their legal Africans," unworthy of enjoying the rights of man." All status, "were considered kings who trafficked in the lives and the had been victims of "the and all colors. 39 The assembly freedom of men of all countries all kings" and to be took an oath to "fight to the death his loyal to the Republic and the against report to the sang "Marseillaise." In ' sullied the Convention, Sonthonax noted proudly that "no ceremony with his presence. "45 priest Later in the day, Sonthonax obligations they owed in return for harangued the the new citizens about the from gift of liberty, nothingness to existence You will "which took you prove that you deserved this, 43 Mahé de Corméré, 44 Philadelpbia General "Précis," in AN, D XXV 14, d. 127, p. 82. 1793). Advertiser, July 29, 1793 (letter from 45 Procès-verbal of Norfolk, VA, July 20, Convention, July celebration 30, 1793, in of AN, July D 14, XXV 1793, in AN, D XXV 19, d. 186; Sonthonax to S, d. 52. prove that you deserved this, 43 Mahé de Corméré, 44 Philadelpbia General "Précis," in AN, D XXV 14, d. 127, p. 82. 1793). Advertiser, July 29, 1793 (letter from 45 Procès-verbal of Norfolk, VA, July 20, Convention, July celebration 30, 1793, in of AN, July D 14, XXV 1793, in AN, D XXV 19, d. 186; Sonthonax to S, d. 52. --- Page 282 --- The Road to General Emancipation if you faithfully execute the orders of the civil if you force this crowd of commissioners, especially tivate the land or defend those vagabonds and idlers, who do not want to culfree and they work; who do, to work. In France, the are without remember that liberty does not consist in people work, there is neither leisure being idle; this concern about the former nor happiness. 746 Polverel echoed slaves' letter two days later: "Who willingness to work in a ifi more than can calculate where our calamities will private 400,000 slaves who have and who end, become free at once, and if they become nothing free detest work, all L . by right of conquest?" through insurrection and As they labored to maintain their around Le Cap and to justify themselves authority over the black population missioners also to the Convention, the two struggled to avoid a of the comrest of the colony. Whites who had collapse French position in the on June 20, 1793 had started fled into the hills during the their to trickle back into the fighting sentiments and not city; distrustful of wanting to be responsible for Sonthonax and Polverel let them leave supporting them, exchange for paying an exit on any ships they could in tax that the refugees find, early July, Sonthonax and Polverel had bitterly resented.-8 By of] June 25, 1793, informing them that probably received Genet's letter the going to advance any more American government was not money to support the French war Saint-Domingue, the remaining effort.49 In and their commanders troops needed constant had to be exhorted to encouragement and Polverel were particularly remain loyal. Sonthonax of color threatened exasperated when some of the - to desert the cause. free men all your brothers, are you "You, a child 4 April, you and is going to abandon the equality, and outside of which there is republic whose essence commander of Ennery on July no equality?" they wrote to the the only ones defending the I7, 1793. "Are you going to leave us as oft the new black colony and the republic?"so The troops was a constant concern. discipline cleaning up the ruins ofLe Cap, but the They were put to work to "be sure that those who commander there was reminded loot and you employ for this work are not the steal, as has been first to happening up to now.' P5I On July 22, 1793, 46 Procès-verbal of celebration 47 Polverel to Vernet, of July 14, 1793, in AN, D XXV 19, d. 186. 48 Extrait d'une July 16, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, Racial lettre, Sur les malheurs de d.46. Revolution, 222. Saint-Domingue, cited in 49 Genet to Popkin, Facing so commissioners, June 25, 1793, in AN, D XXV Commissioners to 6, d. 58. 51 Commissioners to Duvigneau, commandant July of 17, 1793, in AN, D XXV 42. Cap Français, July 21, 1793, in AN, D XXV 42. - à - a M , Racial lettre, Sur les malheurs de d.46. Revolution, 222. Saint-Domingue, cited in 49 Genet to Popkin, Facing so commissioners, June 25, 1793, in AN, D XXV Commissioners to 6, d. 58. 51 Commissioners to Duvigneau, commandant July of 17, 1793, in AN, D XXV 42. Cap Français, July 21, 1793, in AN, D XXV 42. - à - a M --- Page 283 --- :: You Are All Free financial administratof, who had arrived Masse, the ordonnateur, or been allowed to continue in his post with Galbaud in May and had the crew of the abruptly resigned.s A day later, by the commissioners, the line that had not participated in the landAmerica, the only ship of that the blacks and people ing on June 20, 1793, mutinied, complaining ashore when they were in the ofcolor in Le Cap would not let them come rations; the captain harbor and that they were not being given adequate another warship, the to leave the island. Within days, had to consent example. The commissioners wrote Inconstante, followed the America's that *we will furious letter, ending defantly by promising its captain a without you, 39 but were unable to manage to defend and save the colony prevent its departure.s Sonthonax and Polverel somehow manIn the face of these setbacks, under great strain. On July but they were certainly aged to keep going, Convention again, justifying their decree 30, 1793, they wrote to the soldiers' families and complaining of July II, 1793 freeing the black and émigrés, fight under about the "hordes of slaves who, led by priests the commissioners the white standard [the royalist flag)." The blacks, the of the Loire inférieure," reported, were "as fanatical as population the commissioners the Vendean peasant rebels in France. Nevertheless, "We will live on yams vowed, they would not abandon their mission. is too glorious for and bananas, if we run out of supplies. Our enterprise it was time for obstacles deter us." However, they announced, us to let the situation: the Convention to face up to to decide, that of the conCitizen representatives, you now have a great The time question for indecision, for unsatisfacdition of unfree persons in the colony. is over. The prejudices that blinded tory measures, for hypocritical Convention moderation is too just and too completely the friend the slaves are gone, and the the principles. The humanity to do anything other than to proclaim great of it to allow one man to be the property Declaration of Rights no longer permits should be treated the same. Either they of another: the slavers and the kings must from the they abandon their prey, or they disappear cease to tyrannize, surface of the earth.34 the Convention to take a clear position on theissue Even as they called on careful to respect its authority: they of slavery, the commissioners were and Polverel,. July 22, 1793, in AN, D XXV 23, d. 234. 52 Masse to Sonthonax VAmerica," July 23, 1793, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523; commis53 "Journal du Vaisseau of the Inconstante, July 28, 1793, in AN, D XXV 42. sioners to Riouff, captain in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52. 54 Sonthonax and Polverel to Convention, and Polverel,. July 22, 1793, in AN, D XXV 23, d. 234. 52 Masse to Sonthonax VAmerica," July 23, 1793, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 523; commis53 "Journal du Vaisseau of the Inconstante, July 28, 1793, in AN, D XXV 42. sioners to Riouff, captain in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52. 54 Sonthonax and Polverel to Convention, --- Page 284 --- The Road to General Emancipation excused themselves for the partial it clear that they left it measures they had taken and made abolishing up to the legislators to take the crucial slavery in principle. Clearly, step of much longer without doing however, they could not hold out At the end of July, the something to satisfy the black population. return to the West Province, commissioners decided that Polverel needed to semblance of normal life leaving Sonthonax alone in the North. A that had survived the fire. was returning to the portion of Cap A French Français "the town is fairly calm and army officer in the city wrote that events to which it has fallen as tranquil as one could hope after the and other prey. The Americans continue to supplies : They are paid either in bring flour were found in warehouses that coffee, sugar and SO on that and also with the gold, the were not completely looted and burned fire."ss Samuel copper and the lead from the ruins of Perkins, the American merchant who the burning of the city, returned there in had witnessed the compensation for his early August to try to obtain some functioning, after property. He found commerce and a fashion, although "the government now done was confined to a small quarter where business was the arsenal) and the public space about the King's Wharf been destroyed." As he stores, all the upper part of the town having [near in a suit of white dimity, landed, Perkins "observed a black man dressed lace on his head, wearing a white cocked hat bound with gold having a gold-headed cane in his goldwatch-chain hanging from his fob," who hand, and a large greeted him. The friendly black immediately came up and chant who had been killed: was the former slave of another mera citizen, [he] had "Having by the new order of things become character thought it would well become the to wear his master's dignity of his new cane." s7 Although he was Sunday suit and carry his pleased to see his gold-headed man took pains to ensure that Perkins master's old friend, the black changed, advising him "to salute all the understood how much things had to with the title of blacks I had occasion to Perkins Citoyen, as all were now free and speak later found another white friend, equal." fortune, now without hat or "lately a gentleman of large sers, doing the labor which shoes, but in a coarse checked shirt and trouof his slaves. >> When Perkins a few weeks before was the business like a slave," his friend commented that his friend was"*working occasion, as it "cautioned me not to use the word slave on might cost me my life." "56 Hostile to the any blacks, Perkins 56 55 Letter of Berger, July 24, 1793, in AN, D XXV Perkins, "Narrative," 9> 363,358-9. 80, d. 786. labor which shoes, but in a coarse checked shirt and trouof his slaves. >> When Perkins a few weeks before was the business like a slave," his friend commented that his friend was"*working occasion, as it "cautioned me not to use the word slave on might cost me my life." "56 Hostile to the any blacks, Perkins 56 55 Letter of Berger, July 24, 1793, in AN, D XXV Perkins, "Narrative," 9> 363,358-9. 80, d. 786. --- Page 285 --- You Are All Free nevertheless restored. He recognized found that the basic functions of a boarding house to urban life were desperately to sort out the masses dine in and saw clerks being that had survived the fire. ofd fcommercial and working population had helped Obviously, however, the government records able to find, despite themselves to whatever remaining black that looters would Sonthonax and Polverel's property they had been of the be shot,s7 and former proclamation positions formerly filled by slaves had taken threatening over one, however, Charles whites. The process many the defecting Masse Wante, the was not an easy as administrator to on whom public services ordornateur, complained that appointed the replace able. "The were dependent had black workers plies for those operation of the bakery is about to become break completely unreliare receiving rations are uncertain down and the freedom employed there, although they .. because the blacks supafter a year, are were told they would only who pitals suffers because planning to quit The get their or even the black one can no longer get any work operation of the hoswomen - e out of the blacks functioning . the blacks, Operations at the warehouses want to," he although paid are barely reported to Sonthonax)* regularly, only work when Surrounded by the newly they realized that further steps emancipated blacks in the brethren in the were needad to deal with their city, Sonthonax gests that the absence countryside. Sonthonax's more numerous take the of his more cautious biographer Robert Stein radical step toward colleague freed sugof,s but the evidence general emancipation that Sonthonax to found himself can equally well be he had dreamed fell with little choice. His interpreted to suggest that he gravely ill and became right-hand man, General Sonthonax had to make seriously depressed in early Laveaux, was unhappy at finding frantic efforts to restore his August, and ingly of recently freed himself left with an army morale. Laveaux Sonthonax begged slaves. "Don't criticize the composed overwhelmcommanded him. "All they need are citizens of 20 June," were less them, they didn't abandon leaders, 960 and when you have informer than reliable, the civilian you. While the new in Cap Français claimed population was also troops saying that "they didn't need to have overheard a restless. An any ruler and that they could group of blacks perfectly well 57 Proclamation of s8 Wante to July 18, 1793, in CAOM, F 59 Stein, Sonthonax, August 27, 1793, in 3 198. Sonthonax, 87. AN, D XXV 23, d. Sonthonax to Laveaux, August 235. IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV 42. troops saying that "they didn't need to have overheard a restless. An any ruler and that they could group of blacks perfectly well 57 Proclamation of s8 Wante to July 18, 1793, in CAOM, F 59 Stein, Sonthonax, August 27, 1793, in 3 198. Sonthonax, 87. AN, D XXV 23, d. Sonthonax to Laveaux, August 235. IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV 42. --- Page 286 --- The Road to General Emancipation govern themselves," one of them had one would pay him 5o portugaises, he supposedly added that if somehis head.6: would kill Sonthonax and deliver In letters to Polverel, who was initially Sonthonax was planning to free the entire alarmed by reports that ter sketched the difficult situation slave population, the latdistrict, the West that had led him to act. In Polverel's tomed Province, "the slaves are not to working, the charms of armed, they are accuslaziness, the are, luckily, unknown to them, 99 Sonthonax attractions of brigandage circumstances, the impossibility of wrote, but-"the urgency of der and anarchy in which waiting, in the midst of the disoradvance of we live in the North, forced me to be you and to in in line with proclaim truths that are in your heart your intentions." 962 In another letter, and colleague a fuller picture of the Sonthonax gave his soldiers on whom he was now circumstances facing him. The black cultural work force, and those dependent refused to discipline the agrito leave their slaves who had resisted the plantations "complained and temptation at seeing themselves condemned loudly justifiably, no doubt, while the others had to slavery as the price of their virtues, conquered their andage. 32 The black freedom through crime and brigthat the French insurgents continued to win supporters by monarchy would grant them claiming soldiers are reluctant to fight freedom, and "the black against their circumstances," > Sonthonax brothers." "In such difficult thing to be gained by being concluded, "I thought that there was everyofhumanity the completely just, and in turning to the great catastrophe of Le profit The moment for action came Cap. of a "festival of liberty" on August 25, 1793, when the occasion allowed a group of 600 black Sonthonax with a petition demanding soldiers to present in fact encouraged this general liberty. 64 Whether he had not afford to resist it, demonstration or whether he decided thathe could Sonthonax seized the decision. The petitioners, he said, had asked opportunity to announce his the Africans, these unfortunates "that the chains with which taken from their planted to a foreign to birthplace and transbroken. It country serve the cupidity of the was commendable oft them to set an Europeans, be epoch in our annals, and which will example that will mark an surely be followed throughout the 6r Pouzols to Sonthonax, 62 Sonthonax to Polverel, August 2I 1793, in AN, D XXV 14, d. 63 Sonthonax to Polverel, September 3, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. I3obis. 64 Sonthonax to Polverel, September IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53. 53. September IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53. throughout the 6r Pouzols to Sonthonax, 62 Sonthonax to Polverel, August 2I 1793, in AN, D XXV 14, d. 63 Sonthonax to Polverel, September 3, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. I3obis. 64 Sonthonax to Polverel, September IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53. 53. September IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53. --- Page 287 --- You Are All Free islands of America. >2 He would, he an edict of general promised, proceed promptly to draft emancipation; the Convention's 1793, he insisted, gave him the decree of March 5, Even authority to do SO.6s as he spoke these fateful words, to worry about their however, Sonthonax continued crowd that all the slaves consequences. He: refused to simply announce to the were free. "The law to be carefully thought that I will proclaim needs out," he insisted. "It must your masters and your own rights. The sudden protect the rights of be planned in such a way that it will not passage to liberty has to societies are based, SO that rupture the bonds on which all will yield enough agriculture will not suffer, SO that the earth the produce to nourish the warriors enemies of the Republic. 9266 employed in fighting The news that Sonthonax was sparked at least one remarkable preparing an emancipation decree Français, who sent him reaction from a white resident of a letter urging him to use Cap create a communist society. the opportunity to proposal, said he had a plan, Richebourg, "which the colonist who wrote this comes from is not at all complicated and which my heart," to establish not only community of goods among all the universalliberty but also "the a province completely under individuals of the North Province, right to do everything that your authority and for which you have the failed to convince seems just and wise to you. 967 Richebourg the Sonthonax, who remained committed right of property, but he deserves credit to defending idea of communism three for having proposed the Babeuf, whose years earlier than the French radical Gracchus "Manifesto of the Equals" is usually expression of such ideas. considered the first Whereas Richebourg wanted Sonthonax to vate property to the abolition of join the abolition of priPolverel blamed him for slavery, the commissioner's not turning the slaves colleague In the West Province, Polverel had been into property owners. problem of winning over black wrestling on his own with the to Sonthonax to report that he support. had On August 26, 1793, he wrote by a local supporter of broken up a conspiracy organized Jean-François and Biassou that aimed to turn 6s Sonthonax, speech of 66 Sonthonax, speech of August August 25, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52. 67 Richebourg to Sonthonax, 25, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52. Richebourg's letter is published: August in Florence 26, 1793, in AN, D XXV I3, loose document. ture à de nouvelles recherches. Gauthier, "En guise de conclusion: ouverDomingue? 1793,"i in Florence Gauthier, Richebourg: ed., comment abolir l'esclavage à Saintipe! (Paris: Société d'études robespierristes, Périssent les colonies plutôt qu'un princ2002), IOS-7. 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 52. Richebourg's letter is published: August in Florence 26, 1793, in AN, D XXV I3, loose document. ture à de nouvelles recherches. Gauthier, "En guise de conclusion: ouverDomingue? 1793,"i in Florence Gauthier, Richebourg: ed., comment abolir l'esclavage à Saintipe! (Paris: Société d'études robespierristes, Périssent les colonies plutôt qu'un princ2002), IOS-7. --- Page 288 --- The Road to General Emancipation the and to proclaim the "universal liberty the colony over to Spanish Polverel had tried to come up with a plan to of the slaves." In response, without affect- "ihcrease the number of free men and property-owners, the republic, nor the property of those who have neither betrayed ing the defense of the colony, and without harming the continuabandoned 68 The first report of Sonthonax's ation or the progress of agriculture." alarmed Polverel; he wrote on initiative in the North more sweeping whether his colleague had been forced to yield September 3, 1793, asking "You know that I detest slavery to threats from the armed black soldiers. and s) Polverel insisted. *I want to see liberty equalas much as you do,' of Saint-Domingue. But ity be from now on the bases of the prosperity that where there is no law what liberty, that of brigands! What equality, for withother than that of the stronger! What prosperity can one hope if work? And what work can you hope for from liberated Africans, out them understand the necessity by giving you haven't started by making that were unknown them properties, and introducing them to pleasures to them up to now2"69 Sonthonax published on August 29, 1793 The eight-page document proposal, or of the suchad none of the simplicity of Richebourg's would pass six months cinct abolition decree the National Convention Sonthonax's later, and it also did not fully address Polverel's concerns. elaborate exercise in decree combined the grant of emancipation with an and to the addressed equally to the black population selfjustification, detailed articles regulating National Convention, and with thirty-cight born and remain society. "Men are all the details of post-emancipation France's Sonthonax free and equal in rights; citizens, this is gospel," of this statement, began. Rather than expounding on the consequences he had he then devoted several paragraphs to explaining why however, slavery for SO long: an immediate attempt to end been obliged to defend into revolt while unleashing bloody venit would have driven the whites the commissioners had on the part of the slaves, and in any event, geance take such a step. Now, as a result of the flight not had the authority to 26, 1793, in AN, D XXV 12, d. II4. 68 Polverel to Sonthonax, August 1793, in AN, D XXV I2, d. II9. The idea that 69 Polverel to Sonthonax, September 3, with the desire to own property and taught to the slaves needed to be inculcated not with Polverel: Julien Raimond become market-oriented consumers was original Julien Raymond, Réflexions SUT les had made similar points in one of his désastres pamphlets. de nos colonies, notamment sur ceux véritables causes des troubles et des pour préserver cette colonie d'une de Saint-Domingue; avec les moyens nationale; à employer par. Julien Raymond, colon de Saintruine totale; adressés à la Convention Domingue (Paris, n.p-, 1793), 20. needed to be inculcated not with Polverel: Julien Raimond become market-oriented consumers was original Julien Raymond, Réflexions SUT les had made similar points in one of his désastres pamphlets. de nos colonies, notamment sur ceux véritables causes des troubles et des pour préserver cette colonie d'une de Saint-Domingue; avec les moyens nationale; à employer par. Julien Raymond, colon de Saintruine totale; adressés à la Convention Domingue (Paris, n.p-, 1793), 20. --- Page 289 --- You Are All Free of most of the whites, their prejudices claimed, the Convention's could be ignored, and, Sonthonax to abolish slavery. Before decree of March 5, 1793 authorized him blacks to be doing sO, however, he paused to grateful to his allies, the free men remind the to whom you owe your freedom, the of color. "These are men the courage to fight for natural first to show you what it is to have niently and human rights, >> he overlooking the fact that many of them insisted, conve- (See Figure 8.1.) were also slave owners.0 After explaining the contradictions in his credit both to the free men of color and own behavior and giving exhorted the blacks to live to the Convention, Sonthonax up to their new tors and your tyrants maintain that responsibilities: "Your detracwork again. Prove them an African who is set free will never awaits you. 771 The detailed wrong. Work twice as hard to win the prize that the counsels of Sonthonax's clauses that followed - probably reflecting and Castaing, since the plantation-owning advisors such as Dufay commissioner himself ence in the matter specified that had no firsthand experiwork and ex-slaves were to be for promised to create a system of paid their of the peace and Sowernment-appointed inspectors to see that were justices was specifically they not abused. freed prohibited, but, unless they were Whipping slaves were to remain on their serving in the army, the for their old masters. Domestic plantations and continue working for children could servants caring for the sick, the not leave their positions; elderly, or nancy and maternity leave, but their women were promised pregmen's level. The pay was set at only two-thirds justices of the peace would decide ofthe change plantations, and any black, male whether blacks could a job within fifteen days of the or female, who had not found arrested. This final issuance of the proclamation would be but, of course, by provision did not apply to male owners of definition, newly freed slaves did property, egory. A few days earlier, on the other side not fall into that catConvention had decreed the levée of the Atlantic, the National population liable either en masse, which also made the entire decree reflected the to military service or useful labor. the efforts same assumption that the law had the Sonthonax's ofall for the general good, but, in right to direct Saint-Domingue, this meant 70 the Decree of August 29. 1793, cited in Dubois and original text, see the printed-copy in AN, D XXV Garrigus, Slave Revolution, 122; for published what appears to be a draft of the I3. Marcel Dorigny has pared to the printed version: proclamation, with some recently 7T Dubois and Dorigny, dir., Sonthonax, variants comGarrigus, Slave Revolution, 122-3. 196-205. in right to direct Saint-Domingue, this meant 70 the Decree of August 29. 1793, cited in Dubois and original text, see the printed-copy in AN, D XXV Garrigus, Slave Revolution, 122; for published what appears to be a draft of the I3. Marcel Dorigny has pared to the printed version: proclamation, with some recently 7T Dubois and Dorigny, dir., Sonthonax, variants comGarrigus, Slave Revolution, 122-3. 196-205. --- Page 290 --- sous la direction de Marcel Dorigny Ligor-Félicité Sontbomaxe Publication : Société Française 15 rue Catulienne - 93200 d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer wwwsfhom.com St-Denis et de l'Association 17 rue de pour la l'étude de la Colonisation Sorbonne - 75005 Paris Française Paris 2005 FIGURE 8.1. Sonthonax The only known the Liberator. civil commissioners, portrait of Léger-Félicité eer, shows him reproduced on the cover Sonthonax, of the younger of the issued in holding a scroll a book two Louis on containing the devoted to his car29 Saim-Domingne David, this August 1793. emancipation proclamation was painting was Sometimes he preparing to return to the probably made in Paris, attributed to JacquesCommission. No portrait of his colony in 1796 as a perhaps as Sonthonax Source: Musée du colleague Etienne member of the Third Civil with Pantheon National, Polverel has been permission of Marcel Dorigny. Fortau-Princes book found. cover reproduced --- Page 291 --- You Are All Free compelling the tasks the majority of the black in they had done as slaves; in population to continue theory, chosen their addition, the French performing consulted about government, whereas the blacks population had, Sonthonax's Sonthonax's appointment. had never been restoration of hopes of winning black the plantations were acceptance of his plans for the authorities, who continued soon der closely, doubted to follow events disappointed. on the The Spanish duce the effect that "the last other side of the borthat he if proclamation of time and ponder their hopes, the slaves and free Sonthonax will proof interest and the people of color residence to them > Even regulation that take ment his plan, the if the commissioner assigns their place civil war between the Spanish anticipated that it would managed to impleworkers and result in *a advantage of all of the landowners who will new cultivators." 972 In districts benefits, intriguing against and want to take plantations, the effect where the blacks had mistreating the of continued to age the newly freed slaves Sonthonax's proclamation was work on the masters' to seize their often to encourhad intended property as well; the system of freedom and sometimes their well in to set up never functioned. regulated *The labor that Sonthonax ers," accordance with the rules blacks who had one discouraged colonist have ended up doing like behaved "The wrote after the othproclamation of general reaching the United thought was to take liberty turned their heads, and States. all around. 73 In other everything from the plantation, and their only from raiding the food cases, slaves organized to to go pillaging meant rejecting supplies on their own prevent other blacks Negroes I've Sonthonax's emancipation offer. plantations, even if this wrote about mentioned won the "The conduct of the one such incident.4 admiration of the a The black leaders whites," colonist advancesi in June 1793 who had rejected the French As Sonthonax moved were no more receptive to commissioners' Louverture toward granting general Sonthonax's: snew policy. a series of letters stepped up his denunciations of the emancipation, Toussaint the Spanish. The denouncing the French and commissioner, drafting labeled the most frequently cited of these reiterating his loyalty to headquarters "proclamation of Turel" because it documents, sometimes there on the same date was sent from as Sonthonax's Toussaint's 72 J. proclamation, 73 Garcia to J. del Sasso, September 74 Lacoste Unsigned letter from 9, 1793, in Monte y to Duplaa, November Philadelphia, March IS, 1794, in AN, Tejada, D Historia, 4: 93. 22, 1793, in AN, D XXV 80, d. XXV 786. 81, d. 790. clamation of Turel" because it documents, sometimes there on the same date was sent from as Sonthonax's Toussaint's 72 J. proclamation, 73 Garcia to J. del Sasso, September 74 Lacoste Unsigned letter from 9, 1793, in Monte y to Duplaa, November Philadelphia, March IS, 1794, in AN, Tejada, D Historia, 4: 93. 22, 1793, in AN, D XXV 80, d. XXV 786. 81, d. 790. --- Page 292 --- The Road to General Emancipation Louverture. My name is perthe famous lines, "I am Toussaint I want liberty and includes I have undertaken to avenge you. often inter4 haps known to you. St. Domingue," 375 which are to reign throughout the black population at large espousing equality addressed to this occurs preted as a message French Revolution. In reality, passage an effort of the in the principles addressed to a few specific individuals, who want to letter "deceivers only in a lengthy them not to trust the French, side in the to persuade them to come over to Toussaint's of down," and to get lamenting the fate bring you in the colony. In view of a passage Toussaint had ongoing fighting the end stressing how humanely either at them to Ogé and a postscript who had surrendered to him, allowing it seems treated the whites remain in possession of their properties, to the leave the country or to free colored landowners rather than likely that it was addressed to the letter shortly after it was writslaves.6 Sonthonax, who saw that Toussaint had adopted former it as a sign it.77 did not interpret one of his allies to refute ten, certainly instead, he directed other Toussaint letters republican ideas; Turel letter, two of the French In contrast to the enigmatic an emphatic rejection in from the end of August 1793 express one of the free colored officers When Chanlatte, to join the French, and their policies. forces, tried to convince Toussaint that you are the commissioners' indignantly, "It is not possible cruelties that the black general responded [sic) of man, after all the for liberty Or the right his loyalty to the French monarfighting day." He reaffirmed well that there is no you commit every that ewe know perfectly he wrote him on a shameful chy, even though traitors murdered of Sonthonax more king because you republican with a scathing indictment don't speak scaffold," and he concluded commissioners are concerned, time of and Polverel: "As far as the known to me and from the about them, their schemes are their dishonest measures to me in the colony, we have followed [it is] too late, it their arrival their so-called good intentions; those and they have put forth having us pursued and subjecting that at the time when they were it was at the time, I say, was to the greatest cruelties, us to believe in now in of us they captured the offer that they want they should have made us (New York: Prentice Hall, ed., Toussaint L'Owverture 75 Cited in George F. Tyson, d. 1490. I would 1973), 28. Louverture to "Frères et amis," : in AN, AA 53, of this famous docu76 Letter.of" Toussaint for providing me with a photocopy it at the Archives nationales in like to thank David Geggus in carton AA 53 when I consultedi ment, which was not in AN, D XXV 42. 2007. Bramante Lazzary, August 30, 1793, 77 Sonthonax to wverture 75 Cited in George F. Tyson, d. 1490. I would 1973), 28. Louverture to "Frères et amis," : in AN, AA 53, of this famous docu76 Letter.of" Toussaint for providing me with a photocopy it at the Archives nationales in like to thank David Geggus in carton AA 53 when I consultedi ment, which was not in AN, D XXV 42. 2007. Bramante Lazzary, August 30, 1793, 77 Sonthonax to --- Page 293 --- You Are All Free order to fool us.' 378 Toussaint's the envoys Chanlatte had arguments were SO persuasive that when sent to deliver his letter returned they set off a mutiny among their comrades.79 to their camp, Equally unequivocal was a long letter that same day and explicitly designated, unlike Toussaint signed on the statement of his principles, the Turel letter, as a public sentiments, or, as he put it, a document "to my plans, and demonstrate to these expose my the spirits cannot be favorable to them." republican tyrants, that republicans! You try to convince Toussaint began, "Perfidious us that us liberty, in the midst of a free justice and the Republic assure equality. Did the Republic need people among whom reigns a perfect lish itself," to shed SO much innocent blood to Sounding like the white colonists estabToussaint demanded to know, "how far denouncing the insurgents, tyrannical powers after are you going to extend your having ordered waste to our lands, burn our houses, your infamous supporters to lay our parents?" The commissioners, slaughter our women, our children, the state of affairs in Toussaint charged, were lying about forces had Europe: rather than being defeated, the occupied Languedoc and Spanish ted a great crime by Gascony. The French had commitexecuting their could you bring against his sacred king: "what proof of criminality like the worst of villains? Did person, in order to put him to death XVI had been "the unshakable your powers extend to that point?" Louis pillar of the trampled under foot, impious as church, which you have Spanish, who had given them the you are." The blacks owed loyalty to the had us pursued like means to defend themselves "when ferocious beasts.' 99 "You try to make you Liberty is a benefit that we will if us believe that Toussaint concluded, "but enjoy we submit ourselves to as long as God us order," means, we will acquire another gives the force and the tyrants pretend to impose on us." >80 Liberty, different from that which you Despite the strong language of this declaration Chanlatte, Toussaint was not and of his letter to tives that Sonthonax's entirely indifferent to the new move toward general perspecOn August 30, 1793, just three days after he emancipation opened up. signed his declaration of 78 "Toussaint Louverture, general of the king's criminal, traitor and liar," army, to Monsieur Chanlatte the 79 Dufresne, "Expedition de Chanlatte August 27, 1793, in AN, CC9 A 8. younger, Septre 1793," in F contre Toussaint L'ouverture à La 8o Letter signed CAOM, 3 198 (Moreau de Saint-Méry Marmelade en "Toussaint papers). nos Chefs et tous nos soldats L'Ouverture, royalistes," Général des armées du Roy, approuvé par tous 1793" ), in AN, AA 55, d. ISII. August 27, 1793 (dated at beginning "8 Aug. in AN, CC9 A 8. younger, Septre 1793," in F contre Toussaint L'ouverture à La 8o Letter signed CAOM, 3 198 (Moreau de Saint-Méry Marmelade en "Toussaint papers). nos Chefs et tous nos soldats L'Ouverture, royalistes," Général des armées du Roy, approuvé par tous 1793" ), in AN, AA 55, d. ISII. August 27, 1793 (dated at beginning "8 Aug. --- Page 294 --- The Road to General Emancipation unnamed <brothers and friends" - a stansentiments, he wrote to some that the French republicans - telling them "your dard salutation among he may well have letter makes me think" and suggesting a meeting; As the Sonthonax's proclamation of August 29, 1793." been reacting to of using phrases such as "liberty and Turel letter shows, he was capable entertained Even if Toussaint privately equality" for his own purposes. as he would do in the of switching to the French side, the possibility the summer of 1793 he remained loyal to the spring of 1794, throughout the former slaves by Sonthonax's Spanish. The restrictions imposed on ralliement: when he came to power, decree were not an obstacle to his 82 Even after more than he would establish virtually identical regulations." He was Louverture's motives remain an enigma. 200 years, Toussaint himself to the French at a time certainly concerned about committing remained doubtful, when their chances of winning the war in Europe rivalry with also concerned about his position in the ongoing and he was which was in a heated phase at the end of Jean-François and Biassou, is that his letters caused Sonthonax real August 1793.3 What is certain Bramante Lazzary, to write concern; he directed a black spokesman, setting out arguments for several letters of his own refuting Toussaint, Lazzary to use.4 and unsuccessful as it was in perLimited as it was in many respects, in the North Province to change suading the leaders of the insurrection nevertheless a milesides, Sonthonax's decree of August 29, 1793 was In contrast to the era's debates about slavery. stone in the revolutionary Sonthonax's edict broke out of decrees of June 2I and July II, 1793, service. Unlike framework that had linked emancipation to military the cited the Declaration of the Rights of the earlier decrees, it explicitly between the rights of Man and insisted that there could be no difference Polverel eventually citizens in the colonies and those of the metropole. circumstances in allowed himself to be persuaded, although, obliged by of plantation Province to pay more attention to the concerns the West were free men of color, he first owners, most of whom in that region their slaves voluntarily.*5 made efforts to try to persuade them to free urban slaves and Polverel also worried about the consequences of freeing letter of August 30, 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. ISII. 81 Toussaint Louverture, 8z Fick,Making ofHaiti, 207-8. del September IS, 1793, in Monte y Tejada, Historia, 83 Matias de Armona to Sasso, 4:96-7. AN, D XXV 42, letter of August 30, 1793. 84 Sonthonax to Lazzary, 3; Stein, "Abolition of Slavery," 5I. consequences of freeing letter of August 30, 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. ISII. 81 Toussaint Louverture, 8z Fick,Making ofHaiti, 207-8. del September IS, 1793, in Monte y Tejada, Historia, 83 Matias de Armona to Sasso, 4:96-7. AN, D XXV 42, letter of August 30, 1793. 84 Sonthonax to Lazzary, 3; Stein, "Abolition of Slavery," 5I. --- Page 295 --- You Are All Free domestic servants who resources. 86 might find themselves Nevertheless, he unemployed and action, general emancipation recognized that, in the wake of without league, Delpech, could not be avoided, When Sonthonax's the Convention expressed doubts that the their third colfirmly extended SO far, it was Polverel powers granted to them by edly died, rebuking him. At the end of who took the lead in Polverel wrote to September, when Delpech decent man and a good Sonthonax, "I am sorry, unexpectto take citizen, but he died a month because he was a announced responsibility for the South too late."87 Forced the extension of his Province as well as the October 31, 1793, he own earlier edicts West, Polverel in both promulgated the Declaration there, and then, on provinces, officially of the Rights of throughout the completing the Man colony. 88 process of abolishing slavery Although Polverel's various practical problems involved in decrees show a greater awareness decree of August implementing of the Sonthonax's 29, 1793 was decisive in emancipation, Sonthonax's version of one vital to France, general emancipation that respect: it was resulting in the National was 1794. On September Convention's decree communicated proclamation 9, 1793, he of 4, to Paris, dispatched fifty February his circumstances, along with a. letter printed copies of his circumstances "The only course of action outlining the desperation of achieved was to give a great to take in such difficult this goalby example of justice, 99 he I expect proclaiming the rights of wrote, "I have great results from this man in the North future events may measure, and in Province. the bring, I will have the any event, whatever advantage of consolation of In order to deliver humanity a catastrophe having turned to this ofwhich I was not tion of six message to the cause. 89 men - two France, Sonthonax represent the North blacks, two free men of color, and arranged the elechostile white Province in the National two whites - to eral days before colonist, the names of the future Convention. According to a the electoral deputies were known 1793.90 They included the free assembly, which met on sevmanded the defenders black officer, J.-B. September 23-24, had done of the Government Belley, who had commuch to provoke the quarrel House, and Louis Dufay, who between the 86 Polverel, commissioners and declaration of Polverel to Deipech, September September IO, 1791, in AN, D XXV 88 1793, both in AN, D XXv 12, d. 19, 1793, and Polverel to 39, n. 397. Stein, II4. "Abolition," 54 ; declaration of Sonthonax, September 30, 90 Sonthonax Laplace, Histoire to Convention, September 9, October 31, 1793, in AN, D XXV des desastres de Satn-Domingee, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53. 39, n. 397. 363. both in AN, D XXv 12, d. 19, 1793, and Polverel to 39, n. 397. Stein, II4. "Abolition," 54 ; declaration of Sonthonax, September 30, 90 Sonthonax Laplace, Histoire to Convention, September 9, October 31, 1793, in AN, D XXV des desastres de Satn-Domingee, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53. 39, n. 397. 363. --- Page 296 --- The Road to General Emancipation was one of the free colored Dufay's white colleague, Garnot, stop in the United Galbaud; brothers-in-law". After a perilous Jean-Baptiste Mills leader Castaing's and a free man of color named reach France, and States, Belley, Dufay, first members of the delegation to by would become the decree of August 29, 1793 presented decree; of Sonthonax's own abolition the justification would lead directly to the Convention's in the debate. Dufay were not even mentioned set Polverel's measures and Polverel's emancipation proclamations not enough to While Sonthonax's in motion, they were The of legal emancipation situation in the colony. the process deterioration of the French military British forces landed in halt the brought further disasters: south and at Môle Saint month of September of Jérémie in the where the white colonists' stronghold corner of the island, naval bastion at the northwest between the Nicolas, the welcomed them. The much-feared alliance now a fact: by the the garrison and France's most powerful enemy was of the agreement white colonists Sonthonax had obtained a copy white colonists beginning of October, between representatives of the the made in February 1793 the latter promised to protect in which in France.9 and the British government, the restoration of a monarchy deterioration slaveholders' rights pending were in despair at the rapid warehouse supporters The commissioners' the administrator ofthe government hold out much ofthe situation. Pouzols, consider it impossible for us to and we in Le Cap, wrote that "I surround us . famine threatens us, sent longer against the woes that this evil."s4 Of the 6,966 men originally Province in have no weapon to oppose under his command in the North had died. The with the units remaining reported to Sonthonax, 3.939 of Le early September, Laveaux in the wake of the destruction ration of survivors lacked almost everything: food other than daily receiving any their whole Cap, they were no longer bread. In the fire, "many soldiers lost in their and a half of are barefoot and stay a pound ofit, today most of them shoes." s Until June 20, kit, others a part able to go out because they lack soldiers some of their quarters, not being to pay the common Laveaux Galbaud had managed since early May.25 1793, the officers had received nothing to his wife, I lost wages, but better off than his men; as he wrote himself was no 95 ; AN, D I S 39, d. 283. Par Dufey {sic), député de 91 Stein, Sonthonax, rendu SUT la situation actuelle de Saint-Domingue. An II). 92 Compte du nord. 16 plu. II (Paris: Imprimerie October 2, nationale, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53la partie to National Convention, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53. 93 Sonthonax 15, 1793, D XXV 19, d. 188. 94 Pouzols to Sonthonax, September September IO, 1793, in AN, 95 Laveaux to Sonthonax, SUT la situation actuelle de Saint-Domingue. An II). 92 Compte du nord. 16 plu. II (Paris: Imprimerie October 2, nationale, 1793, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53la partie to National Convention, in AN, D XXV 5, d. 53. 93 Sonthonax 15, 1793, D XXV 19, d. 188. 94 Pouzols to Sonthonax, September September IO, 1793, in AN, 95 Laveaux to Sonthonax, --- Page 297 --- You Are All Free almost everything ten shirts, Ihad to the fire and the some trousers and two looting; all that remained Laveaux was handkerchiefs." P96 was these willing to continue the difficulties, but for most of the struggle, even in the face of officials, the succession of remaining white civil and all French officers, disasters was too much to military realizing that they had little cope with. Some overwhelmingly them of blacks, took future in an army resign their posts.97 advantage of composed after the Wante, appointed as Sonthonax's offer to let lenges resignation of Masse in ordonnateur in Le facing him. By early July, was overwhelmed Cap tion needed at least September, he concluded that by the chaland bills due for vital 4,100,000 livres to cover back the administraemancipation supplies, Sonthonax's wages to its employces breakdown might have been well proclamation of general in order that had intentioned, Wante sible. "Surrounded followed it had made his wrote, but the take the last of the by brigands who burn the plain, own job imposfrankly and means on which I based ravage the hills, who without disguise, but my hopes, I have to October I cannot be with profound tell you me stay in office responsible for things, and that bitterness, that after I a few weeks' beyond that date. P98 Wante nothing will make notice of his at least gave appointed to replace Galbaud departure; General Lasalle, who Sonthonax after June 20, as overall had been letter 1793 and who had commander of the armed forces praising his decree of initially written Sonthonax a beginning of October, fgeneralemancipation, wrote to Laveaux fawning freedom to all the denouncing "Sonthonax's atthe to protect and slaves, in spite of the oath he took dishonesty in granting and fled to the respect United people's property. 9> Lasalle then when he arrived . - missioners' "almost States, leaving behind a deserted his post Privately, dictatorial powers." "99 denunciation of the comBritish had Sonthonax was aware of an even begun to circulate the more serious officially recalled by the news that he and calamity: the of any official French National Convention. Polverel had been of a report communication from France, In the absence his mission. coming from an enemy source and Sonthonax was suspicious "Could we believe, after decided to keep on with all, that we were 96 Laveaux to being treated as 97 Letter of wife, August I, 1793, in AN, D 98 Wante to Berger, July 24, 1793, in AN, D XXV XXV 80, d. 786. 99 Lasalle, letter Sonthonax, to Septemiber II and I3, 80, d. 786. October 8, 1793, Laveaux, in AN, D September 29, 1793, 1793, in AN, in. AN, D XXV 23, d. 236. proclamation, see his letter XXV 19, d. 187; for Lasalle's CC9. A 8, and to Sonthonax, August carlier praise proclamation of of 30, 1793, in the same dossier. Sonthonax's , letter Sonthonax, to Septemiber II and I3, 80, d. 786. October 8, 1793, Laveaux, in AN, D September 29, 1793, 1793, in AN, in. AN, D XXV 23, d. 236. proclamation, see his letter XXV 19, d. 187; for Lasalle's CC9. A 8, and to Sonthonax, August carlier praise proclamation of of 30, 1793, in the same dossier. Sonthonax's --- Page 298 --- 1s The Road to General Emancipation the of the National blindly devoted to principles we public enemies, we who, danger to establish them in America, Convention, had braved every by Galbaud, the friend death had been ordered, with a reward, after his return whose he wrote to the Convention circulate and envoy of Dumouriez" The news had already begun to howto France in July 1794:10 the United States in early September, among the French exiles in Polverel had received an émigré newspaper ever, and by early November, In Saint-Marc, the local newspaper containing details of the measure. together with an announcepublished the decree on November 16, 1793, dominated by conservative that three of the parishes in that region, authoriment had decided to reject the commissioners' of the Cap free colored planters, taken a month before reports action, whether ty." IOI The Convention's raised a serious question about Français disaster reached Paris, of the decrees the commissionwould uphold any that they had the French government above all the measures against slavery which ers had issued, and his colleague. In the letter in taken. Polverel was as undeterred as of the recall decree, he Sonthonax that he had received a copy decree of October he told included the text of! his own general emancipation I am not below the also saying "at least you will see from it still that had a sense of humor 31, 1793, > and he showed that he of level of your principles," with the ironic title Critical Examination by composing a pamphlet and of the Gospel according to Saint-Marc, the the Prophecies ofJérémie, and Sonthonax, in which he refuted the Tio Antichrists Polverel and the free men on from the whites in the South Province however, attacks coming Both he and Sonthonax understood, a of color of Saint-Marc." their enemies in Saint-Domingue that the Convention's action gave powerful new weapon against them. with the Spanish and British occuUnder these circumstances, and Sonthonax had little hope of actumost of the North Province, plan; all he could pying implementing his carefully crafted emancipation At the beginning of ally defend a few remaining strongholds. try to do was Français for the small city of Port-de-Paix, October, he abandoned Cap thermidor II (July 28, 1794), in AN, D XXV 100 Sonthonax to National Convention, IO Courier de 13, document hors chemise. November 4, 1793, in AN, D XXV For 12, Sonthonax's d. I16; account 101 Polverel to Sonthonax, 16, 1793, in AN, D XXV II3, d. 893. landowners in Saint-Marc, see S.-Marc, November leading up to the revolt ofthe free colored ofthe events December 9, 1793, in AN, D XXV 44. selon Saint-Marc. Sur les his letter to Polverel, des prophéties de Jérémie, et de l'évangile Dec. in AN, D XXV Examen critique Polverel et Sonthonax (Aux Cayes, 1793), deux anthéchrists, I13, d. 896. XXV II3, d. 893. landowners in Saint-Marc, see S.-Marc, November leading up to the revolt ofthe free colored ofthe events December 9, 1793, in AN, D XXV 44. selon Saint-Marc. Sur les his letter to Polverel, des prophéties de Jérémie, et de l'évangile Dec. in AN, D XXV Examen critique Polverel et Sonthonax (Aux Cayes, 1793), deux anthéchrists, I13, d. 896. --- Page 299 --- You Are All Free from which he hoped to launch an occupied fortress at Môle Saint-Nicolas. expedition against the Britishfew remaining French Left behind to command the troops in Le Cap, the Laveaux nearly succumbed to normally resolute General and free men of color panic, warning Sonthonax that the blacks as the commissioner were plotting to oust him from his post as soon had gone and to massacre the troops. He feared the "hatred that the remaining white for the whites," even those who had Africans have in their hearts fears were not irrational: in March espoused their cause,104 Laveaux's Jean-Louis Villatte 1796, the free colored commander the North would in fact arrest him and try to seize Province. IOS Although Sonthonax tried power in nerves, he was well aware that his to steady Laveaux's departure city to the black insurgents. As he might mean the loss of the departure, he had not succeeded confessed to Polverel shortly after his principles in the black in implanting any real loyalty to French understood population. "The idea of a king is It by the most stupid of simple. can be of them cannot conceive of the Africans; even the most sophisticated idea of a republic The principles are SO foreign to them that several times in Convention's posed to make me king in the name ofthe Le Cap they proBiassou. One cannot therefore be Republic to end the war with to come over to us and if our soldiers surprised if the brigands do not desert on the bers to join the rebels,' > he wrote. I06 contrary leave in large numThe months following Sonthonax's difficult ones for the embattled departure from Cap Français were supporters. Arriving in commissioners and their small number of Sonthonax had Saint-Marc on the west coast in to combat the claim, asserted early November, he defected, that the Convention by General Lasalle when ish slavery. "I declare that I will had never given him the power to abolcivil defend to the death the rights and the independence of those of mixed blood, of the descendants of Africans, 2 he insisted, Africans and the in a mortar, I will never lower "and, even if I should be ground August [1793]. "I07 By the middle myselfto of the renounce my proclamation of29 month, Sonthonax had Port-au-Prince, now renamed reached tions to the reassembled Port-Républicain, where he issued instrucis going to be born, the Interim Commission: "A new order of things African people will regain its rank among the Io3 Sonthonax to Polverel, October 104 Laveaux to Sonthonax, October 27, 1793, in AN, D XXV 44, d. 420. IOS Dubois, Avengers, 200-I; 4, 1793, in AN, CC9. A 8. 106 Sonthonax to Polverel, October Ardouin, Etudes, 3: 28-33. 107 Sonthonax, proclamation of November 27, 1793, in AN, D XXV 44, d. 420. S, 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. ISI2. Laveaux to Sonthonax, October 27, 1793, in AN, D XXV 44, d. 420. IOS Dubois, Avengers, 200-I; 4, 1793, in AN, CC9. A 8. 106 Sonthonax to Polverel, October Ardouin, Etudes, 3: 28-33. 107 Sonthonax, proclamation of November 27, 1793, in AN, D XXV 44, d. 420. S, 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. ISI2. --- Page 300 --- The Road to General Emancipation nations of the world, and on free men; it is the Interim soon the sun of the Antilles will shine as Commission's only possible in reconciling the duty to contribute as much in the hearts of the former masters with freedom and in laws "108 At the slaves a love of work and a inculcating same time, respect for the more and more territory in the however, Laveaux was having to abandon adopt scorched-earth north, and Sonthonax instructed him Cut off from Le Cap and tactics, burning crops and houses as he to bread and from Sonthonax, retreated, were reduced to eating the Laveaux and his men had no the blacks' diet. The general shared same yams and fruits that formed them with patriotic rhetoric. "At his men's meager rations and rallied ourselves in," he told them, "a a moment as critical as the one we find privation. For myself, I declare true citizen has to know how to may become, I will never that, no matter how bad our situation accept Somehow, Laveaux surrender to the enemies of the "109 From his managed to keep his army Republic. own location in the South, intact. perate, Polverel wrote to Sonthonax where conditions were less desknow "how are you in exasperation, going to get the demanding to can only offer them heaps of cultivators back to work, when expenses without ashes, and three or four years of you revenue, and if you labor and are you going to keep them from don't get them back to work, how begun or returned to that habitz"no engaging in brigandage, once they have "Perish the A furious plantations a thousand times rather Sonthonax shot back, again by slaves!"m Polverel faced than see them cultivated things, the black his own difficulties: among heroes of the attack military leader Jean Kina, who had other on the black been one of the supervised a year earlier, was insurgents at Platons that Polverel their white allies and now fighting on the side of the British and had "Ithe writing letters telling the commissioners] are fooling "unhappy slaves" that it is only an illusion; it is by you with the promise of freedom when you will become free."uz fulfilling your duties to your masters that plan to motivate the former Although Polverel was confident that his tions' profits would slaves by giving them shares in their own succeed, in fact the blacks resisted plantait, preferring to Sonthonax, "Au nom de la République Républicain: J.-B. française. 1e9 Guadet, Michel, 1793), in AN, D XXV Commission d. intermédiaire," (PortIIO Polverel to "Rapport fait au comité des colonies," 9 in 64, AN, D 640. r2z Sonthonax Sonthonax, to December I, 1793, in AN, D XVI3. II2 Jean Kina, Polverel, December 9, 1793, in XXV 12, d. II6. letter ofj fJanuary 18, 1794, in AN, D XXV 44, d. 420. fighting in January 1793, see Crensac to AN, D. XXV 20, d. 203. On Kina's AN, D XXV 20, d. 206. Sonthonax and Polverel, January role in the 19, 1793, in D XVI3. II2 Jean Kina, Polverel, December 9, 1793, in XXV 12, d. II6. letter ofj fJanuary 18, 1794, in AN, D XXV 44, d. 420. fighting in January 1793, see Crensac to AN, D. XXV 20, d. 203. On Kina's AN, D XXV 20, d. 206. Sonthonax and Polverel, January role in the 19, 1793, in --- Page 301 --- You Are All Free have more time to work for their income. II3 Undaunted by the own benefit even ifit selfto drawing blacks' brought them less finally up an even longer set indifference, of Polverel devoted himissued at the end of plantation tion to detail in this February 1794. Perhaps regulations, the which he tion of his situation."4 document was his way of maniacal attencoping with the Unlike frustraPolverel, who had tor of the South established his in Province, Sonthonax remained headquarters in a quiet secFor-Républicain, threatened in a tions and support by the British. The precarious position General from France exasperated absence of instrucLaveaux asking whether the him, as did a letter from commissioners was rumor of a decree ron appeared in accurate, IIS In early recalling the two the harbor, and January 1794, a an offer Sonthonax its commander urged him British squadPolverel, from whom indignantly rejected. II6 In to surrender, ing that he had had no word for early March, he wrote to "France e is deaf to the cries of several months, population); a people complainoccupied with its worthy ofit nies, and we, victims of glory in Europe, it has (the black of means to this neglect, are written offits colohis former support our enterprises." 92 The exposed to dishonor, for lack allies, also behavior of the of positions surrendered angered him. In his letter, he anciens libres, In to the enemy by free ticked off a long list mid-March, a fight between colored in white and free commanders.7 tion Fort-Républicain in the led to a massacre of the colored military units from the city and the flight of the sailors remaining white populaBritish. In early who had a desperate plea for April, Sonthonax sent the protected the city aid, him still-silent Français to the West Province reminding how he had come Polverel This letter finally to rescue his colleague in from Cap after more than spurred Polverel to action; by the March 1993.118 Port-Républicain.s eight months, the two men had beginning of May, joined forces In the short again in resolve the run, the reunion of the two far short of problems they were facing. commissioners failed to raising the ( 400,000 soldiers Sonthonax and Polverel had fallen with one Z13 Fick, Making whistle" they had II4 of Haiti, 168-70. XIS "Réglement de police sur la culture et les DXXV Sonthonax to Genet, November 12, 1793, cultivateurs," 5 in AN, D XXV II6 44, d. 420. and to Polverel, 39, n. 397. Sonthonax to December 23, Z17 Sonthonax Polverel, January I2, 1793, in AN, to Polverel, March 5, 1794, in in AN, D XXV 44, d. 119 Polverel, Sonthonax to Polverel, March 21 1794, and AN, D XXV 44, d. 420. 420. register of fcorrespondence in April AN, D 7, 1794, in AN, D XXV, d.. 420. XXV 39, d. 397. ax to December 23, Z17 Sonthonax Polverel, January I2, 1793, in AN, to Polverel, March 5, 1794, in in AN, D XXV 44, d. 119 Polverel, Sonthonax to Polverel, March 21 1794, and AN, D XXV 44, d. 420. 420. register of fcorrespondence in April AN, D 7, 1794, in AN, D XXV, d.. 420. XXV 39, d. 397. --- Page 302 --- The Road to General Emancipation boasted that they could produce, and neither of their emancipation plans workforce they had sought to create. generated the disciplined plantation in the face of one setback after Nevertheless, their stubborn persistence and in the months of 1794 did another throughout the end of 1793 early under have one vital result: they kept at least a part of Saint-Domingue long enough for circumstances to change. "One canFrench sovereignty of the civil commissioners has not deny that the extraordinary courage for the Republic," the French preserved the island of Saint-Domingue diplomatic officials in the United States wrote to Paris in May 1794.110 by Sonthonax and Polverel The courage and determination displayed as it did owed as much or more to their devotion to the French Republic determination to free the slaves. As patriotic Frenchmen, they to their French control over Saint-Domingue, were committed to maintaining time before asserting their and as loyal Jacobins, they hesitated a long required legalchanges that emancipation authority to makethesweeping but that the Convention had not approved. The two men unquestionshared common European prejudices about the backwardness ably the tone of their proclamations often of the blacks, as patronizing Polverel had arrived in the colony imbued with revealed. Sonthonax and conviction that the abolition of slavery needed the French abolitionists' controlled fashion, and they retained to be carried out in a carefully driven to take steps the metthat belief even as they found themselves their actions reformers had never imagined. All the same, ropolitan the seriousness of the French antislavery movement they repvindicate themselves in a situation in which gradualist plans resented. Finding unworkable, forced to fight against seemingly for emancipation proved the Convention and often at odds overwhelming odds, disavowed by decided that their mission was with each other, they might easily have that when the National impossible. It was thanks to their determination there reversed itself and voted to abolish slavery, Convention finally where the law could be was still a French foothold in Saint-Domingue with which Toussaint proclaimed and a French government and army Louverture could ally himself. courThe survival of the commissioners owed much to their personal enemies also proved less dangerous than they had at first age, but their themselves had been conscious that their policy appeared. The Spanish the blacks and to their former oftrying to appeal simultaneously to both in J. Turner, ed., Seventh Report of the Historical 120 Report of I5 prair. II, Frederick of the French Ministers to the United Manuscripts Commission. Correspondence DC: Government Printing Office, 1904), 366. - States, 1791-1797 (Washington, ally himself. courThe survival of the commissioners owed much to their personal enemies also proved less dangerous than they had at first age, but their themselves had been conscious that their policy appeared. The Spanish the blacks and to their former oftrying to appeal simultaneously to both in J. Turner, ed., Seventh Report of the Historical 120 Report of I5 prair. II, Frederick of the French Ministers to the United Manuscripts Commission. Correspondence DC: Government Printing Office, 1904), 366. - States, 1791-1797 (Washington, --- Page 303 --- You Are All Free white owners risked alienating both groups. 12I The rival Jean-François, Biassou, and Toussaint Louverture black generals working together to wage an effective proved incapable of black population eventually realized campaign, and the mass of the granting them freedom. The that the Spanish had no intention of at Môle suffered as much from British troops sent ashore in the south and there were only disease as the French had; by 900 red-coated soldiers fit for April 1794, eral thousand French colonists. service, supported by sevsome success in winning Initially, the British and Spanish had many of whose members support among the free population of color, blacks, but it soon became resented clear the increased status of the newly freed that neither of the prepared to guarantee true equality between foreign occupiers was Left in command of Le Cap when that group and the whites. Port-au-Paix, the free colored Laveaux moved his headquarters to the fight against Galbaud in general Villatte, who had participated in insurgents and the Spanish. 1,122 June 1793, successfully fended off the black Finally, at the end of April or the not entirely clear - Toussaint beginning of May - the details are in scuttling the commissioners' Louverture, who had played a major role June 20, 1793 crisis, decided hopes of winning black support after the himself under the to throw in his lot with the French and had command of the same General put SO enraged him in January Laveaux whose attack Toussaint had learned of the 1793.123 Although it is unclear whether before he switched French Convention's to the French side, his action emancipation decree the balance of power in the colony and the nevertheless changed implement their policy. At the gave republicans a chance to Polverel received a copy of the beginning letter in of June 1794, Sonthonax and Laveaux of his change of heart and which Toussaint had informed by the enemies of the explained how he had been "misled missioners Republic and of the human race."124 The responded with great relief. "You comjoy we have received such cannot imagine with what Louverture has happy news Since the brave Toussaint the Africans in the finally seen his mistake, we have the hope of North imitate his secing all generous repentance, and coming X2I Joaquin Garcia, letter of 122 Geggus, "Volte-Face," in July 13, 1793, in Monte y Tejada, Historia, 4: 123 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 62-3. 124 Toussaint "Volte-Face," in Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 130-4. Louverture Louverture, à travers letter of May 18, 1794, in Gérard I2I-3. sa correspondance Laurent, Toussaint Espana, 1953), IO3. (1794-1798) (Madrid: Industrias Graficas "Volte-Face," in July 13, 1793, in Monte y Tejada, Historia, 4: 123 Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 62-3. 124 Toussaint "Volte-Face," in Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 130-4. Louverture Louverture, à travers letter of May 18, 1794, in Gérard I2I-3. sa correspondance Laurent, Toussaint Espana, 1953), IO3. (1794-1798) (Madrid: Industrias Graficas --- Page 304 --- The Road to General Emancipation defend their freedom by fighting for France. As long as that freedom to could be excused and in fact even praised had not been proclaimed, you we ourthe blood of your tyrants in order to conquer it; for shedding and we were selves regretted having to give orders to march against you forced to obey those which we had received," they wrote.' 125 Louverture's about-face was vindicating the comEven as Toussaint their mission was coming to an abrupt end; missioners' efforts, however, whose resistance they did not have the time to meet the black general frustrated them for SO long but whose efforts would ultimately guarhad their of 126 On June 4, 1794, the antee the success of policy emancipation.' and forced British drove Sonthonax and Polverel out of Port-Républicain flee south to There, on June 8, 1794, the Espérance, them to Jacmel.:7 Saint-Domingue since the events of the first ship from France to reach official arrived. Its captain had been sent to deliver two June 20, 1793, Convention's decree of 16 pluviôse documents: the text of the National and the slaves in the French colonies, II (February 4, 1794) emancipating the arrest of the two men whose the decree of July 16, 1793, ordering the Committee of Public actions had led to the abolition decree, which refused to cancel even after the vote for emancipaSafety had explicitly for tion.8 Fearing that the commissioners, used to acting independently Chambon conspired with the town's SO long, might try to resist, Captain for a After commander to lure them on board his ship banquet. military colonist who claimed to the meal, according to an account by a white cabin "the had them enter the council have talked to witnesses, captain showed them the order to return to with General Beauvais, where he then that the ferocious France to give an account of their conduct. It was showed himself as cowardly as he was cruel; an aide-de-camp Sonthonax that when were shown this order, he of General Beauvais told me they character and seemed cried like a baby. Polverel, in contrast, showed his friend! You resigned. He said these words to his colleague: What, my and the in the North Province : you lack courage, who braved dangers desire. We have nothing on our consciences to you fear what you should June 1794, in AN, D XXV 23, 125 Sonthonax and Polverel to Toussaint Louverture, d. 232. Louverture when he returned to Saint-Domingue as 126 Sonthonax would meet Toussaint Commission in 1796-97, but the two men would become a member ofthe Third Civil bitter enemies. Stein, Sonthonax, 158-71. 127 Stein, Sonthonax, 1O2. 128 Stein, Sonthonax, IXI. nothing on our consciences to you fear what you should June 1794, in AN, D XXV 23, 125 Sonthonax and Polverel to Toussaint Louverture, d. 232. Louverture when he returned to Saint-Domingue as 126 Sonthonax would meet Toussaint Commission in 1796-97, but the two men would become a member ofthe Third Civil bitter enemies. Stein, Sonthonax, 158-71. 127 Stein, Sonthonax, 1O2. 128 Stein, Sonthonax, IXI. --- Page 305 --- You Are All Free before the nation without having ourselves for, we can appear but they do not want reproach wanted the good of the colony, anything to fear, we which us the time we need." collect their papers, to give the chance to go ashore and the Denied even France along with commissioners, under seal and sent to General Laveaux that he were put Polverel had just time to notify had endorsed Sonthonax and and that the Convention in charge of the colony, events would take, was now Uncertain of the course have the abolition of slavery. ally to "hold out until you Sonthonax closed by urging his loyal follow the course that prudence will last cartridge and then of Rochefort just as burned your arrived in the port in revdictate." The commissioners overthrown in Paris: the two experiments the two Robespierre was being SO dramatically on government that had developed Rather than being olutionary the ocean came to an end simultaneously. and Polverel were sides of liberty to the slaves, Sonthonax the capital. In the hailed for bringing dispatched to and immediately little attention. treated as suspects thermidor, their return attracted execution but confusion following a week after Robespierre's released from prison into the responThey were the results of a parliamentary inquiry during ordered to await that had occurred in Saint-Domingue set up to sibility for the "disasters" before a commission was mission. It would be six months six months before it reached their on the subject and another had time to learn take testimony Sonthonax and Polverel its verdict. In the meantime, of the destruction of Cap Français story of how the news slaves had reached the wider the strange of freedom to the colony's French policy, even and the granting had become official disavowed by world, and how emancipation in the Americas had been though its strongest supporters the Convention. à la Havanne et *Manuscrit d'un Voyage de France à Saint-Domingue, de la personne, qui écrit, avec 129 Anon., d'Amérique. Contenant le séjour de St. Un rapport des aux Unis états [sic] de toutes les cultures Domingue. 1789, jusqu'en 1804. une Description générale, de ce pays, qui ont eu lieu, depuis en deux parties." (1816) Evénemens, de la révolution & autres détails, divisés Diverses observations Library, politiques, Codex Fr. 20, 2:50. John Carter Brown June 8, 1794, in AN, CC9 A 8. 130 Sonthonax to Laveaux, --- Page 306 --- " Saint-Domingue in the United States Throughout the long months their supporters were when Sonthonax, Polverel, control, another fighting to keep Laveaux, and the United States. struggle over the future Saine-Domingue of the under French York, the white In Baltimore, Philadelphia, colony took place in 20, 1793 reconstituted refugees who fled the island after Charleston, and New Cap the factions that had the journée of June Français and confronted each toes, and denounced Port-au-Prince. Saint-Domingue in the United States Throughout the long months their supporters were when Sonthonax, Polverel, control, another fighting to keep Laveaux, and the United States. struggle over the future Saine-Domingue of the under French York, the white In Baltimore, Philadelphia, colony took place in 20, 1793 reconstituted refugees who fled the island after Charleston, and New Cap the factions that had the journée of June Français and confronted each toes, and denounced Port-au-Prince. They formed other in had played such each other in the clubs, issued manifesand General a large role in the events press. of The rebellious sailors who sioners with Galbaud, having defied the June 20 continued to agitate, with such tragic results, now authority of the civil another French played the leading commispunctuated by official, the diplomat Edmond role in a clash Domingue moments of farce. The Genet, in a drama refugee confronted the young quarreling colonists from crisis. In a pattern that American republic with its first Saintward, the citizens of the United would repeat itself many times foreign outpouring of sympathy States and their leaders afterbringing subversive mixed with fears that the reacted with an about the impact foreign ideas with them. In new arrivals were that particular, there slavery in the United emancipated "French was fear pered the enthusiasm States. The refugees' lurid Negroes" might have on states to pass laws for for abolition that had led tales of violence temthe gradual extinction of most of the northern slavery in the 1780s." On the impact of the Childs, French Refugee Saiac-Domingue Life in the refugees in the United University Press, 1940), Gordon S. United States, 1790-1800 States, see Frances Sergeant Brown Tonssaint's Clause: (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Founding Fathers and --- Page 307 --- You Are All Free refugees also strongly influenced reactions to The Saint-Domingue France. For the overwhelming majority of the Cap Français disaster in the final proof that talk of the refugees, the journée of June 20, 1793 was Unable of African descent was a recipe for catastrophe. rights for people and fall of1793, the refugees flooded to reach France during the summer the blacks and the civil commisthe metropole with letters denouncing who had "opened up sioners Sonthonax and Polverel, the "monsters" humans up to now," mine of crimes and atrocities unknown among a minister Genet was one of as one of them wrote." The much-maligned Infuriating the whites who embraced the idea of emancipation. the few the first French official outside of Saintwhite colonists, he became Sonthonax and Polverel had taken. Domingue to endorse the measures the arrival in France Genet's intervention was decisive in expediting Convention chosen in delegation of deputies to the of the "tri-color" Without Genet's assistance, they Saint-Domingue in September 1793. where their arrival turned might never have made it across the Atlantic, and led the French assembly the tide against the white colonists' lobby The historic decree of 16 pluviôse An II abolishing slavery. to pass its refugee crisis in the United States acute phase of the Saint-Domingue of the survivors of the was short-lived: by the spring of 1794, many and the others of June 20, 1793 were on their way to France, journée American life. Nevertheless, the episode were slowly integrating into of that event would was crucial in determining what the consequences connected events in crisis also demonstrated how closely be. The refugee America and in Europe were in the age of the the Caribbean, in North <Atlantic revolutions." 32 aboard the ships in the Cap Français The refugees who scrambled of them with only the clothes harbor between June 21-23, 1793, many them. many and the others of June 20, 1793 were on their way to France, journée American life. Nevertheless, the episode were slowly integrating into of that event would was crucial in determining what the consequences connected events in crisis also demonstrated how closely be. The refugee America and in Europe were in the age of the the Caribbean, in North <Atlantic revolutions." 32 aboard the ships in the Cap Français The refugees who scrambled of them with only the clothes harbor between June 21-23, 1793, many them. Their only had no idea what future awaited they were wearing, in the city and the fires that were concern was to escape the fighting Miss.: University Press of Mississippi, 2005), Gary the Haitian Revolution (Jackson, Haiti in the American North," Pennsylvania History 65 B. Nash, "Reverberations of Revolution: Haiti and the Making ofthe Early (1998), 44-73, Ashli White, Encountering University Press, 2010); James Alexander Dun, Republic (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins and St. Dominguein the early American Republic," "Dangerous Intelligence: Slavery, Winston Race, G. Babb, "French Refugees from Saint-Domingue Ph. D. diss., Princeton, 2004, Ph. D. diss., University of Virginia, 1955, to the Southern United States, 1791-1816" Black Refugees and AfricanJohn Davies, "Class, Culture, and Color: Saint-Dominguan 7 Ph. D. diss., University of Delaware, American Communities in the Early Republic," of Terror in America (Cambridge: Cambridge 2008, and Rachel Hope Cleves, The Reign University Press, 2009). 33 September I2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 80, d. D. diss., Princeton, 2004, Ph. D. diss., University of Virginia, 1955, to the Southern United States, 1791-1816" Black Refugees and AfricanJohn Davies, "Class, Culture, and Color: Saint-Dominguan 7 Ph. D. diss., University of Delaware, American Communities in the Early Republic," of Terror in America (Cambridge: Cambridge 2008, and Rachel Hope Cleves, The Reign University Press, 2009). 33 September I2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 80, d. 785. 2 Tarin to "ma chère mère,' --- Page 308 --- in the United States Saint-Domingue: members of the the families were separated, wound up on destroying it. In confusion, themselves dispersed, and sailors ships in same army unit found of the hundred or more small merchant in Moreau unfamiliar ships. Most according to a document of harbor took only a few refugees: sailed with only a handful the papers, many of them The warships saved de Saint-Méry's carried more than forty-five. and the passengers, and none Concorde had 52-, the Eole 250, Most of larger numbers: The frigate was packed with 7503 the last ship to leave the harbor, the ships were white; numerJupiter, who succeeded in staying on of color who had come the refugees that the sailors forced men as state sailed.4 Nevertheless, ous testimonies to shore before the convoy black women and on board to return number of mixed-race and we have seen, a significant with the ships. The initial conchildren also left is difficult to estimate. The total number of refugees that departed on June 24, 1793 whites probwho sailed on the convoy but hundreds of other tingent amounted to 3,000 to 5,000 people, during the crisis or who lived ably unable to reach the harbor in the who had been managed to leave Saintc-Domingue Wante orgain other parts of the colony 1793, the ordomnateur many months that followed. In September an additional 1,200 people, whites nized a small convoy that brought to the United States. Although safe soldiers unfit for duty, States, France, and of them Saint-Domingue for the United in August had been leaving since the start ofthe slave insurrection outnumhavens in the Caribbean after June 20, 1793 certainly under the wave that left the colony the dramatic circumstances 1791, departures, and than that of the bered all the previous them a much larger impact sailed on had which they arrived gave the refugees nor the ships they were in short previous refugees. Neither for the voyage. Food and water did had any time to prepare vessels. On the merchant ships, some captains but, as supply on many ofthe their unexpected guests, others everything they could to accommodate noted after the fleet arrived, vice-consul in Norfolk of the young author the French them." The experience French merchant "mistreated or ransomed He found himself on the of My Odyssey was typical. (Moreau de Saint-Méry papers). Note in CAOM, F 3 198 de la partie française Radoteur, July 12, Pierre 1793- Wante, Mémoire relatif à r'administration 1793), II ; Mangourit to Genet, S Charles Etienne (Baltimore : Samuel and John Adams, Sonthonax to Polverel, October 27, de St. Domingue in CADN, Philadelphia 13 ; November 17, D 1793, XXV 44, d. 420. 1793, in CADN, Philadelphia 15 1793, in AN, Mallet to Genet, July 15, 1 A 6 Acting Norfolk vice-consul (correspondence from Norfolk). 1793- Wante, Mémoire relatif à r'administration 1793), II ; Mangourit to Genet, S Charles Etienne (Baltimore : Samuel and John Adams, Sonthonax to Polverel, October 27, de St. Domingue in CADN, Philadelphia 13 ; November 17, D 1793, XXV 44, d. 420. 1793, in CADN, Philadelphia 15 1793, in AN, Mallet to Genet, July 15, 1 A 6 Acting Norfolk vice-consul (correspondence from Norfolk). --- Page 309 --- You Are All Free ship Rosalie, "exhausted with fatigue and in need which I had not been able to of food. My clothing, blood, sweat and dirt, and change for three days, was covered with tain lent him a shirt and was almost entirely in tatters. >2 The ship's dimensions trousers, but "Nature had capand proportions given that good man recalled, and "the clothes he very different from my own," the author that they even caused lent me made my appearance SO some of my ludicrous This borrowed outfit, the companions in misfortune to smile. me for the entire only one I had then in the world, had voyage . As soon as the ladies to serve each night on the prow and did the work had gone to bed, I went oped myself in a sail until the breeze of a laundryman, and envelarmed with a needle, I had dried my clothes. stopped the too rapid Sometimes, carefully guarded my hat and progress of much wear. I my debarkation." shoes, SO that they would honor me at Although his life had been ruined, without home, without saved, "I was completely country of which I knew money, without clothes; I was to not the the going a where I had not one person whom language, I could customs, nor habits, and ignorant of the fate of my family; in vain did approach for assistance. I was among the passengers of our I question for news of them among the number of victims." convoy; "7 everyone, as I did, believed them Traumatic as his situation was, the author better off than many other of My Odyssey was still refugees. Six months Baltimore, a man named Robin after his arrival in carried to Baltimore without wrote that after the fighting, "I was I was in a state of imbecility being aware ofit; throughout the that I could crossing, of it." Like the author of My hardly believe when I was told with only the rags that covered Odyssey, Robin "landed on this continent pocket. >8 On board the overcrowded my skeleton, and without a coin in my gees, conditions were in Jupiter, with its hundreds of refu- "The complete disorder at the start of the passengers not knowing or not able voyage. order, most of the crew more interested being or willing to maintain in laged or saved than in exchanging items they wrote in his helping to maneuver the ship, 99 pillog two days after leaving Le Admiral Cambis the situation somewhat Cap. He managed to have over the next few days. "All improve some place to lie down, 99 he wrote the passengers now are supposed to perform has been on June 28. "The service they are no longer determined; the women and exposed on the deck. The distributions children of water and food 7 My Odyssey, cited in 8 Robin, letter of March Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 216. 12, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 789. the situation somewhat Cap. He managed to have over the next few days. "All improve some place to lie down, 99 he wrote the passengers now are supposed to perform has been on June 28. "The service they are no longer determined; the women and exposed on the deck. The distributions children of water and food 7 My Odyssey, cited in 8 Robin, letter of March Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 216. 12, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 789. --- Page 310 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States is its coherence, but there are still many are regular. The crew regaining saved from the burning irregularities due to the disorder of the property sell, they there are accusations of theft, they gamble, they of Le Cap : bad of discipline. 999 trade, and it all results in a very spirit weather and Fortunately for the refugees, the convoy enjoyed good on 1793, the Jupiter arrived off Cape favorable winds. At IO a.m. July 5, an the of Norfolk. Cambis tried to organize Henry, Virginia, near port lost control not only of the civilian orderly debarkation, but he rapidly the all of them eager to but also of the soldiers and crew, passengers He was left with those who were too ill go ashore as soon as possible. it took nearly a week to make arrangeto get themselves off the ship; left most of their civilian ments for them. While the French warships rations were receiving passengers in Norfolk - by July 16, 844 refugees Bay the sailed further into Chesapeake there"t - most of merchant ships the French consul there, J. F. and docked in Baltimore. By July 9, 1793, chilMoissonnier, was trying to aid over 1,300 refugees, "men, women, the sword wounded and most of them escaped from dren, old people, everything, asking me for bread, clothes, and the flame, naked, lacking he told the French minister shelter. I am overwhelmed by the number," Genet in Philadelphia." shores was not a complete surThe arrival of these refugees on their French was the residents of the United States. The rich colony prise to destinations for Yankee traders: between August 1789 one of the main constituted at from Saint-Domingue and the end of 1793, ships coming of the total arrivleast 18 percent and sometimes as much as 25 percent and hundreds in Philadelphia, the largest port in the United States, ing did business with the French colony. of.Philadelphia merchants regular the American press From the start of the troubles in Saint-Domingue, the reaction to the carried extensive reports on events there, including rights to French National Assembly's decree of May I5, 179I granting slave of free of color, and the outbreak of the a small number people The sudden and insurrection in the North Province in August 1791.5 of the white-dominated colonial order in Cap Français violent collapse entries for June 26 and 28, 1793, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 521. 9 Cambis, log of Jupiter, entries for 6-I0 and 13, 1793, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 521. 10 Cambis, log of Jupiter, July in CADN, Philadelphia I5 (correspondence from II Account memorandum, 4 vent. II, Norfolk). in CADN, Philadelphia IO (correspondence 12 Moissonnier, letter to Genet, of this July letter 9, 1793, is in AN,D XXV II. from Baltimore). A copy n 28-30, 69, I2I-6. 13 Dun, "Dangerous Intelligence," -I0 and 13, 1793, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 521. 10 Cambis, log of Jupiter, July in CADN, Philadelphia I5 (correspondence from II Account memorandum, 4 vent. II, Norfolk). in CADN, Philadelphia IO (correspondence 12 Moissonnier, letter to Genet, of this July letter 9, 1793, is in AN,D XXV II. from Baltimore). A copy n 28-30, 69, I2I-6. 13 Dun, "Dangerous Intelligence," --- Page 311 --- You Are All Free seemed to confirm both ery would drive its victims abolitionists' predictions that the that a slave rebellion to revolt and the fears of cruelty of slavof their attitudes would result in widespread anti-abolitionists to help the toward slavery, however, destruction. Regardless The stories refugees landing on their shores. Americans' first impulse was ofhorror that the immediately transmitted refugees and the ing of sympathy. to the local American ship captains these "The man who would newspapers withhold inspired an outpourChronicle cireumerances, we hope, does not reside in his assistance, under editorialized."1 In America," the common shelter, while Norfolk, a large Virginia a building was turned place as many of the Frenchman established in the town into a citizens of Baltimore refugees as possible with local worked to A committee had contributed more than families. I5 By July II, medical was set up to allocate the $10,000 to a relief care for refugees, and a aid, a French doctor fund. mance to raise funds for local theater organized a offered free by mid-Jaly, them, A letter from benefit perfordoubt included 1,000 white refugees and 5oo Baltimore reported that reached the city. individuals of mixed race as blacks well - a category that no families, Four hundred as former slaves - and the city was individuals were being housed had their own.7 Within a few providing aid to 600 who had by private their original landing weeks, the refugees had no money of the French consul places. OnJ July 21, begun to fan out from in 1793 Michel-Ange. registered 66 of them. Charleston, *Their South Carolina, told Genet Mangourit, that inhabitants of arrival has stimulated the he had Charleston to the highest charity of the Philadelphia, the largest degree," influx. Even before city in the country, Mangourit wrote. 18 relief committee any significant number of anticipated a bigger each of the was established, with refugees had arrived, a city's wards. By designated fund more than fifty members July 22, 1793, the collectors in issues such and set up committee had recruited The as housing, food, and thirteen subcommittces to deal with Philadelphia committee divided employment the six for the new arrivals. 19 to seven hundred it refugees 1s Mallet Virginia to Chronicle and Norfolk and 16 Moissonnier Genet, in CADN, Plymouth General Baltimore to Genet, July Philadelphia II, 1793, in CADN IS (correspondence Advertiser, from July 13, 1793. 17 Letter from Evening Post, July 18, 1793. Io (cofrespondence Norfolk). from 1793. Baltimore, July 16, 1793, in Baltimore); Philadelpbia General 19 Pbiladelpbia Mangourit to Genet, July 21, 1793, in CADN Advertiser, July 20, General Advertisen, 16, July 22, I3 (correspondence from Charleston). 1793. 1793, in CADN IS (correspondence Advertiser, from July 13, 1793. 17 Letter from Evening Post, July 18, 1793. Io (cofrespondence Norfolk). from 1793. Baltimore, July 16, 1793, in Baltimore); Philadelpbia General 19 Pbiladelpbia Mangourit to Genet, July 21, 1793, in CADN Advertiser, July 20, General Advertisen, 16, July 22, I3 (correspondence from Charleston). 1793. --- Page 312 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States anticipated aiding-a a figure that turned out to be an 1,273 Saint-Dominguans underestimate, since actually debarked in the July and the end of the yearto - into city between early they expected to go on to categories, depending on whether France, return to Saint-Domingue, look for employment in the city, buy land and establish themselves whether they fell into the class of "widows whose as farmers, or sacred, and such as are in an helpless condition." husbands were masAugust, the committee had collected By the first week of that it would need more than $II,000 and estimated more than $14,000 before it New York City, a similar committee completed its work. ,21 In established by the local commerce raised more than S1o,000. chamber of Even as they cooperated with the Americans to ian assistance for the refugees, the French arrange humanitarStates - the minister Genet and the French representatives in the United consuls in Norfolk, Philadelphia, New York, and Charleston - also tried Baltimore, political background to the crisis that had forced to puzzle out the Cap Français and decide what the colonists to flee From the start of his mission implications it had for national policy. in the United States, Genet that part of his job involved had understood in the Caribbean. providing support for the French colonies Arriving in the United States after break ofthe war between France and shortly the outplies for the colonies; he Britain, Genet tried to arrange supdrawn was also supposed to provide them with funds against the American debt to France for its aid the Independence. Genet wrote to Sonthonax and during War of days of his mission, and Polverel during the first they wrote back in early to stay in close touch with him and May 1793, promising the United States to give fayorable urging him to persuade the press in the two commissioners did publicity to their measures." Whereas not know Genet been acquainted with personally, they may have Mangourit, the consul in been a patriotic journalist in France Charleston, who had March at the start of the Revolution. In 1793, Sonthonax wrote a long letter to that "you will see from the scum that Mangourit, telling him shores that we are driving out the enemies Saint-Domingue of ejects on your our two divinities really one [liberty and equality] and that our so-called that are country want to separate. P24 Not all the consuls could be patriots in this counted on to xo Nash, "Reverberations," 49. 21 Philadelphia General 22 New York Diary, or Loudon's Advertiser, 7, August 9, 1793. 23 Sonthonax and Polverel to Register, August IO, 1793. 24 Sonthonax to Mangourit, March Genet, May 8, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 59. 26, 1793, in CADN, Philadelphia 13 (Charleston). P24 Not all the consuls could be patriots in this counted on to xo Nash, "Reverberations," 49. 21 Philadelphia General 22 New York Diary, or Loudon's Advertiser, 7, August 9, 1793. 23 Sonthonax and Polverel to Register, August IO, 1793. 24 Sonthonax to Mangourit, March Genet, May 8, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 59. 26, 1793, in CADN, Philadelphia 13 (Charleston). --- Page 313 --- You Are All Free endorse Sonthonax's and Polverel's French views - Alexandre representative in New York Hauterive, the policy until the very end of City, was not won over to their racial sympathizers 1793 - but most of them were predisposed to regard the white Girondin Domingue with suspicion. colonists from SaintThe overwhelming majority of the the United States Cap Français refugees disaster telling a story that put the entire arrived in of June 20, 1793 on the two civil responsibility for the Polverel. The American ships' commissioners, Sonthonax and stories published in the captains, the source of most of the initial they emphasized the violence press, gave varying accounts, but on the whole, in the city, who reportedly perpetrated by the "mulattoes" and blacks Nevertheless, the Baltimore "spared neither men, women, nor children."s that "the perfidious Galbaud" consul Moissonnier immediately decided though he had not talked was "the author of all these woes." to any of the Even sure that they, too, had helped incite naval officers, Moissonnier was the seeing no other way to block the traitor's violence. "The commissioners, Negroes of the countryside. project, called to their aid the were armed and promised their Twenty-five thousand came to their aid, they and in their rage there liberty ift they would fight for their was no way to hold them back. cause, everyone, burned everything without They slaughtered here only saved themselves by their exception and those who arrive don their flight and their property to save their wretched >> willingness to abanon July 9, two days after he had talked lives, Moissonnier told Genet he had received Moissonnier's to the first refugees. 26 Even before tion. "All the facts that I have letter, Genet had embraced the same posiwitness in favor of the purity of been able to assemble up to now bear wrote to Sonthonax and Polverel your principles and your firmness," he have received their letter of on July 12, 1793, long before he could Genet's July 8, 1793.7 rapid decision to embrace the civil owed something to his personal distaste for commissioners' position and his rejection of racial prejudices. the institution of slavery had made in the spring of On the tour of the United States he he had concluded that the 1793, from South Carolina to neighbors slave states were falling behind their Pennsylvania, economically because the system northern idleness. "They fear accustomed the whites to being put on the same level as their slaves if as they 26 Virginia Chronicle, July 13, 1793, letter from Moissonnier to Genet, July 9, 1793, in CADN, Baltimore, July 6. Baltimore). Philadelphia IO 27 Generto (correspondence from Sonthonax and Polverel, July 12, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d.s8. were falling behind their Pennsylvania, economically because the system northern idleness. "They fear accustomed the whites to being put on the same level as their slaves if as they 26 Virginia Chronicle, July 13, 1793, letter from Moissonnier to Genet, July 9, 1793, in CADN, Baltimore, July 6. Baltimore). Philadelphia IO 27 Generto (correspondence from Sonthonax and Polverel, July 12, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d.s8. --- Page 314 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States do the same work, >2 he Polverel after commented,) In his first Jetter to receiving the news of the Sonthonax and - the two men that he shared their destruction ofLe Cap, he assured their color." 929 A month "respect for the rights of men, later, he told them that the whatever supported their policy of abolition. Philadelphia Quakers ried out as in Pennsylvania without "They do regret that it is not carthe'difference in circumstances spilling blood, but they understand the means used.' P30 and, satisfied by the result, they he offended the Nevertheless, in spite of all the other in accept Americans he ways which make any public remarks against encountered, Genet was careful not to enthusiastic supporters slavery. He had found some of his most Thomas among the southern Jefferson's slave-holding supporters of was initially his strongest Democratic-Republican ally. Prior party, and Jefferson himself refugees, Genet's main to the arrival of the for attacks concern was to turn the Saint-Domingue on British shipping and, if United States into a base of-the British and Spanish territories possible, to organize invasions afford to alienate a substantial on the continent; he could hardly out in support of abolition, part of American opinion by coming government had not particularly since the French nies. In November yet taken any steps against slavery in revolutionary its own about critics 1793, Genet published an colowho open letter is secured "denounce us as conspirators complaining by the laws," a phrase clearly against property, which States.3: By throwing his referring to slavery in the United enemies support to Sonthonax and among the refugee colonists, Polverel against their tribute to the campaign against however, Genet was able to conissue openly. slavery without having to mention the At the moment when he was confronted ugees, Genet's mission with the enthusiastic was already at a critical point. Saint-Domingue refwelcome he received from Encouraged by the refused to accept the United States American republicans, Genet had the war between France and Britain government's policy of neutrality in president Washington to the and tried to appeal over the head of port. He had armed Congress and the American people for orders. His privateers in defiance of the American supattempt to ignore government's rebuke from the secretary of Washington's authority provoked a state Thomas Jefferson, who told him strong that as' Gerret, report on America, 29 Genet to Sonthonax and in LC, Genet papers, reel 7. 3o Genet to Sonthonax and Polverel,, July I2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 31 Genet, open letter to the French Polverel, August 21, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. II, 58. d. IIO. 1793. consuls, in New York Daily Advertiser, November 27, provoked a state Thomas Jefferson, who told him strong that as' Gerret, report on America, 29 Genet to Sonthonax and in LC, Genet papers, reel 7. 3o Genet to Sonthonax and Polverel,, July I2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 31 Genet, open letter to the French Polverel, August 21, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. II, 58. d. IIO. 1793. consuls, in New York Daily Advertiser, November 27, --- Page 315 --- You Are All Free "the Executive is the sole organ of our communications with foreign that the Agents of those governments are not authorized governments; are to be decided by this or that department." By to judge what cases and his cabinet were beginning prepathe last week of July, Washington recall the troublesome rations to demand that the French government As the minister. The debate about Genet divided the American public. in mid-July 1793, a number of newsrefugees from Le Cap were arriving and Regulations Agreed papers were publishing the *Principles, Articles, at the by the members of the Democratic Society in Philadelphia" Upon that "the Rights of Man, the genuine end of May, a document asserting of government have been object of Society, and the legitimate principles and France" developed by the successive Revolutions of America, clearly close alliance between the two countries. Other newsand calling for a warned readers to "keep a watchful eye on the paper articles, however, and those naturalized Citizens true interests of the United States, upon interest to that of their new who seem to prefer their own or a foreign administration's country. "33 Genet, as yet unaware of the Washington demand his recall, continued to try to stir up public support, decision to more and more of his time and energy was but from mid-July onward, consumed by the Saint-Domingue refugee crisis. the scope of the disaster in Cap Français, Even as they recognized Baltimore consul, and Genet initially Moissonnier, the enterprising in Genet had thought that it might turn out to be a blessing disguise. to outfit a few lightly armed privateers in American been struggling seemed to have at his disposal the most powerful ports; now he suddenly Furthermore, he knew that just as naval force in the western hemisphere. sizable merchant convoy Sonthonax and Polverel had been assembling a the when the journée of June 20, 1793 took place, in Saint-Domingue similar of ships in, Jamaica, "the largBritish had been preparing a group from this island," est and richest fleet of merchantmen ever dispatched when the ships set sail on as a letter from the British colony reported the first to imagine the 1B June 2.2, 1793.34 Moissonnier was apparently to intercept the possibility of using the warships from Saint-Domingue idea he communicated his brilliant Jamaica convoy. On July 16, 1793, Furthermore, it to Genet: "There are 200 sail and not one will escape. in John Catanzariti, ed., The Papers of Thomas 32 Jefferson to Genet, July 16, 1793, Princeton University Press, 1995), ST3;Jefferson notes, Jefferson, v. 26 (Princeton, NJ: July 23, 1793, in ibid., Post, 524. r8, 1793, July 2.0, 1793. 33 Baltimore Evening July June 23, 1793, in New York Diary, August I, 179334 Letter from Kingston, Jamaica,. 200 sail and not one will escape. in John Catanzariti, ed., The Papers of Thomas 32 Jefferson to Genet, July 16, 1793, Princeton University Press, 1995), ST3;Jefferson notes, Jefferson, v. 26 (Princeton, NJ: July 23, 1793, in ibid., Post, 524. r8, 1793, July 2.0, 1793. 33 Baltimore Evening July June 23, 1793, in New York Diary, August I, 179334 Letter from Kingston, Jamaica,. --- Page 316 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States would be a useful way to occupy the sailors who, accustomed to disorder, when they are in port." "35 Moissonnier claimed to are difficult to manage the venture. "All America is have persuaded Admiral Sercey to support waiting for this watching us at this moment, our friends are impatiently he stroke, our enemies tremble and try to ascertain our plans," vigorous brainstorm had some basis in fact: the Jamaica insisted.36 Moissonnier's of the United States in the weeks folconvoy, which passed off the coast arrival in American waters, was guarded lowing the Le Cap convoy's the line and three armed sloops, a force only by a single fifty-gun ship of Genet was certainly much inferior to the Saint-Domingue squadron.7 but he soon realattracted to the idea of using the fleet for some purpose, the the were in no condition to undertake operations on ized that ships in need of repairs and because high seas, both because they were badly Moissonnier's dream of their crews were in a virtual state of anarchy.3* faded as he and winning the war against the British in one afternoon that would be fortunate if they managed to prevent Genèt realized they sailors from taking control of the General Galbaud and the rebellious squadron. and Genet were reconciling themselves to the While Moissonnier the refugees, the sailors, and reality of the Saint-Domingue crisis, needs taken care of thanks General Galbaud, their basic humanitarian about their politiAmerican were beginning to think to generosity, all found themselves for the moment in the cal futures. Although they the Revolutionary United States, their eyes were on France. In April 1793, for what Tribunal had ordered the execution of Governor Blanchelande minor in comparison to the loss of Cap Français, relatively seemed, Who would the leaders of the embattled metropolitan republic offenses. for the disaster that had just engulfed the country's most hold responsible would they impose? The question valued colony, and what punishment in on the Jupiter on General Galbaud's mind. Held custody was certainly Cambis had reached with the ship's sailors, he by the agreement that his and demandwrote to Genet on July 8, 1793, insisting on patriotism his side of that the minister give him the opportunity to present ing 35 Moissonnier to Genet, July 16, 1793, in LC, Genet papers, reel IO 5- (correspondence from 36 Moissonnier to Genet, July 20, 1793, in CADN, Philadelphia e Baltimore). 22, 1793. According to the Times, Moissonnier overesti37 London Times, August 21, which in fact contained only 140 merchant vessels, carmated the size of the convoy, million (London Times, September 6, rying goods the newspaper valued at 3 pounds. 1793). of July 28, 1793, in LC, Genet papers, reel S38 Genet to minister foreign affairs, (correspondence from 36 Moissonnier to Genet, July 20, 1793, in CADN, Philadelphia e Baltimore). 22, 1793. According to the Times, Moissonnier overesti37 London Times, August 21, which in fact contained only 140 merchant vessels, carmated the size of the convoy, million (London Times, September 6, rying goods the newspaper valued at 3 pounds. 1793). of July 28, 1793, in LC, Genet papers, reel S38 Genet to minister foreign affairs, --- Page 317 --- You Are All Free the story.39 He was well line of prepared to do SO: he had begun argument even before the crisis of working out his the months that June 20, 1793, and followed, he continued to draft throughout himself, often in close collaboration memoranda justifying curious versions of his defense, with his wife, In one of the more ing and alternating written in Madame Galbaud's handwritmade between the third and a virtue out of the fact that the first person his own voice, he even on June 20 had been completely assault on the commissioners appointed commanders for the disorganized: the fact that he had not over the white residents sailors, Or made any serious effort to or the troops, win of conspiracy in my conduct. 2%40 proved that "there was no shadow On, July 12, 1793 - the same day when Genet Polverel promising them his wrote to Sonthonax and ingly echoed support - Galbaud's in a letter to the National appeal was resoundthe ships: "Treason, perfidy, Convention from the crews of freedmen against their benefactors brigandage, assassins, fires, uprising of the same freedmen, revolt of the slaves and their fathers, and, due to these their who mixed their instigators . We denounce to the cruelty with that of your duty to look into them and you authors of these crimes, it is ruining, to punish with severity those slaughtering, tormenting in who, in - have finally succeeded in every manner the white population, procuring for the pendence that will soon result, after negroes in revolt an indenation, in bringing about their having destroyed the wealth of the read. After own destruction," 39 the sailors' denouncing Sonthonax's and manifesto Prince, the sailors charged them with Polverel's attack on Port-auhave left it absolutely looted, the destruction of Le Cap: "We carried devastated, all the riches away or left to the flames that that it contained all these horrors, who ordered consumed it for four days. And Galbaud wanted them? Polverel and to join us in opposing the Sonthonax. General crimes, Galbaud was commission of all these The sailors thus endorsed betrayed . We demand justice and >41 the most vengeance. colonists' version of events and allied uncompromising version of the white themselves with General Galbaud. 39 Galbaud to Genet, 8, 40 Notes for Galbaud's July 1793, in LC, Genet papers, reel 5. document, Galbaud defense, himself n.d., in AN, D XXV 48, d. 465. On the last patric est chert [sic]" ("to all copied well-born out the words "A tous les coeurs bien page nés of this times. hearts, how the fatherland que la 41 "Les hommes de is dear") a dozen navires de mer et canonniers employés sur les d. commerces to National Convention, v.aux de la république et sur les 78s. July I2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 80, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 465. On the last patric est chert [sic]" ("to all copied well-born out the words "A tous les coeurs bien page nés of this times. hearts, how the fatherland que la 41 "Les hommes de is dear") a dozen navires de mer et canonniers employés sur les d. commerces to National Convention, v.aux de la république et sur les 78s. July I2, 1793, in AN, D XXV 80, --- Page 318 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States By the same token, they 30I Republic's official put themselves in conflict with representative in the United Genet, the French Galbaud, the sailors, and the States. ing that they were true French civilian colonists were united in were conspirators bent patriots, whereas insistas'the on sabotaging their Sonthonax and Polverel holiday of July 14 had given Sonthonax country's vital interests. Just symbolically integrate the and Polverel a into the French newly emancipated blacks in chance to among the nationalcommunity, the celebration offered Saint-Domingue patriotism. Saint-Domingue The refugees an their enemies occasion was especially opportunity to reaffirm their supporters of the French cause important because giving the refugees the chance were eager to join in the American they were oppressed to impress on their hosts the celebrations, rated the ships with champions of liberty. In Baltimore, the notion that Moissonnier tricolor flags, and the sailors decosticks was less pleased when naval vessels fired salutes. decorated with tricolor eighty sailors, armed with city; he feared they ribbons, paraded heavy and Frénch were looking for a fight. In through the streets oft the refugees held joint Charleston, allowed American festivities, In Norfolk, Admiral Americans holiday; he had to break Francophiles to come on board the Cambis ors noticed that up a dispute that ensued Jupiter for the one of the visitors was when some of the sailcolony of Jamaica.s carrying letters from the In addition to British colonists demonstrating their patriotism, and imagined that they could many of the reclaim their lost somehow reconquer refugee the city magistrates properties. In late July, Saint-Domingue in Baltimore about Moissonnier to gees had held in the a tumultuous complained point where city to discuss their assembly the refuthere were >> plans. "The disorder tors who fisticuffs, he reported. reached the before managed to save their wealth, "Seduced by a few agitayour eyes the massacres of [they] were ready to renew which their which they have been almost intrigues in a friendly the victims and continued, before urging the country show that they ings that did not have his city government to ban any deserved," such he he needed to approval. Genet had gatherprevent the colonists from already decided that returning to the island, where Philadelpbia General to Genet, July 16, 1793, Advertiser, in LC, Genet July 2.2, 1793 (Baltimore, July 21, 1793, in July 16); Cambis to Genet,, CADN, Philadelphia I3 correspondence, reel 5; Mangourit Moissonnier to 44 Moissonnier to Baltimore July IS, 1793, in AN, D (correspondence XXV 5I, d. from Charleston). Genet, (correspondence from Baltimore). city magistrates, July 29, 1793, 489. in CADN, Philadelphia IO , 1793, Advertiser, in LC, Genet July 2.2, 1793 (Baltimore, July 21, 1793, in July 16); Cambis to Genet,, CADN, Philadelphia I3 correspondence, reel 5; Mangourit Moissonnier to 44 Moissonnier to Baltimore July IS, 1793, in AN, D (correspondence XXV 5I, d. from Charleston). Genet, (correspondence from Baltimore). city magistrates, July 29, 1793, 489. in CADN, Philadelphia IO --- Page 319 --- You Are All Free Sonthonax and Polverel; he realized they would try to undermine any of them from chartering he ordered Moissonnier to prevent the white forces opposspecifically where they could join the warships ships to go to Jérémie, Having abandoned hope of using was the commisioners. Genet's next impulse ing British convoy from Jamaica, By late to capture the back to France immediately. and the refugees the French to send the ships Cambis and Sercey had convinced and the crews SO July, however, admirals were in such bad condition escort for the minister that the warships be unsafe to rely on them as an a subinsubordinate that it would was still carrying which, in spite of everything, could not be risked. The merchant convoy, colonial products whose loss also reported stantial cargo of were to return to France, captains, eager as they could sail.46 Hoping to break merchant needed refitting before they shore and the sailors that their ships between the civilian refugees on the Chesapeake up the.collusion ordered the naval vessels to leave on the warships, Genet crisis facing him, area for New York City." dimensions of the with the many General Galbaud. Having As he grappled was dealing with in Saintone of Genet's top priorities revolt against the civil commissionersi to see that decided that the general's Genet felt himself compelled the authority Domingue was unjustified, for his actions; otherwise, himself might be, Galbaud was held responsible and he would be severely compromised was that Galbaud was oft the Republic with a traitor. The difficulty whose crew was unwillaccused of colluding armed warship of using board the Jupiter, a heavily dream on Even after he abandoned Moissonnier's Genet was still full of ing to let him go. the Jamaica convoy, return vessels to attack to let the Jupiter the navy he was as reluctant on the other plans for their deployment; Galbaud unpunished. Galbaud, to France as he was to leave alone, without supporters to fearful of being sent to France The warship crews, hand, was of the events of June 20, 1793that they were back up his version made it clear even before those events stuck in the colfor their part, had their frustration at being Sonthonax desperate to return to France; reasons for their hostility to had been one of the main the sailors were determined to keep ony Polverel. In addition, however, and D XXV 6, d. 58; Genet to and Polverel, July 26, 1793, in AN, 45 Genet to Sonthonax 1793, in CADN, Baltimore 8. vessels assembled extraordiMoissonnier, ,July 30, "The Captains of the commercial of Citizen Hauterive from and presidency 46 Memorandum Consulary House under the sanction Genet reel 5. narily at the French Republic," n. d., in LC, in papers, LC, Genet papers, reel 5Consul of the of foreign affairs, July 28, 1793, 47.- Genet to minister July 26, 1793, in AN, 45 Genet to Sonthonax 1793, in CADN, Baltimore 8. vessels assembled extraordiMoissonnier, ,July 30, "The Captains of the commercial of Citizen Hauterive from and presidency 46 Memorandum Consulary House under the sanction Genet reel 5. narily at the French Republic," n. d., in LC, in papers, LC, Genet papers, reel 5Consul of the of foreign affairs, July 28, 1793, 47.- Genet to minister --- Page 320 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States in their midst as an alibi for their actions in Cap General Galbaud to convince the sailors to obey Français. Cambis tried unsuccessfully and that as a result it is their orders, but they "think they are the people a council he noted in his logbook." On July 21, 1793, will that decides," drafted a letter to Genet stating their posiof sailors from the warships all followed him. We flew tion: "Citizen Galbaud led us in the fight: we without to be able to follow him to France, in his wake, and we expected interests dictate difficulties other than those of the voyage . Qur any him more than anyone else. >49 Genet's representative that we watch over the sailors that their fears were unfounded in Norfolk tried to convince instructions unjustified, but they and their resistance to the minister's sailors refused to ignored him.) To reinforce their position, the Jupiter of the 16th draand Le Blanc release Polverel's son lieutenant-colonel by Galbaud's forces on both of whom had been taken prisoner when goons, of whom had appealed to Genet for help June 20, 1793 and both the ship reached the United States.: Cambis and Sercey did manage At the beginning of August, admirals where, as a local newspato move the naval vessels to New York harbor, thousands, collected "the citizens, to the number of several from per reported, welcome them." 352 The minister Genet arrived on the battery, to the most critical period of Philadelphia shortly afterward; throughout preoccuwith the American government, he was constantly his dealings Galbaud and the warships.9 From the Jupiter, pied with the problem of health that he and his to Genet about the problems Galbaud complained of their confinement and about the fact family were suffering as a result since the events of June. "Consider, that he had not received his salary of were stolen at Citizen, that most of my things and those my family children, a tutor, a [and] that I have with me my wife, three Le Cap, for July 20, 1793, in AN, D XXV 54, d. 52I. 48 Logbook of Jupiter, entry 1793, in LC, Genet papers, reel 5- The com49 Committee of sailors to Genet, July 21, but the letter was also signed by sailors from mittee meeting was held on the Jupiter, six other ships. 23, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 60. so Cassan to crew ofj Jupiter, July letters of July 9, 1793, in LC, Genet papers, reel 5SI Polverel fils and Le Blanc, $2 New York Diary, August 3, 1793. Ammon, The Genet. Mission (New York: W. W,Norton, $3 On Genet's mission, seel Harry Recall of Edmond Charles Genet," in Catanzariti, ed., 1973), John Catanzariti, "The V. 26 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, The Papers of Thomas Elkins Jeffersom, and Eric McKitrick, The Age ofl Federalism (New York: the 1995), 685-92, Stanley and William R. Casto, Foreign Affairs and Oxford University Press, 1993), 330-73, Sail (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Constitution in the Age of Fighting Press, 2006). Edmond Charles Genet," in Catanzariti, ed., 1973), John Catanzariti, "The V. 26 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, The Papers of Thomas Elkins Jeffersom, and Eric McKitrick, The Age ofl Federalism (New York: the 1995), 685-92, Stanley and William R. Casto, Foreign Affairs and Oxford University Press, 1993), 330-73, Sail (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Constitution in the Age of Fighting Press, 2006). --- Page 321 --- You Are All Free secretary, two protested, aides-de-camp, two adding that "the sad lesson chambermaids and a cook," 39 experiencing at this moment about the Galbaud that one can hardly will make me abandon human heart that I am 1793, the first share except with sensitive without regret a life sailors anniversary of the souls. "54 On staged another patriotic overthrow of the French August IO, pleasure they felt on the celebration. "To monarchy, the at anchor in our harbour return of this day, all the evince to the world the different unions, which were beautifully French ships riding the Admiral's exhibited a decorated, with the of the ship fired a salute, which delightful variery; and at I2 flags others," the New York was o'clock, part in the public Daily Gazette wrote. immediately followed by all ceremony, Prevented insisting on his Galbaud sent letters to the from taking the idea of being republican sentiments, He New York the sent back to France was nevertheless papers the republican festival, he wrote without the resigned to colonists' to Thomas sailors; on the day of to campaign against Millet, one of the accompany him on his Sonthonax and leaders of patriots capable of trip, SO that he would be Polverel, asking Millet and above all on the shedding light on the events "surrounded of by real Figure 9.1.) innumerable crimes of the Sain-Deningue Although Galbaud commissioners." "56 (See of supporters, the sailors was willing to return to France Genet worried that remained with a small coterie the behavior adamantly opposed to his ships was of the sailors departure. sailors and undermining his and the soldiers soldiers did campaign to. win on the order. They not American went all over the recognize any authority, did support. "The among a calm and peaceful town and caused not obey any French cause and furnish people, could only be scandals whose effect, of our new laws, 99 he new ammunition to the very detrimental to the Genet, wrote in a enemics of despite the dubious subsequent report., On liberty and forces, convened a council nature of his claim to August 16, 1793, decision to send Galbaud of the naval commanders authority over military while retaining the back to France on one of to announce his hemisphere. The rest of the squadron for the smaller warships and allowed to leave troublesome crew of the operations in the western the ship; they would Jupiter be were to be disarmed 54 Galbaud to replaced by sailors s5 New York Genet, August 8, 1793, in from 56 Galbaud to Daily Gazette, August I2, LC, Genet papers, reel 57 Genet, Thomas Millet, August 1793; New York Diary, 5. -Genet "Rapport sur la IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV August 12, 1793. papers, reel 6. réorganisation de l'escadre venue de 48, d.. 460. St. Domingue," 99 in LC, replaced by sailors s5 New York Genet, August 8, 1793, in from 56 Galbaud to Daily Gazette, August I2, LC, Genet papers, reel 57 Genet, Thomas Millet, August 1793; New York Diary, 5. -Genet "Rapport sur la IO, 1793, in AN, D XXV August 12, 1793. papers, reel 6. réorganisation de l'escadre venue de 48, d.. 460. St. Domingue," 99 in LC, --- Page 322 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States aia uuf à DE a FIGURE 9.1. The Jupiter in New A French warship, believed York Harbor. Domingue squadron, lies to be the Jupiter, the 1793-94. The Jupiter's at anchor off lower 74-gun flagship of the Saintthey mutinied to crew supported General Manhattan in this from back to France. prevent the French minister Galbaud and, in drawing the One of the small boats Edmond Genet from August 1793, side. warships and the shore can be that allowed sending him seen tied up to communication the between Source: Collection of The warship's starboard New York Historical Society (Negative no. one of the other 8152od). soldiers held a vessels. On board the Jupiter, sent a meeting, with Madame Galbaud the restive sailors and leader oft delegation the led by a certain in attendance, and Bonne, a soldier then spoke of movement, to meet with who emerged as the plots, of treason, of Admiral Cambis. "This respect about the 3 traitors, et cetera, and delegation procedure they had minister," a naval officer reported,s (spoke] with little 1793 in Cap followed in organizing the Using the same other warships, Français, the sailors from the movement of June 20, other than France. urging them to refuse orders Jupiter sent delegates to the And, as they had to sail for any on that day, the sailors destination 58 Genet to ministre des imprisoned seil de guerre, in affaires 59 Voisin, LC, Genet papers, étrangères, reel 6. August I5, 1793, and "Rapport de la garde du 16 aout proces-verbal of con1793,"in LC, Genet papers, reel 6. movement of June 20, other than France. urging them to refuse orders Jupiter sent delegates to the And, as they had to sail for any on that day, the sailors destination 58 Genet to ministre des imprisoned seil de guerre, in affaires 59 Voisin, LC, Genet papers, étrangères, reel 6. August I5, 1793, and "Rapport de la garde du 16 aout proces-verbal of con1793,"in LC, Genet papers, reel 6. --- Page 323 --- You Are All Free Admiral Cambis in his cabin, with a Polverel's son, still held guard at the door. 60 to on him threatened prisoner the Jupiter, the According to kill him and other soldiers guarding Confronted with this supporters oft the commisioners. disobedience, Genet meeting on August 18, which reaffirmed convened a second council earlier. 62 In reply, the Jupiter sailors the decisions taken two days ing to force us to leave without wrote a letter accusing him of "tryus here, SO that we will see your approval" or of wanting "to political some event take place, keep reason, of which we will organized for some than a weck, the warship inevitably be the victims." 63 For lay off lower more regain control of it Manhattan while Genet tried through a to ors' food supplies and combination of threats to cut off the sailsubmitted to his promises that they would not be authority. 64 On board the punished if they thing of an old hand at ship, Cambis, by now somecrew were for waiting out mutinies, concluded that in. looking a way out of the many of the He noted, however, that the latest impasse they found themselves the expulsion of the Girondin reports from Europe, concerning federalist deputies from the uprisings that had followed, Convention and the giving the mutineers were confusing the situation and "courage that not been an expectation of they would not have had if there had individual sailors some disorder in France. 65 Genet's began slipping off the vessel to submit Nevertheless, authority, even though Madame themselves to coats for violating the oath they had Galbaud. reproached these turnwas very familiar with the sworn to defend her husband. "She one witness later testified.66 sailors; Iheard that she even took their arms,' > Still unable to dislodge the general tried a different tack. Admiral from his floating redoubt, Genet that Galbaud was receiving Cambis having alerted him to the fact directed a raid on the messages from the colonists on lodgings of the shore, Genet Laboissière and seized his Saint-Domingue journalist dence of "the infernal papers. According to Genet, they provided Tanguy- eviIn fact, Tanguy's conspiracy threatening the Republic's written months papers consisted mostly ofi letters and squadron." earlier in Cap Français and fanciful newspaper articles plans for creating 60 Cambis, logbook 6r Polverel fils to Polverel ofJupiter, in AN, D XXV 54, entry for 62 Proces-verbal of conseil and de Sonthonax, September 21, August in 17, 1793. guerre, August 1793, AN, AA 55, d. Jupiter crew to r8, 1793, in ISII. 64 See the Genet, August 19, 1793, in LC, Genet LC, Genet papers, reel 6. 65 Cambis, report, "Comité permanent. 24 Aug. au in papers, reel 6. logbook of Jupiter, entry for August soir," AN, DXXV 6, d. 59. Genet_"Suite de rapport de mon 22, 1793, in AN, D XXV testimony of François Raimbault, voyage a New York," in LC, Genet 54, d. 521. 24 mess. II, in AN, D XXV 56, d. papers, reel 6; 557. Genet papers, reel 6. 65 Cambis, report, "Comité permanent. 24 Aug. au in papers, reel 6. logbook of Jupiter, entry for August soir," AN, DXXV 6, d. 59. Genet_"Suite de rapport de mon 22, 1793, in AN, D XXV testimony of François Raimbault, voyage a New York," in LC, Genet 54, d. 521. 24 mess. II, in AN, D XXV 56, d. papers, reel 6; 557. --- Page 324 --- Saint-Domingue in the United an army of colonists States formally accused to return to ors to abandon of fctwntenenelatienatye Saint-Domingues, but the fear of being Galbaud those Galbaud. "The publication conspiracy of led more oft the sailson wrote to his [sailors] who. really wanted to this project detached from father. 67 On August go back to from confinement and 28, the sailors France," Polverel's who had allowed finally released gained a hero's Captain Jean-Baptiste Cambis Embuscade, bested the reputation earlier in the month François Bompard, take command of the Boston, a British in when his ship, the ship,s Galbaud's frigate, a Realizing that he was family was prearranged duel, to another of the impulsive no longer safe on the sent ashore. New World. On the moves that had Jupiter, Galbaud made de-camp, night of characterized his André Conscience, August 29, 1793, he and his conducrin the longboat. The duty officer succeeded in devoted aidechased them back sounded the commnandering the telling to the alarm, and a boat Jupiter's them that if they did Jupiter, where Conscience from the Eole ered into "the bloody not stand by the harangued the crew, in winning the hands of the civil general, he would be delivto set off again. support ofe Fenough of the sailors commisioners." 39 He succeeded and several other Accompanied by SO that Galbaud was able supporters, he Conscience, the mutiny escape set the stage for a farcical finally reached the leader, Bonne, evasion on August police pursuit. shore,6 Galbaud's for him, 30, 1793, Genet Informed of Galbaud's Galbaud's Conscience, and Bonne from promptly the demanded arrest Hudson party had hired two coaches local authorities. warrants river, Genet and started Learning that and a colleague named dispatched two French up the road along the up the pursuit all Vesprès, to follow them. gendarmes, Arnaud Préty where the Galbaud night and finally reached the The two policemen kept bribed, the party was sleeping at 2 A.M. Westchester County inn was innkeeper led them to the in the sleeping, and the general upstairs room in morning. which Suitably peacefully; the initially indicated that he Galbaud An hour later, gendarmes retreated to let him would surrender and informed Madame Galbaud put on his clothes.70 the emerged from the mind, and gendarmes that her general's was husband "had room determined to defend himself to changed his Genet, "Suite de the death. >3 The vés chez Tangui," rapport" in and "Pieces D) XXV d. LC, Genet inventoriées 68 On the Embuscade's 73, 734; Polverel fils, letter papers, of reel 6; papers appartenant of aux papiers trou122-38. duel with the September 21, 1793, mingur-tabessaten in in Lelay, British frigate Boston, see AN,AA 55, AN, "Rapport de l'officier de Casto, d.1sxz. Report of Arnaud Préty and Garde," August 29, Foreign Affairs, Vesprès, August 30, 1793, in LC, Genet 1793, in LC, Genet papers, papers, reel 6. - reel 6. M - ers trou122-38. duel with the September 21, 1793, mingur-tabessaten in in Lelay, British frigate Boston, see AN,AA 55, AN, "Rapport de l'officier de Casto, d.1sxz. Report of Arnaud Préty and Garde," August 29, Foreign Affairs, Vesprès, August 30, 1793, in LC, Genet 1793, in LC, Genet papers, papers, reel 6. - reel 6. M - --- Page 325 --- You Are All Free American constable who spoke French to French gendarmes sent an that Galbaud's he retreated down the stairs and announced investigate: the door, holding his unsheathed saber companion Bonne was blocking "after careful reflection," were in his hand. The French gendarmes, when "the American citizens finally preparing to go after their quarry that our pointed out to us, that we could not do any such thing, seeing enforcedated the first of September and were only papers were only clerk in New York City had able on the following day": the magistrate's Undaunted, the two French forgotten that August had thirty-one days! and assistance from the local authorities prepared gendarmes requested when their arrest warrants would finally be valid. to wait until midnight, the inn filled up with people, and Over the course of August 31, 1793, led by Madame the French gendarmes realized that Galbaud's partisans, Once night were winning the sympathy of the local citizenry. Galbaud, Galbaud and his adherents escaped in the crowd, with fell, "the citizen and in the darkness we could not recogclothes they had been lent, Unaware of the general's evasion, nize them," as Préty later reported. distracted by Madame Galbaud, he and Vesprès remained in the inn, a mile a minute.' 32 Préty explained to Genet who "was speaking English heart with her tears and her pretty that "the lady tried to touch my advantageous posshe her body in the most ways of persuasion . poses may have been tures. I await your orders to tell me what to do." Préty he Madame Galbaud's influence than he admitted: more susceptible to who had distinguished himself by was a former colonist from Jérémie before changing sides and joining his hostility to the free men of color another week, enjoying Sonthonax's party. He remained at the inn for since *we Galbaud's company and telling Genet not to worry, Madame surrounded." 371 Meanwhile, the general, Conscience, and have Galbaud and were on their way to Canada. Bonne had made their escape in territory belonging to a country Galbaud's decision to take refuge for hasty and war with France was another example of his penchant at decisions: it allowed Genet to depict him as a traitor to ill-considered the British showed him no the republican cause. To Galbaud's surprise, settlement of Saint John's, he was sympathy: when he reached the border Bonne and At the end of October, he, arrested and sent to Quebec City. into the United States. Galbaud Conscience escaped and crossed back and Vesprès, August 30, 1793, and letters to Genet, September 71 Report of Arnaud Préty Genet reel 6. On Préty's background, see Ardouin, I and 6, 1793, in LC, papers, Etudes SuT l'histoire d'Haiti, 3:51. sympathy: when he reached the border Bonne and At the end of October, he, arrested and sent to Quebec City. into the United States. Galbaud Conscience escaped and crossed back and Vesprès, August 30, 1793, and letters to Genet, September 71 Report of Arnaud Préty Genet reel 6. On Préty's background, see Ardouin, I and 6, 1793, in LC, papers, Etudes SuT l'histoire d'Haiti, 3:51. --- Page 326 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States the Canadian border, in case he had to flee wanted to'remain close to From his refuge, he wrote to again, but he was increasingly miserable. complaining that in New York City in early December, a correspondent of the fate of his family and that he was runhe had received no word he had out of money. His last resource was the prized possession ning when he jumped into the water in Le Cap taken such pains to safeguard could find me some symon June 21: "I have a gold watch; maybe you on he who would lend me seven or eight guineas it," pathetic person wrote.72 conflict with Galbaud and the sailors was Genet's most While the with the problem, the French consuls were more preoccupied pressing relief for the refugees and with the politiongoing issue of providing Sonthonax and Polverel. cal difficulties posed by their campaign against Mangourit wrote to tell Genet that other Dominguans From Charleston, from the 16th dragoons, the military unit most had expelled a soldier the hotel where they had been staying, loyal to the commissioners, from club Genet had founded and that they had taken over the republican poison how all these Frenchmen in general in April. "You can imagine wrote. "Some depict their the spirits of the Charlestonians," Mangourit that is well fellow citizens as killers or brigands; others say everything but that everything is wrong in Saint-Domingue : : they go in France, of citoyenne Galbaud and the story of into ecstasy about the heroism wish the squadron was in Jérémie." her motions on the Jupiter: They who had founded According to Mangourit, a certain Edward Penman, Society to aid the refugees, was acting as a British agent a Benevolent them money and inviting them to dinand recruiting support by loaning claimed that some of the French sailors ners.73 In Baltimore, Moissonnier because of his support for the commishad "sworn to exterminate me" the Radoteur, a Frenchsioners in Saint-Domingue. In Philadelphia, Gaterau, written by the Saint-Domingue journalist language newspaper some time before the events of June who had arrived in the United States of the events in Le circulated the most bloodcurdling accounts 20, 1793, the blame for them on the commissioners, whose names Cap and laid Tanguy-Laboissière Gaterau disfigured as *Satanas and Pulvereux." d. législateurs," 33 December 30, 1793,in AN, D XXV 48, 462, 72 Galbaud to "Citoyens December 1793, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 460. and letter to Sailly, and September 18, 1793, in CADN, Philadelphia 73 Mangourit to Genet, August 16, 1793 I3 (correspondence from Charleston). in CADN, Philadelphia IO (correspondence 74 Moissonnier to Genet, August 6, 1793, from Baltimore). lateurs," 33 December 30, 1793,in AN, D XXV 48, 462, 72 Galbaud to "Citoyens December 1793, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 460. and letter to Sailly, and September 18, 1793, in CADN, Philadelphia 73 Mangourit to Genet, August 16, 1793 I3 (correspondence from Charleston). in CADN, Philadelphia IO (correspondence 74 Moissonnier to Genet, August 6, 1793, from Baltimore). --- Page 327 --- 3I0 You Are All Free resumed publishing his Journal des Révolutions de la Saint-Domingue and put out an appeal from "the partie française de French sailors, urging them to take their Père Duchêne" to the to "counter ships back to .. - the projects oft these two criminals Saint-Domingue by turning the colony upside who ruin our country, and to distribute it to the down, to take the money they have stolen; lost conquerors, and'to the unfortunates everything, and to take away from the damned who have lican bonnets which they don't know how negroes the repubgreat God, with the to wear, and which don't go, a thousand bombs! appearance of their faces : - Course for the course for the south, and the south, of his swollen legs and his fat Père Duchêne, in spite topsail. "75 butt, claims the honor of unfurling the In response to this agitation, Genet and Baltimore, adopted a deliberate Moissonnier, the consul, in militant opponents of policy of trying to prevent the most Sonthonax and Polverel from either Saint-Domingue or from reaching France, where their returning to strengthen the campaign against the accusations would "Do not think of favoring the commissioners and their policies. to the colony and return of the Saint-Domingue try on the contrary to refugees tions that these prevent the various gentlemen are said to want to expediwrote to the Baltimore consul launch for Jérémie, 99 Genet little on July 30, 1793. urging; over the next several Moissonnier needed long "list of inhabitants of months, he diligently compiled- a French Republic in the United Saint-Domingue who conspire against the the refugees in the States of America.' >76 By early October, chosen major seacoast cities had organized deputies to carry their accusations themselves and and Genet to France. The against Sonthonax, news of Sonthonax's general Polverel, proclamation added to the urgency of their efforts.77 emancipation however, dissension broke out in their At the same time, Laboissière came out in ranks. The journalist Tanguynumber of the opposition to the National Convention, and a refugees openly supported the sions of the colony, while others British and Spanish invacontinued to assert their patriotism 75 Supplement au no. I, tome II, du Journal des révolutions Saint-Domingue. Le Pere Duchesne aux Bons de la partie française de 6 à tous les Français qui pechent à la dans Enfans la des vaisseaux le Jupiter, l'Eole, pommes aux coins des rues. ligne rivière du Nord, e 76 Genet to Moissonnier, Salut. in AN, D XXV IIS. mangent des D XXV 6, d. 59, and in July CADN, 30, 1793, in CADN, Baltimore 8; Moissonnier, 77 Baudru to Philadelphia IO (correspondence from list, in AN, Larchevesque-Thibaud, September 27, 1793, in AN, D XXV Baltimore). 80, d. 785. ommes aux coins des rues. ligne rivière du Nord, e 76 Genet to Moissonnier, Salut. in AN, D XXV IIS. mangent des D XXV 6, d. 59, and in July CADN, 30, 1793, in CADN, Baltimore 8; Moissonnier, 77 Baudru to Philadelphia IO (correspondence from list, in AN, Larchevesque-Thibaud, September 27, 1793, in AN, D XXV Baltimore). 80, d. 785. --- Page 328 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States 3II Citing the evidence of. ftheir and their devotion to republican principles." funds for the counterrevolutionary sentiments, Genet refused to allocate deputies' voyage or to give them the passports they demanded. refugees' of November 1793, he told them that he considered At the beginning exclusively of whites and their assembly illegal, since it was composed members had defended the rebellious slaveowners in Jérémie.9 since its denunciation of him. The infuriated colonists replied with an eight-page had fought for the cause of the Revolution for four years, they After they commissioners have deprived us of our libcomplained, "your beloved we still and, together with the mulattoes, stripped us of everything erty had aid to "mulattoes and negroes, free or unfree . had." Genet given while you have inhumanly who are [the commissioners] accomplices, looted, and subsistence to us who have been robbed, refused to grant the of their caste." Genet burned out by these criminals, or by people that he General Galbaud, "this brave man, SO persistently had pursued his life," whereas he had secured the freedom was obliged to flee to save commander of the 16th dragoons, of Polverel's son and Leblanc, the satellites of the tyrants," and protected "the mulatto Castaing," "worthy accused of having killed 600 whites.*o had other to confront Genet, the refugees Even as they attempted who reached the United States in pressing problems to deal with. Those destitute the destruction of Le Cap were often as the months following Many had been robbed by privaas those who had come with convoy. during a voyage teers. One of Stephen Girard's friends was victimized and the 1793. "The vessel was searched repeatedly in early September crew carried on their investigasailors who were sent on board as a prize in their examiand almost demolished the 'Polly' tions most rigorously could not have carried nation of cabins, storerooms and hold; pirates amounts things more to excess. The value of the passengers' property hundred thousand and the loss of my belongings to about one pounds, 99 he wrote." By the end of August 1793, deprives me of every resource, de la partie française de Saint-Domingue, October 23, 1793, 78 Journal des Révolutions denunciation ofthe Convention and other refugees' protests with Tanguy-Laboisitre'. dossiers of Eustache, in AN, D XXV 77, and Senac in AN, D against his position; XXV 78, d.766. November I, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 60. 79 Genet-to Barrault Narcay, Forestier, and Barrault Narcay to Genet, November 30, 8o Dumontellier, Parran, Simonot, Polverel and Leblanc had been freed from the Jupiter in 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. Polverel, 58. letter of September 21, 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. ISII. early September. François in APS, Girard papers, roll II. 8: Aubert to Stephen Girard, September 5, 1793, 79 Genet-to Barrault Narcay, Forestier, and Barrault Narcay to Genet, November 30, 8o Dumontellier, Parran, Simonot, Polverel and Leblanc had been freed from the Jupiter in 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. Polverel, 58. letter of September 21, 1793, in AN, AA 55, d. ISII. early September. François in APS, Girard papers, roll II. 8: Aubert to Stephen Girard, September 5, 1793, --- Page 329 --- You Are All Free fever in Philadelphia was adding to the devastating epidemic of yellow well have been brought the misery of those in that city. The disease may doctor from Saintthemselves, although Jean Devèze, a by the refugees insisted that there had been Domingue who had come with the refugees, "One sees noththem before their arrival." no cases of sickness among blame the origin of this malady on ing but coffins in the street. They them! They do not the French and yet one hardly sees any sick among from the other side, and want to treat it the way we do, fear seizes them to the house of it is all over! In 36 hours they have been deported soon I'm afraid that if this continues, Philadelphia will the Eternal Father. wrote." Devèze and some of soon belong to the French," one refugee familiar with such illthe other doctors from Saint-Domingue, more threw themselves into the nesses than their North American colleagues, who had the victims, but many of their countrymen struggle to save in the Caribbean succumbed to another survived one urban catastrophe of Genet's assistants explained one on the continent. In addition, as one for refugees it became impossible to obtain passports to Moissonnier, France because Jefferson, the American given permission to return to the secretary of state, had left town to escape plague." their worries. A colwho survived the epidemic had Even the refugees authorities in France lection of letters confiscated by the revolutionary situations in the fall of of gives a vivid picture of their in the spring 1794 "Most of the colonists and the first months of the following year. nation the generous and hospitable are reduced to misery, even though the children, the assistance to the women, that has taken us in gives named Ferrié wrote to a correspondent elderly and the infirm," a colonist "This country is Adjustment to American life was not easy. in Bordeaux. Bolliue wrote to his sister. what in France imagine," a certain not people uncouth, and show no gratitude for <The people are not helpful, very of the yellow fever epidemic remains John Harvey Powell, 82 The standard account Plague Yellow Fever in Philadelphia in 1793 Bring Out Your Dead: The Great of 1949). Powell concludes that "the (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, islands, whom aegypti could feed on presence of yellow fever victims from the sugar social cause of the epidemic" (293). before biting native Philadelphians, was a primary Into, and Observations upon the For Devèze's testimony, see Jean Devèze, Enquiry which raged in Philadelphia, from the Causes and Effects of the Epidemic Disease, of December, 1793 (Philadelphia: Parent, month of August till towards the middle contribution to the fight against the 1794), 14- According to Powell, Devèze's greatest toxic regime the American doctor Benjamin epidemic was his opposition to the highly Rush wanted to administer to the sick (159-64). in AN, D XXV 69, d. 696. 83 Clausson to Millet, September 18, 1793, in CADN, Baltimore 8. September II, 1793, 84 Bournonville to Moissonnier, Disease, of December, 1793 (Philadelphia: Parent, month of August till towards the middle contribution to the fight against the 1794), 14- According to Powell, Devèze's greatest toxic regime the American doctor Benjamin epidemic was his opposition to the highly Rush wanted to administer to the sick (159-64). in AN, D XXV 69, d. 696. 83 Clausson to Millet, September 18, 1793, in CADN, Baltimore 8. September II, 1793, 84 Bournonville to Moissonnier, --- Page 330 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States the services that the French ment was difficult. "The have done them. "85 Finding gainful the colonists and positions here are very employcreoles have gone all over the scarce, since almost all enough work for everyone, >9 another continent and there is not arrived with colonist wrote,86 money or skills could Those who had ties: one man invested sometimes find in a economic the Moniteur brewery, while Batilliot, the opportunigénéral's prosperous printing former owner of journeyman printer. 87 A wealthier shop, settled for work as a to buy a farm in western refugee reported that he had been able to Saint-Domingue, Pennsylvania, and that his brother had hoping to returned not expensive here, but labor bring back some of their slaves: "Land is of our is, and if we could Negroes, it would help us a lot. 88 bring over three or four Like all refugees, the news coming from the homeland Dominguans clutched eagerly at every of that many of them had they had left and from the scrap not seen for metropole Robin, a doctor who had ended years. Letters were highly he had to up in valued; depend on "the Philadelphia, complained when confidence. "89 Many of the newspapers colonists * which I have never read with and the Spanish had occupied welcomed reports that the British "makes us hope that we will be able parts of Saint-Domingue. The news tunes. Three quarters of the to go gather the debris of our forheart and say that they negroes demand their masters with were fooled all their one Guyton wrote to a Bordeaux by the cannibals of > the commissioners," Cape, which I trust will be in correspondent,- "When I get back to mulatress," another optimistic May, Ill send you news about Other colonist wrote to a your refugees were less hopeful. A friend in France,: talking to American ships' certain Lambert gathered from only interested in captains that the British and plundering the Spanish were are even said to be territories they had occupied. he wrote,92 cooperating with the criminal civil "They Reports from France "We commisioners," thank you for the news that inspired equally conflicting reactions. you send us; it causes great 8; Bolliue to sister, concern, 86 Letter of February January IO, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 81, d., 790. 3, 1794, unsigned, addressed to abbé 790. 87 Letter of De Sannay, Champion, in AN, D XXV 1794, both in D March 18, 1794, from 88 Lettèr-to AN, XXV. 81, d. 790. Baltimore; letter of Robin, March 89 Letter of Robin, Carles, March 18, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 12, * 90 Letter of Guyton, March 12, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 790. 91 Bertrand to January I2, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 790. J 92 Lambert to Riviere, Devincent, March March 18, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, 790. d. 4, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 790. 790. 4, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 12, * 90 Letter of Guyton, March 12, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 790. 91 Bertrand to January I2, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 790. J 92 Lambert to Riviere, Devincent, March March 18, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, 790. d. 4, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 790. 790. --- Page 331 --- You Are All Free We see that many members of the National have been Convention who it guillotined, no doubt some other betrayed ered and then order and conspirators will be discovfriend in Paris.93 After tranquility will return,' s two colonists wrote to a recounting his own writer added a nervous sufferings in America, another Charrier, Carinau p.S., saying that there was a rumor that and Roustant have all been "you, this cruel worry. "94 But for other guillotined. Relieve me of hope. Madame Isnard, who had refugees, France remained a beacon of in the United States, given birth just after making it to wrote to her relatives to safety live SO he can go to Provence and tell say that her son "wants to that his father and mother his uncles about the misfortunes France in the fall of suffered."9s Those who wanted to return to 1793 faced numerous obstacles. to help them, and the threat of British Genet did not want shippers from privateers discouraged carrying them. One French American passage on his ship assured them captain who offered refugees human cargo since he that it was well equipped to handle normally used it to carry slaves from Although as many as a third of the refugees who fled Africa!9s 1793 may have been people of color, Le Cap in June the United States is The documentation about their fate in and scanty. French consuls none of their letters were rarely mentioned them, states, their preserved in the archives. In the southern presence inspired fear. A letter from admitted that "the household Portsmouth, Virginia, posed," but the author had family negroes are trusty and well disheard that "many others insurrection in Hispaniola." The local . belong to the tain security.97 Even in militia was called out to mainstates like where ing the gradual abolition of Pennsylvania, a law foreseeslaves who arrived slavery had been passed, with their masters were not Saint-Domingue Philadelphia merchant immediately freed. The Stephen Girard assured is . quite easy to forward them from a refugee friend that "it continent, where here to any southern state on they are sold just as in St. "98 this more than 400 blacks who arrived in Domingo." Most of the tively young and SO were Philadelphia in 1793 were relalaw that allowed subjected to the provision of the their masters to retain them as Pennsylvania until they reached the age of indentured servants twenty-eight. Knowing no English and 93 Bertrand and Boulineau to 94 Dumon to Félix Lagarde, March Reynouard, March II, 1794, in AN, D XXV 95 Letter of Madame 7, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 81, d. 790. 96 François Artur of Saint-Malo Isnard, March 3, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 790. 97 Letter of August 21, 1793, cited to in Genet, August 25, 1793, in CADN, 790. 98 S. Girard to Labattut, Babb, "French Refugees," 99 60. Philadelphia I5. August 28, 1793, in APS, Girard papers, roll 122. AN, D XXV 81, d. 81, d. 790. 96 François Artur of Saint-Malo Isnard, March 3, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 790. 97 Letter of August 21, 1793, cited to in Genet, August 25, 1793, in CADN, 790. 98 S. Girard to Labattut, Babb, "French Refugees," 99 60. Philadelphia I5. August 28, 1793, in APS, Girard papers, roll 122. --- Page 332 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States having no contacts among the local up working for their former population, many of them wound Pennsylvania guaranteed them owners.99 The knowledge that the law in of the emancipation decrees certain rights and, even more, the news some blacks to express their issued in Saine-Domingue, did in charge of several desire for freedom. One white encourage "of all blacks brought to Baltimore refugee, put your negroes, only Perroquet behaves by a friend, wrote that been impossible since they learned of the himself. The others have Saint Domingue by the general liberty proclaimed in that your negroes are a cumindonerhascasibrems: worry and a burden : Iswear to you . money they produce is not for me and that the little refugee enough to clothe them.' "IOO In complained to the French consul that New York, a domestic servant in a slave who had been a be ordered to do field Saint-Domingue labor in the was insisting that he could not tions under which the exodus United States. IOI The chaotic condiproduced great confusion about from Saint-Domingue had taken this benefted former the black arrivals' status. place In slaves, but in other cases, it Sometimes Baltimore, an angry refugee denounced worked against them. a another white to sell eighteen slaves Moissonnier for allowing not even his legal property." 1O2 from Saint-Domingue who were joined Conditions the were not easy either for the free exodus from people of color who had fled later in the year, fearing Saint-Domingue the in June 1793 Qr for those who emancipation would have for them. consequences that the decree of general a colored population fori White refugees who blamed the a inspiring the slave free welcome," 103 Many of them were insurrection gave them a frosty white male partners. When women who had accompanied their Saint-Domingue military officers Madame Rouvray, the wife of one of the in October 1792, caught who had been forced out of the island mer, of 1793, she up with, her husband in New was furious to find him York in the sumher bastard, for whom he living with "a in our position. 32 lays out money that is more than quadroon and Her erring husband we can afford all have their mulatress," was not the only offender. brought Madame Rouvray "They along or who has come to find them." complained, >9104 "whom they In the United States, 100 Nash, Letter "Reverberations," 5 54-5. IOI Rey de ofLalanne, la Rousse to December New 20, 1793, from York Baltimore, in AN, D XXV 81, d. Duverger de Sermet to Consulate, July 26,1793, in 790. 1o3 Letter of Lacoste, from Moissonnier, December S, 1793,1 in CADN, New York 64. 104 Letter of Madame Baltimore, October IS, 1793, in AN, CADN, D Baltimore 8. and B. C. Weber, Rouvray to her daughter, August XXV 80, d. 786. eds., Une Correspondance I3, 1793, in M. E. McIntosh familiale au temps des troubles de de Sermet to Consulate, July 26,1793, in 790. 1o3 Letter of Lacoste, from Moissonnier, December S, 1793,1 in CADN, New York 64. 104 Letter of Madame Baltimore, October IS, 1793, in AN, CADN, D Baltimore 8. and B. C. Weber, Rouvray to her daughter, August XXV 80, d. 786. eds., Une Correspondance I3, 1793, in M. E. McIntosh familiale au temps des troubles de --- Page 333 --- You Are All Free tolerance for the racially mixed households arrived with was more limited that some of the refugees had Philadelphia resident remembered than in Saint-Domingue. Years later, a by the sight of "Mestizo how the local population was shocked Ladies, with jet black hair, and eyes of the complexions of the palest marble, gazelle, and of the most metry . escorted along the pavement, by white exquisite symIn October 1793, as the consul French gentlemen.' "I0S Carolina legislature Mangourit reported to Genet, the South passed a resolution and blacks from the French ordering all free people of color The consul took colony to leave the state within ten a certain pleasure in days. the white male refugees in Charleston: recounting the effect this had on cubinage with mulatresses "Living for the most part in conthunderbolt or free negresses, the for them. They thought that if proclamation . was a these loose women, they could they took responsibility for keep them, but law] was inexorable. They had to let the (the enforcement of the or go with them. 9106 objects of their caresses depart, Although the French diplomatic officials refugees were violently hostile to the recognized that most of the no alternative but to continue policy Genet had adopted, they had them. "Winter is trying to organize practical assistance for demand bread coming, we cannot let a crowd of and clothes from us die of unfortunates who to Sonthonax and Polverel. I07 Even cold," a consular official wrote the different aspects oft the as he continued to try to deal with'all crisis caused by the however, Genet realized that his own Saint-Domingue refugees, late September 1793, he learned position was in terrible jeopardy. By ing that the American Jefferson, whom he had considered government, includhis recall. By this time, he had also an ally, had officially requested ministry of foreign affairs, receivèd a stern letter from the French their complaint, written even before the Americans had made the first days of denouncing his irresponsible conduct. 108 Genet October churning out a long series spent ing himself and of reports explaining to the French ministry the justifymany dimensions Saint-Domingue. Lettres du Marquis et de la Saint-Domingue - Etats-Unis Marquise de Rouvray à leur fille. françaises, 1959), IOI-2. (1791-1796) (Paris : Société de Thistoire des ros Cited in Davies, "Class, colonies 106 Mangourit to Genet, in Culture, CADN, and Color,". 65. October Philadelphia I3 20, 1793. * (correspondence from Charlestof), Bournonville, secretary of the Philadelphia 1o8 September 20, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 58. legation, to Sonthonax and Polverel, Ammpn, GenetAffair, 128; Paul Mantoux, Genet aux Etats-Unis," Revue d'histoire moderne "Le Comité de Salut public et la mission de et contemporaine I3 (1909), 6-8. 65. October Philadelphia I3 20, 1793. * (correspondence from Charlestof), Bournonville, secretary of the Philadelphia 1o8 September 20, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 58. legation, to Sonthonax and Polverel, Ammpn, GenetAffair, 128; Paul Mantoux, Genet aux Etats-Unis," Revue d'histoire moderne "Le Comité de Salut public et la mission de et contemporaine I3 (1909), 6-8. --- Page 334 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States of the Saint-Domingue crisis. His efforts were in vain: 1793, three days after receiving the official on October II, Committee of Public Safety decided American complaint, the him returned not only to recall him but to have to France under arrest, along with several other French diplomatic officials accused of complicity in his "criminal The order, part of the same purge of Brissot's conduct." in the Convention's vote protegés that had resulted to recall Sonthonax and Polverel in signed by six members of the Committee, July, was Saint-Just. 109 including Robespierre and Genet would not learn of this decision for several he had more than bad more months, but Atlantic. After enough news to cope with on his own side of the the resolution of the crisis on board the at of August, the minister had finally succeeded Jupiter the end the in getting the sailors warships to agree to demonstrate their patriotism on an operation against the British. On October by undertaking Admiral Sercey to head into the North 4, 1793, Genet ordered islands of Saint-Pierre and Atlantic and recapture the French he had Miquelon, which the British had seized; after accomplished that task, he was to raid the Halifax. IIO Once the Canadian port of celebrated ships put to sea, however, the crews, led by the Captain Bompard, staged yet another and admiral to give orders to sail back to France. mutiny forced the labors and those of "We are sorry that your your worthy assistant Hauterive little success," 9> an informant have met with SO on the ships wrote to Genet.": November, the sailors and soldiers from the By early France, adding to the number of warships would be back in Polverel for their conduct denunciations against Sonthonax and on June 2.0, 1793.112 Even before Genet learned of the defection of the naval and the collapse of the naval scheme in which he had invested squadron effort, news of another disaster in SO much On October he Saint-Domingue had reached him. 26, wrote to inform the French British had landed in government that the Saint-Domingue, with the of colonists: "The long complicity the white conspiracy some of whose threads L about in an earlier dispatch has broken out. Our colonies informed you Vendée revolt. Three officers who have their own told escaped from Môle St. Nicolas just me that that place and Jérémie have have given themselves to the 109 Mantoux, "Comité de Salut IIO Genet to Sercey, October 4, 1793, public," in 18-19. IIZ "Défection de l'escadre," October LC, Genet papers, reel 6. 112 See the file of depositions from soldiers 16, 1793, and in LC, Genet papers, reel 6. 80, d. 788. sailors from the Jupiter in AN, D XXV Nicolas just me that that place and Jérémie have have given themselves to the 109 Mantoux, "Comité de Salut IIO Genet to Sercey, October 4, 1793, public," in 18-19. IIZ "Défection de l'escadre," October LC, Genet papers, reel 6. 112 See the file of depositions from soldiers 16, 1793, and in LC, Genet papers, reel 6. 80, d. 788. sailors from the Jupiter in AN, D XXV --- Page 335 --- You Are All Free English The arrival of despotism our liberty was celebrated and the trampled upon. > Echoing Sonthonax's symbol of response, Genet assured the minister of and Polverel's defiant cause was not lost. "Do not alarm foreign affairs that the French tary yourself too much about this conquest by our enemies, The volcano of Saint momenthrow them out along with the traitors Domingue will soon demands it, all the blacks are free and all of who summoned them; nature back in chains if the Republic them know they will be put goes under. PII3 Although he already knew that the United recall and that he had lost the States had requested his Genet used the confidence of the French opening provided by the news from government, gain a little leverage with Jefferson. He Saint-Domingue to much of American reminded his interlocutor how commerce depended on plained bitterly that "it is in this land of Saint-Domingue, and comall the counterrevolurionary liberty that all the projects, made." The plans that have just been carried out were Saint-Domingue refugees, he not only against their own warned, were "now country, but plotting, and your security," in particular, against your own independence sibly spreading the those in the slave states were news of the abolition of slavery in irresponthereby "furnishing your southern Saint-Domingue, alarms they experience. planters the matter of the continual to learn that such France, your friend, will no doubt be men are not only tolerated, but that pained assembliesin Charleston, in Baltimore, in they hold public that they freely circulate Philadelphia, in New York, and newspapers full ofinvectives against its representatives. >> The least the against France and concluded, was to expel these United States could do, Genet Jefferson men to the British and replied that he could not restrict the Spanish colonies. of speech, but he urged local authorities white colonists' freedom French consuls from the to take measures to protect the Jefferson himself refugees' menaces. T2S In the meantime, the free helped spread the rumor that however, colored leader Sonthonax's close ally, tion in the south."6 Castaing, was planning to incite a slave insurrecAlthough Genet was unable to get the him in his campaign against the French American government to aid refugees who were determined 113 Genet to minister of foreign 114 Genet to Jefferson, October affairs, October 26, 1793, in LC, Genet papers, reel reel 6. 30, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 58, and LC, Genet 6. 1X5 Jefferson, letters of November papers, translations in AN, D XXV 30, 1793 to Genet and to local II6 Letter of December 6, ds. 60 and 59. authorities, French 23, 1793, in Catanzriti, ed., Papers oflefferson, 27: 614. , October 26, 1793, in LC, Genet papers, reel reel 6. 30, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 58, and LC, Genet 6. 1X5 Jefferson, letters of November papers, translations in AN, D XXV 30, 1793 to Genet and to local II6 Letter of December 6, ds. 60 and 59. authorities, French 23, 1793, in Catanzriti, ed., Papers oflefferson, 27: 614. --- Page 336 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States to overturn Sonthonax's and Polverel's policy of slave American merchants, more interested in profits than in emancipation, provide vital assistance to the embattled politics, did commissioners. swarms of British and Spanish privateers in Despite the edly boarded neutral the Caribbean, who repeatships looking for French citizens and their erty, American vessels continued to carry propand to bring back colonial supplies to Saint-Domingue devastated products from regions that had not been by the fighting there. An article of August 1793 reminded readers that published at the beginning interested in the fate of St. "the American public are more One-half of the Domingo, than they appear to be aware of. foreign trade of the French part of this the richest and most productive island, which is portion, and the other French was with the United States, carried on in islands, 1392 vessels, of the burthen of 105,995 tons; and producing, by estimation, an annual balance of million, one hundred, and sixty-two thousand, four hundred one in favour of the United States.' 9117 A merchant who dollars, in October made the 1793 wrote to a correspondent in Philadelphia that voyage Français is as quiet as could be desired. The Americans sell "Cape to the citizens peaceably. If you send me a vessel their cargoes shall make as much out ofit you may be sure that I as possible for your profit. P118 The tion of the North Province and the activities of the destructhe price of these privateers had driven goods to a level where the potential risks of the voyage; in profits offset the addition, as a French colonist who one of the ships later wrote, "these good Americans escaped on bly quadrupled the had charitaordinary price of these trips;" after their desperate passengers, the traders often added overcharging by making lengthy detours along the to their sufferings sugar and coffee."9 In spite of all the Saint-Domingue coast to pick up ordonnateur Wante difficulties besetting him, the reported to Sonthonax in early that he had somehow September 1793 dise managed to pay out 1,500,000 livres for merchanimported to the island, an indication of the volume of trade still going on despite the events of June 20, 1793.120 The commissioners able to generate some income because they had were tions of colonists who had fled; the sequestered the plantaproduce of those properties became government revenue. I17 Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, August 38, d. 381. I3, 1793, copy in AN, D XXV 118 H.J.Sulanze to Stephen Girard, October 119 Laplace, Histoire des desastres de 30, 1793, in APS, Girard papers, roll II. 120 Wante to Sonthonax, September Saint-Domingne, 304. 13, 1793, in AN, D XXV 23, d. 236. sequestered the plantaproduce of those properties became government revenue. I17 Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, August 38, d. 381. I3, 1793, copy in AN, D XXV 118 H.J.Sulanze to Stephen Girard, October 119 Laplace, Histoire des desastres de 30, 1793, in APS, Girard papers, roll II. 120 Wante to Sonthonax, September Saint-Domingne, 304. 13, 1793, in AN, D XXV 23, d. 236. --- Page 337 --- You Are All Free much credit for the continuation of American Genet could not claim he used his positrade with Saint-Domingue, but in November 1793, crucial contribution to the triumph of the abolitionist tion to make a to the tri-racial delegation of cause in France. The protection that he gave the National Convention elected under Sonthonax's supervideputies to in late September 1793 was his only policy success, sion in Cap Français Clinton's aside from the ardent courtship of New York governor George that he undertook in the midst of all his other preocdaughter Cornelia the deputies arrived cupations." 121 On November 8, 1793, a ship carrying the white As soon as word of their arrival spread among in Philadelphia. the the whites trouble broke out. Most oft the deputies, including refugees, and the black J.-B. Belley, as well as the members of Dufay and Garnot had been intimately involved in the events the party accompanying them, side. "As I write this, I have of June 20, 1793 on the commissioners' in the Philadelphia learned that what I feared has happened," an official Genet. "The citizens Dufay and Garnot, deputies, consulate wrote to The of color are in danger of have been insulted and struck. deputies 99122 The mayor massacred. I'm going to ask for police protection." being denouncing the violence of Philadelphia issued a public proclamation one of whom had been "attacked . with against the deputies' entourage, and thrown in the water. 123 The Saint-Domingue swords, sticks and fists" where the consul promptly left Philadelphia for New York, deputies on November IO. Hauterive, who had Hauterive noted their presence allies as Genet, was initially as hostile to Sonthonax's come to despise what a society dominated by black any of the refugees. Trying to imagine that in the end, they would "turn ex-slaves might look like, he speculated themselves, their senseless fury against their own kind and exterminate human race." leaving no one to mourn SO much debris of the unhappy abandoned his He claimed that one of the black deputies had actually that he was mission when he encountered his former master: "he forgot ofhis color to the National Convention and, trampling the representative and his privileges, he said, Me find my master. underfoot his assignment himself back in the chains of slavery." 9124 Me happy! and he put a fictionalized version of his marriage proposal, dated 121 See "Entretien month d'hier of au An soir," II (Feb. 1794), in LC, Genet papers, reel 7. r3th day, sth 8, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 60. 122 Beauvarlet to Genet, November 1793, November 8, 1793, in New York Daily. Advertiser, 123 Proclamation ofMatthew Clarkson, November 13, 1793. entries for November IO, II, I2, 1793, ms. in New York Historical 124 Hauterive, journal, collection. No confirmation oft the story about the deputy who volunSociety(NYHS) tarily returned to slavery is known. , reel 7. r3th day, sth 8, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 60. 122 Beauvarlet to Genet, November 1793, November 8, 1793, in New York Daily. Advertiser, 123 Proclamation ofMatthew Clarkson, November 13, 1793. entries for November IO, II, I2, 1793, ms. in New York Historical 124 Hauterive, journal, collection. No confirmation oft the story about the deputy who volunSociety(NYHS) tarily returned to slavery is known. --- Page 338 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States 32I Genet's reaction to the arrival of the Saint-Domingue entirely different. In a diary entry on November delegation was ized Hauterive denounced 16, 1793, the scandalGenet for permitting the scene he had witnessed at the minister's house: The three colors of Saint-Domingue: men, to the tide of métis in the form of Madame women, servants an addition the philanthropic couch of citizen Robquin, mulatress belonging to which the citizen Robquin, soldier, commander of the unit of Belley, a black of distinction, wears the SO good things all brought together at once in the same epaulettes, many the rays of the minister forth house, at the same table : ing triumph of the inferior breaking on SO many foreshadowings of the comcolors while is moment the tomb of an entire Saint-Domingue perhaps at this each other, while in America generation, while two races fight to exterminate of America your close connections with a party that almost all abhors, mean that your conduct IS spied out, and they will call reception you give to men it fears a crime, adding a horde of the who your thoughtlessness has already earned enemies to those you .125 The refugee colonists were equally furious. In a long letter Genet's various offenses, they did not fail to mention his denouncing with "Dufay and others as criminal as himself," and in association particular "three negroes whom the ferocious Sonthonax only freed, without having the power to do sO, only elevated in rank, only named or had named ties to the Convention because they had distinguished deputheir comrades by the quantity of crimes themselves from they had committed their atrocities. 9126 and by Genet's public reception for the Saint-Domingue an, epoch-making event, both for France and for the deputies was indeed United States. He was the first representative of the French Republic outside of SaintDomingue to endorse the validity of the measures Sonthonax and Polverel had taken, and the first to recognize the official status of the deputies of African descent sent from the colony. Hauterive accurate in seeing Genet's was entirely gesture as a defiance of racial norms in the United States as well as in Saint-Domingue: slavery was still legal in New York City 1- a law providing for its gradual abolition would until not be - passed 1799127 and the notion of a black man or even a man of mixed race holding political office remained unthinkable there. Genet's determination to stand by the Saint-Domingue Furthermore, deputies had 1a5 Hauterive, journal, entry for November 126 Colonists' denunciation, 16, 1793, ms. in NYHS. 127 Patrick Rael, "The November 30, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 58. Long Death of Slavery,' 93 in Ira Berlin and Leslie M. Slavery in New York (New York: The New Press, 2005), Harris, eds., 125-9. political office remained unthinkable there. Genet's determination to stand by the Saint-Domingue Furthermore, deputies had 1a5 Hauterive, journal, entry for November 126 Colonists' denunciation, 16, 1793, ms. in NYHS. 127 Patrick Rael, "The November 30, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 58. Long Death of Slavery,' 93 in Ira Berlin and Leslie M. Slavery in New York (New York: The New Press, 2005), Harris, eds., 125-9. --- Page 339 --- You Are All Free some real effect. The consul Hauterive. Ten most unexpected convert to the confided his days after his denunciation new order was change of heart to his diary: of Genet's conduct, he I saw a deputation of color ing things more closely, it is arrive, at first I judged less impassioned, a reunion of men them unjustly, in considerfrenzy, of more thoughtful than any of infinitely kinder, more stupidity, of obstination. those who have sociable, manners, and who shows Dufay is a accused them of been imputed over and none of the penchants well-educated for man, with he is going to be at the over again for SO many. months extermination that good have that his mind is less National Convention. Garnot to the party whose more inclined cultivated and his is less organ to get carried manners more attractive, but given fellows, the most humane away These two blacks common, he would be faces, all they have character expresses itself in have the air of good certainty that their gotten color from the revolution is the the dusky tone of their who appear lovable and does not degrade them. They confidence provided by the cannibal decent. Iti is a long way have with them these principles, to cannibal from that to women men killed whites for sentiments. I find it hard to cannibal women, to through here of whom I would revenge, and there are few sailors believe that any of say as much."s who have passed Hauterive was not the with the only person favorably influenced tive Saint-Domingue by who would deliver deputies. Lauis Dufay, the contact Convention the speech that white to vote to abolish would convince the representaand Polverel, "we slavery three months National that of truth, were listened to: people later, told Sonthonax They read an saw that our events in account I had written language was Saint-Domingue, and up on begin to see that the everyone's eyes were board, of the continent." 9119 colonists tried to mislead all the finally opened. They had given Basing himself on the inhabitants of the of him, Genet wrote a long reports Dufay and his foreign affairs memorandum to the colleagues cies. "Whatever laying out the case for Sonthonax's French minister determinately may happen there is no and Polverel's polifixed its disguising that St. all the system. And I believe that the Domingo has advantages of its old commerce from Republic colony system,' 99 Genet the People that it may draw more and more attach wrote. "We shall have found in the and soldiers itself to us, children a colony which will able to a create a new who will love us like archipelago. "I3o France in the midst of Fathers, the Mexican 128 Hauterive, journal, 129 Dufay to entry for November 27, I30 Genet to minister Sonthonax and Polverel, December 1793, ms. in NYHS. in LC,Genet of foreign affairs, n.d. but late 4, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. papers, reel 7. November 1793, English S4. translation will able to a create a new who will love us like archipelago. "I3o France in the midst of Fathers, the Mexican 128 Hauterive, journal, 129 Dufay to entry for November 27, I30 Genet to minister Sonthonax and Polverel, December 1793, ms. in NYHS. in LC,Genet of foreign affairs, n.d. but late 4, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. papers, reel 7. November 1793, English S4. translation --- Page 340 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States the Convention had voted to recall Sonthonax Although he knew that them. "These two men alone lead and Polverel, Genet boldly supported wooden and who the Child who still trembles at (idols] on this great ofs 32 he claimed. He.admitConvulsionists strike with a-sort stupefaction," was causing ted that the emancipation of the slaves in Saint-Domingue but he was in the United States, particularly in the south, some concern would eventually accept the situation. "If confident that the Americans be and if is SO established as that it cannot overturned, the Revolution Citizens will for ever remain attached to it is indisputable that the new do but to consolidate themwhat other thing remains for them to us, the Natives of an Island SO essential to their selves and not to alienate of these Natives and the in favouring the old Tyrants commerce openly On December IO, even as he consworn enemy of the French people?": oft the white refugees to return tinued to refuse to help the representatives orders for one of the French government's to France, Genet gave urgent Saint-Domingue deputies, Dufay, fast messenger boats to take the three "During their stay in Mills, and Belley, to France as quickly as possible. of their civic the United States, they have given me indubitable proofs of the that, entrusted with the confidence principles, and] Ihave no doubt has against the eneonly defenders that the colony of Saint-Domingue will take the same interest mies of the Republic at this moment that you have in me, 99 Genet wrote to the naval official in them that they inspired was told to take care to put responsible for the voyage. The ship's captain risk a where they would not encountering them ashore in a French port hostile reception. 132 Saint-Domingue on their way to France Sending the deputies from of the emancipation polwas Genet's main contribution to the success the crisis of June 20, Sonthonax and Polverel had adopted during icy awaited further news about his own replacement, however, 1793. As he growing out Genet found himself confronted with one final challenge General of the events in the Caribbean colony. On December 23, 1793, who resurfaced in New York City. Consul Hauterive, Galbaud suddenly outdid himselfin his report to Genet about had a certain flair for drama, and his supporters, including, as the visit he had received from Galbaud of this arrogant band Madame Galbaud: The burning gazes always, and ordered the guard to come up and make were fixed on me I rang of affairs, n.d. but late November 1793, English translation 131 Genet to minister foreign in LC, Genet papers, reel 7. in New York, December IO, 1793, and to Captain 132 Genet, letters to the ordonnateur in LC, Genet papers, reel 7Fuel of the Impatient, December II, 1793, he had received from Galbaud of this arrogant band Madame Galbaud: The burning gazes always, and ordered the guard to come up and make were fixed on me I rang of affairs, n.d. but late November 1793, English translation 131 Genet to minister foreign in LC, Genet papers, reel 7. in New York, December IO, 1793, and to Captain 132 Genet, letters to the ordonnateur in LC, Genet papers, reel 7Fuel of the Impatient, December II, 1793, --- Page 341 --- You Are All Free them leave. Immediately (André pocket, displayed it and Conscience] pulled a pistol out of his pointed it me. I smiled mockingly and successively at all the people with orders to show their recommended to all those who followed contempt and their moderation. This my Galbaud, who told me he didn't take word shocked if he hadn't come to hear any orders from me. I replied that coming from all their my orders, he could leave A flood of curses with the so-called throats repeatedly interrupted my conversation governor of the Leeward Isles was maréchal du camp, who told me that he that ended with governor and a hundred other an order for me to state my intentions extravagances writing The ex-general of the Leeward toward him in Tanguy's newspaper, 'me, Isles left, menacing me with While my Genet and our assassins."' 133 his Hauterive was writing to Genet about office, Galbaud was Galbaud's eruption in ties to make his writing to the local newspapers and own case. In a letter published in the New authoriAdvertiser, the general explained that he refused York Daily sent back to France on a ship designated to allow himself to be "although innocent I might become by the French minister because ible persecutions which I have dejected on account of the incredof sinking beneath thel load of suffered, and intimidated at the thought ridiculous moment of my disembarking I may fall accusations, and perhaps at the the hand of a subaltern a victim to the dagger, guided agent of the infernal by and approved of by a people irritated cabal which persecutes me, with the odious against the man who is branded American appellation of a traitor. P134 Unable to authorities to let them arrest convince the finally agreed that the general could Galbaud, Genet and Hauterive an American ship. 135 pay his own way back to France on By this time, the United States Genet, even though his official government had cut off relations with in the country until February replacement, Joseph Fauchet, did not arrive unity among the white 20, 1794. At the same time, the political some Saint-Domingue of them openly proclaimed their refugees was disintegrating, as Tanguy-Laboisières denunciations royalist sympathies. The journalist mine the colonists' claim of the republic threatened to underto be loyal French sixty-one of them presented the patriots; on January 27, 1794, denouncing those Philadelphia consulate with an address Dominguans who had supported the British landing in 133 Hauterive to Genet, December . 134 New York Daily Advertiser, 23, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 60. 135 Contract for Galbaud family's December 30, 1793. D XXV 81, d. 791. return voyage to France, February I, 1794, in AN, erto be loyal French sixty-one of them presented the patriots; on January 27, 1794, denouncing those Philadelphia consulate with an address Dominguans who had supported the British landing in 133 Hauterive to Genet, December . 134 New York Daily Advertiser, 23, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 60. 135 Contract for Galbaud family's December 30, 1793. D XXV 81, d. 791. return voyage to France, February I, 1794, in AN, --- Page 342 --- Saint-Domingue in the United States the island. 136 Genet's replacement assured the many of them increasingly unhappy in their Saint-Domingue refugees, that we lead is American asylum - "the life pretty hard, shut in around a stove,' > one of'them to a relative in France during the worst of the wrote them who wished to could winter'37 - that any of return to the metropole. French representatives who Although the new of the replaced Genet recognized that the majority refugees were anything but loyal republicans, they decided they could not attempt to discriminate that so-called Vanstabel among them.5 In April 1794, the convoy, made up of over IOO under mand of a naval officer sent from ships the comof refugees, the France, set out, carrying a large number remains of the colonial cargoes from and 100,000 barrels of American flour Saint-Domingue, The to augment French convoy's arrival in France would provide much-needed relief supplies.39 French economy, but its for the there about the passengers were too late to influence the debates abolition of slavery. By early 1794, the political phase of the crisis caused the sudden arrival of the refugees from Cap by Français was essentially at an end. The Saint-Dominguans who settled in the United States would continue influence their new country's life in various to fellow citizens to French dance ways - introducing their styles, for example - but ceased to be perceived as a potential problem. The they largely engaged refugees either left to pursue the most politically and Polverel in Paris campaign against Sonthonax or else found their way back to like the young author of My Odyssey, who joined first Saint-Domingue, the then the British in order to fight against the Spanish and American emancipated blacks."40 The government and public continued to follow events in SaintDomingue closely, but they were no longer SO concerned that those would have a direct impact on the United States. The "Genet events was also over. Replaced by a new French minister, affair" Genet, summoned 136 Address to Convention, 8 plu. II 137 Franjon to brother, January (January 27, 1794), in AN, D XXV 6, d. 59. 138 French diplomatic IO, 1794, in AN, D XXV 81, d. 790. delegation to Minister of Foreign Affairs, J. Turner, ed. Seventh Report of the Historical 25 ger. II, in Frederick Correspondenceofthel French Ministerstot the Manuscripts Commission. DC: Government Printing Office, UnitedStates, 1791-3797(Washington, 139 Letter of Trémis, 28 prairial II, in 1904), AN, 325. D XXV 81, d. This tains numerous lists of refugees who went to France 797. dossier also conarrangements for the colonists' on the Vanstabel convoy. On the sion in the United States, return, see the letter of the French diplomatic misManuscripts 25 ger. II, in Turner, ed., Seventh Report of the Historical 140 For the adventures Commission, of the author 325. of My and the British," in Popkin, Facing Racial Odyssey, see "A Colonist among the Spanish Revolution, 252-69. . D XXV 81, d. This tains numerous lists of refugees who went to France 797. dossier also conarrangements for the colonists' on the Vanstabel convoy. On the sion in the United States, return, see the letter of the French diplomatic misManuscripts 25 ger. II, in Turner, ed., Seventh Report of the Historical 140 For the adventures Commission, of the author 325. of My and the British," in Popkin, Facing Racial Odyssey, see "A Colonist among the Spanish Revolution, 252-69. --- Page 343 --- You Are All Free him for his to return to France to answer the charges brought against conduct, chose to remain in the United States rather than risk the fate of his Brissot. He married Cornelia Clinton and bought himself a patron Island. The French whose crews had caused SO farm on Long warships much unrest in the United States were refitted, and some of them went on to serve in a number of subsequent campaigns. Between mid-1793 and early 1794, however, the eastern seaboard of the United States had been the site of a crucial interlude in the political struggles that culminated with the passage of the National Convention's abolition decree of 16 pluviôse An II. By continuing to trade with the French-held parts of Saint-Domingue even after the destruction of Cap Français and the emancipation of the slaves, Americans helped Sonthonax and Polverel for Toussaint Louverture to make up his mind hold out long enough to join their side. And by expediting the voyage of the Saint-Domingue while the return of Galbaud and the white deputies to France, delaying refugees, the minister Genet made it possible for Brissot's policies to triumph, even though Brissot himself was dead. --- Page 344 --- IO The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II Belley, the members of the deputies to the National "tricolor" delegation of vision in Convention elected E Saine-Domingue official emissaries September 1793, finally arrived in Paris. under Sonthonax's superand Polverel to reach dispatched by the civil They were the first in Cap Français. the metropole since the commissioners Sonthonax event: Dufay's Dufay and Belley had played journée of June 20, 1793 General reports had excited the major roles in that Galbaud, and commissioners' who defended the Belley had commanded the free suspicions of If Dufay, Mills, Government House men of color the and Belley had against Galbaud's first assault. representatives of a colony expected to be welcomed in Revolution had finally where the Paris as A few days after been fulfilled, however, principles of the French where their arrival, four they were in for a shock. they were staying. Acting policemen entered the General Security, which, on a warrant from the apartment constituted the together with the Committee of center of France's Committee of Public ment, the policemen all-powerful Safety, Mills off to prison. interrogated all three men revolutionary and governof June 20, Before they could took Dufay and 1793 to the present their to overcome the Convention, the story of the events opposition of the white Sain-Domingue deputies had Saint-Domingue colonists' Interogations Mills, letter of I2 of Dufay plu. and Mills, IO plu. II, in egation, was II, in AN, D XXV 57, d. AN,F7 4685, d. Dufay, and men had given apparently the not arrested because the 563. Belley, the black member Dufay of and police a different name for the white colonists who had the delblack member of the denounced the delegation. --- Page 345 --- You Are All Free lobby and of the leading revolutionary endorse the colonists' views. politicians who had come to Having narrowly escaped from the in the United States, Dufay, Mills, and Saint-Domingue colonists' wrath was strong opposition to the Belley already knew that there Polverel had adopted. men had given apparently the not arrested because the 563. Belley, the black member Dufay of and police a different name for the white colonists who had the delblack member of the denounced the delegation. --- Page 345 --- You Are All Free lobby and of the leading revolutionary endorse the colonists' views. politicians who had come to Having narrowly escaped from the in the United States, Dufay, Mills, and Saint-Domingue colonists' wrath was strong opposition to the Belley already knew that there Polverel had adopted. What emancipation policy Sonthonax and arrival in Paris they had not fully appreciated was how thoroughly the colonists' before their two civil commissioners had succeeded in campaign against the ment's policies. While Sonthonax and shaping the French governcolonial opposition in Polverel had been crushing white the free men of color, Saint-Domingue their and building their alliance with and Julien Raimond, had political allies in Paris, especially Brissot been losing their case, his life. On July 16, 1793, six months influence and, in Brissot's deputies reached France, the National before the Saint-Domingue Sonthonax and Polverel and Convention had voted to recall firmed in September put them on trial, a decision that it reafrevolutionaries 1793. Influenced by the colonial the had interpreted the journée of] lobby, French a counterrevolutionary June 20, 1793 as evidence of and the white conspiracy, carried out, not by General Galbaud colonists, but by the "Brissotin" civil Toussaint Louverture's "volte-face" in commissioners. Like later, the Convention's historic decree Saint-Domingue three months sudden reversal of a policy that had of 16 pluviôse An II marked the enemies rather than identified Sonthonax and Polverel as of the rights of man recognizing them as key proponents of the to the black inhabitants of extension To understand the situation that France's colonies. when they arrived in France, it is confronted Dufay, Mills, and Belley of 1792, when Sonthonax and necessary to go back to the first half Polverel were chosen for their Saint-Domingue. As we have seen, the law of mission to ated the Second Civil Commission, April 4, 1792, which crelobbying efforts of the white represented a major defeat for the lobby had succeeded in Saint-Domingue colonists. The colonial stitution of writing into the first French 179I an explicit guarantee of what revolutionaryconin the constitutional tradition of the would have been called, United respect to slavery and racial discrimination. 2, when Sonthonax and necessary to go back to the first half Polverel were chosen for their Saint-Domingue. As we have seen, the law of mission to ated the Second Civil Commission, April 4, 1792, which crelobbying efforts of the white represented a major defeat for the lobby had succeeded in Saint-Domingue colonists. The colonial stitution of writing into the first French 179I an explicit guarantee of what revolutionaryconin the constitutional tradition of the would have been called, United respect to slavery and racial discrimination. States, "states' rights" with said nothing about slavery, but it The law of April 4, 1792 itan government's emphatically asserted the power to legislate about metropolthe colonies, and the white colonists the "status of persons" in their interests. Its regarded it as a mortal threat to lobby's success of passage, coming just seven months after the colonial had September 24, I791, when the repealed its decree of May Constituent Assembly IS, I79I granting rights to free men.of --- Page 346 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II had been free, was a crushing setback for the Club color whose parents colonial lobby. "Not only the members of Massiac, the center of the to the point National but also the galleries were excited the Assembly, dangerous for anyone who expressed a conwhere it would have been colonists 39 the Paris representatives ofthe Saint-Domingue trary opinion," When the French monarchy was overwrote to their correspondents:* Massiac was closed down and its thrown on August IO, 1792, the Club papers seized.3 when the colonial lobby appeared completely Just at the moment of advocates for the white slaveholders defeated, however, a new set when the arrived in Paris. Almost at the same time of Saint-Domingue Polverel, and Ailhaud to French government was selecting Sonthonax, in Cap Français impose its policies in the colony, the Colonial Assembly for slavcommissioners of its own to make the case was nominating of men have hailed each in the metropole. The two groups might ery crossed the Atlantic in opposite directions in July other's ships as they sent from Saint-Domingue Ironically, one of the three lobbyists 1792. just as Ailhaud quit would abandon his position soon after arriving, but the remaining commissioners - two plantahis post in the colony, and Augustin-Jean Brulley - tion owners named Pierre-François Page their mission until would, like Sonthonax and Polverel, doggedly pursue orders of the like Sonthonax and Polverel, were finally arrested on they, The struggle over the issues of race and Committee of Public Safety.* and early 1794 was, in many ways, a slavery in Saint-Domingue in 1793 duel between the two Frenchmen sent to Saint-Domingue long-distance colonists sent to Paris, and from mid-1793 until and the two Dominguan Sonthonax and Polverel, 16 pluviôse An II, it was Page and Brulley, not who had the ear of the French Republic's leaders. the Colonial Brulley, and their third colleague were named by Page, of seeking metropolitan approval Assembly for the specific purpose declaring resolution that that body had passed on May 15, 1792, for a AN,D XXV 76, entry for March 26, 1792. 3 Debien, Club Massiac, 376. et la Révolution française. Les représentants des colons Blanche Maurel. Saint-Domingue Presses Universitaires de France, 1943), 35. For their en France de 1789 à 1795 (Paris: de la partie française de Saint-Domingue, June 2, nominations, see Moniteur session général of June I, 1792). Page represented the colony's South 179% (Assemblée coloniale, by a third man, Lux, repreProvince, Brulley the West. They were originally accompanied once he reached Paris. Both Page senting the North Province, but he quickly disappeared of the colony. Brulley was a member of the and Brulley owned plantations in several parts founded in Cap Français in 1784. Société des Philadelphes, the scientific society française de Saint-Domingue, June 2, nominations, see Moniteur session général of June I, 1792). Page represented the colony's South 179% (Assemblée coloniale, by a third man, Lux, repreProvince, Brulley the West. They were originally accompanied once he reached Paris. Both Page senting the North Province, but he quickly disappeared of the colony. Brulley was a member of the and Brulley owned plantations in several parts founded in Cap Français in 1784. Société des Philadelphes, the scientific society --- Page 347 --- You Are All Free that "the colony of that "the slave is the Saint-Domingue cannot exist without slavery" and property. "5 The news of master's the law property; no authority can restrict this arrival of the Second Civil of April 4, 1792 and of the impending the Colonial Assembly Commission reached Cap Français just as reaffirmation was choosing its own commissioners. of slavery was not in contradiction Since the 4, 1792, the three men duly sailed for with the law of April one of his black domestics. France; Brulley even took along dominated by Brissot and Recognizing that the Legislative Assembly, other radical members of ment, was thoroughly hostile to them, the Jacobin moveand his ministers for they initially looked to the and support, as their first letters home king Brulley quickly realized, however, that their indicated., Page was to identify themselves with the only hope of success ies. Just as Sonthonax and now-dominant radical revolutionarPolverel, chosen as civil commissioners Saint-Domingue because of their known to themselves obliged to swear to defend that antislavery sentiments, found the colony, the colonial commissioners institution once they reached a show of their loyalty to the decided that they needed to make On the day after the new republican regime in France. monarchy in France, journée of August IO, 1792 that overthrew the Page drafted a letter to was then preparing to welcome the members Tarchevesque-Thibaud, who in Saint-Domingue, of the Civil Commission now-defunct Club laying out this new strategy. He denounced Massiac - with which the self had once been associateds - as "an Larchevesque-Thibaud himwho didn't know assemblage of big landowners society displayed Saint-Domingue well enough" and lamented that "this principles that have discredited eyes of the philanthropic and Saint-Domingue in the bers had presented themselves democratic people. 7 Since the club memextends to all of us, and, with as the countertevolutionaries, "this opinion joined to the great principles of pleasure of humiliating us (being] will soon see the arrival of humanity, of liberty, of equality, some decree you The great mistake of the Club destructive of our country." Massiac, never openly denounced the real Page continued, was that it had cause of the troubles in the colony, 5 Text in Journal politique de St. Domingue, Passport for Brulley and May 30, 1792. 7 Page to Larchevesque- family, April 23, 1793, in AN, D XXV 71, d.; 712. 30, 1792, both in AN, Thibaud,July CC9 A 8."7 17, 1792, and Brulley to Delaire and On February IS, 1791, Chaudrue,Jaly that he was too sick to attend Larchevesque-Thibaud their had written a letter to the Club, these gentlemen may have decided meeting but that "I won't hesitate to saying as ifI had been present." AN, AA 54, d. sign everything 1509. D XXV 71, d.; 712. 30, 1792, both in AN, Thibaud,July CC9 A 8."7 17, 1792, and Brulley to Delaire and On February IS, 1791, Chaudrue,Jaly that he was too sick to attend Larchevesque-Thibaud their had written a letter to the Club, these gentlemen may have decided meeting but that "I won't hesitate to saying as ifI had been present." AN, AA 54, d. sign everything 1509. --- Page 348 --- The Decree of I6 Pluviôse An II aristocracy." 99 By this he meant the namely "the counterevolutionary and the commandofficials of the royal administration in the colony that the there. Page thus endorsed in advance the policy ers of troops and the other white "patriots" in Cap Français Larcheveque-Thilbaud Sonthonax and Polverel first arrived: an alliance with the adopted when commissioners from France to oust the remaining roypro-revolutionary officials in the colony, the policy that culminated in the ally appointed journée of October 19, 1792 in Cap Français. The rhetoric of the revolutionaries who had overthrown the monarchy and the constitution of 1791 on August IO, 1792 suggested that would be thoroughly hostile to the idea of the new French government the newly installed provisional govslavery. A proclamation issued by would be the announced that the sole bases of the new regime ernment of "liberty and equality." 3 The new authorities, however, were principles with defeating a foreign invasion; they had also ardent patriots charged creating a crisis in the colno intention of adding to their problems by onies. On August 25, 1792, the new navy minister, Gaspard Monge, of the provisional government's leader, Georges considered a supporter colonists' representatives in Danton, reassured the Saint-Domingue intend to extend to the unfree Paris that "the National Assembly did not the colonists blacks the decree on liberty and equality." Three days later, that he "took the met with Danton himself and came away convinced liveliest interest in the misfortunes of Saint-Domingue: PIO Nevertheless, situation in Paris hardly seemed favorable to the white colothe political Brissot and his allies, who had dominated the debates nists' interests. were re-elected to the about the colonies in the Legislative Assembly, National Convention, which began its sessions on September 20, 1792, a number of former deputies from the Constituent Assembly as were members of the Société des amis des noirs, notably the who had been Although the colonies were theoretically abbé Grégoire and Robespierre. was made to supposed to have deputies in the Convention, no attempt elections in Saint-Domingue, and, in contrast to the first two organize there were no identified spokesmen for slaverevolutionary assemblies, holders' interests in the new legislature. clear the time the National Convention convened, it was already By who had fought on the same side in the that Brissot and Robespierre, II, 1792, in AN, D XXV 68, d. 685. 9 Page to Larchevesque-Thiband, August OnMonge's political orientation, see 1O AN,DXXV76, entries of August 20, 25, 2.8, 1792. de (Paris: Taillandier, François Pairault, Gaspard Monge. Le fondateur Polytechnique 2000), 68, 77. By who had fought on the same side in the that Brissot and Robespierre, II, 1792, in AN, D XXV 68, d. 685. 9 Page to Larchevesque-Thiband, August OnMonge's political orientation, see 1O AN,DXXV76, entries of August 20, 25, 2.8, 1792. de (Paris: Taillandier, François Pairault, Gaspard Monge. Le fondateur Polytechnique 2000), 68, 77. --- Page 349 --- You Are All Free struggles against the colonial lobby in leaders of opposing factions. 1790 and 1791, were now the Although the mously on September 22, Convention voted unanibers divided 1792 to proclaim France a republic, its violently on almost every other memthe question ofhow to deal with the issue, and particularly on domestic controversies and deposed king. Entirely absorbed the war, the by attention to the colonies. Convention devoted only passing Furthermore, was a surprising degree of throughout the fall of 1792, there consensus about events Everyone - the Brissot the in Saint-Domingue. white group, supporters of colonists - welcomed the dismissal of Robespierre, and the there was similar unanimity in Governor Blanchelande, and October reaction to the news of the 19, 1792 in Cap Français, which reached journée of Because it took close to two months Paris in December." Saint-Domingue for ships to cross the Atlantic, the white lobbyists did not learn of the allies in the colony and the civil rupture between their of1793. commissioners until the beginning Page and Brulley soon settled into a routine that until their arrest in March they would follow day and sometimes 1794. Their activities can be followed almost hour by hour in the day by minutes kept in nearly illegible voluminous register of Legrand, which is now in the Archives handwriting by their faithful secretary, one of their mectings nationales in Paris. 12 Nearly began with their every ted by one or more colonists for discussion of requests submitreceive the payments the official certificates entitling them to who had lost the revenues revolutionary from government doled out to refugees function their properties in legitimated the "Commission of Saint-Domingue. This of the revolutionary bureaucracy, Saint-Domingue" in the eyes which needed some way to determine II Moniteur universel, December 12 Sections of Page and Brulley's 19, 1792 (letter from Le Cap, October 21, nationales, making it register are found in several cartons on 1792). from August 16, possible to reconstruct the lobbyists' activities the Archives 1792, shortly after the overthrow oft for the period 1793, and again from June 19, 1793 to the moment the monarchy, until February 25, AN, D XXV 76 contains one register that of their arrest on March and Brulley's predecessors, from June actually begins with the minutes IS, of 1794. November 2, 1792. AN, DXXV 63, d. 7, 639 1792 onward, and ends with their meeting Page of IO, 1792 and ending on January contains a register beginning on December in AN, D XXV 64, d. 640, covering 20, the 1793, dates which is continued in a register now found 1793. The earlier parts of their register the from January 21, 1793 to February sent back to documents in cartons 25, sioners Saint-Domingue, to enable the colonists 63 and 64 were were defending their interests. The there to verify that the commiswhich runs from June 19, 1793 until the arrest longest of section of the register, in carton 76, Legrand on IS vent. An II (March 5, 1794), does Page, Brulley, and their secretary Dorfingue. not appear to have been sent to Saint- their register the from January 21, 1793 to February sent back to documents in cartons 25, sioners Saint-Domingue, to enable the colonists 63 and 64 were were defending their interests. The there to verify that the commiswhich runs from June 19, 1793 until the arrest longest of section of the register, in carton 76, Legrand on IS vent. An II (March 5, 1794), does Page, Brulley, and their secretary Dorfingue. not appear to have been sent to Saint- --- Page 350 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II who was entitled to relief; it also over their fellow colonists who gave Page and Brulley a certain to obtain aid. "Residence needed certificates from the two power colonists needed in Paris certificates and all other official men needed to be papers the persons, who had no special signed and issued by these two their sharpest lauthority to do it," the chore, opponent, complained.s Once journalist Milscent, Page and Brulley would turn they had disposed of this how to influence to their main concern: doxes of their government policy and public opinion. figuring out mission was that although the One ofthe paramajor priority, they decided that it would defense of slavery was their institution openly, as members of the Club be a mistake to defend the years of the Revolution. As they Massiac had done in the first intermédiaire in explained in a letter to the Commission in France was not Saint-Domingue in January 1793, the itly ripe for an effort to get the political situation approve the principle of Convention to ter the unfavorable slavery; their first goal had to be to explicrevolutionaries. image of the white colonists counblack Instead of trying to convince prevalent among the slaves were well treated and metropolitan opinion that the sufferings of the whites caused happy, they concentrated instead on of their rights by metropolitan by the insurrection and the violations While the officials.: 14 selves lobbyists for the white to the new political situation colonists were adapting themRepublic, their adversaries created by the proclamation of the amis des noirs had were falling into disarray. The former long since ceased to Société des members now occupied meet; even though many of its no longer formed a cohesive leading positions in the Convention, they français, continued to cover colonial group. Brissot's newspaper, the Patriote had much time for the subject. news, but Brissot himself no of Other longer 1789 to 1791, such as Condorcet leading participants in the debates these issues. Condorcet did include and Grégoire, also fell silent on laration of rights of the draft a prohibition on slavery in the dec1793, but the curious constitution he put forward in his labor, his wording of his proposition - February services, his time, but he "Every man can sell not an alienable cannot sell himself; his the reality of colonial property" - showed how remote his person is themselves life,s The blacks in thinking was from into slavery. Saine-Domingue had not sold 13 Créole patriote, 14 AN, D XXV 63, September d. 25, 1793. 15 (Condorcer), Projet des 639, entry for January 6, 1793. ale,; par le comité de Constitution principes et des motifs du plan présenté à la Convention (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1793), nationpt. 2, 4. property" - showed how remote his person is themselves life,s The blacks in thinking was from into slavery. Saine-Domingue had not sold 13 Créole patriote, 14 AN, D XXV 63, September d. 25, 1793. 15 (Condorcer), Projet des 639, entry for January 6, 1793. ale,; par le comité de Constitution principes et des motifs du plan présenté à la Convention (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1793), nationpt. 2, 4. --- Page 351 --- You Are All Free As the French scholar Jean-Daniel viduals among the Piquet has shown, there were indimore radical Montagnard who spoke out against slavery opponents of the Girondins 1793, the Convention during the first half of 1793. In April Les préjugés détruits deputy Joseph Lequinio put out a work entitled ("Prejudices demolished") in which chapter to the issue of slavery. He defended he devoted a up against their oppressors and the right of slaves to rise demand for and dismissed the idea that the sugar coffee justified the European produced them. Lequinio exploitation of those who emancipation, but insisted was prepared to accept a gradual process of April that it needed to be started 24, 1793, Robespierre denounced the slave immediately. On Convention in the course of a trade in a speech to the ration of critique of Condorcet's rights. His own proposed proposed declaabstract and did not specifically declaration, however, was equally Montagnards clearly identified mention slavery. 16 While some of the the movement slavery as a violation of human as a whole never took a coherent rights, on the more specific question of position on the issue, or as part of their campaign policy in Saint-Domingue. Furthermore, against the Girondins, the willing to ally themselves with the Montagnards were September 1791, the Jacobin club had Saint-Domingue slave owners. In voted with the colonists in favor expelled all members who had of on the rights of free men of repealing the law of May IS, 1791 and Brulley applied for color, but on February 24, 1793, when Page Safety member Collot membership, the future Committee of Public admitted.7 d'Herbois spoke in their favor and they were duly The only prominent participant in the earlier about the racial order in the colonies who revolutionary debates on a regular basis in the first half of continued to raise these issues official spokesman for the free 1793 was Julien Raimond, the semihis arrest in men of color in Saint-Domingue. Until white September 1793, Raimond was the main colonial lobbyists. It was Raimond, opponent of the work of correspondents in drawing on his extensive netletters from the colony Saint-Domingue, who furnished most of the printed in the Patriote in early 1793, and the two pamphlets he français late 1792 and the most extensive discussions of these published in February 1793 were of view to appear before the final issues from the reformers' point defeat of the Brissot party on 31 May 16 Piquet, Emancipation des 17 AN, D XXV 64, d. 640, entry noirs, for 226-33, February 261; Robespierre, Oeuvres 9: 460. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4: 481. 24, 1793. On Collot's endorsement, see 1792 and the most extensive discussions of these published in February 1793 were of view to appear before the final issues from the reformers' point defeat of the Brissot party on 31 May 16 Piquet, Emancipation des 17 AN, D XXV 64, d. 640, entry noirs, for 226-33, February 261; Robespierre, Oeuvres 9: 460. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4: 481. 24, 1793. On Collot's endorsement, see --- Page 352 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II Nevertheless, Raimond was an abolitionist only in the 31-June 2, 1793. Réflexions SUY les most limited sense. In the longer of his two pamphlets, des troubles et des désastres de nos colonies, Raimond véritables causes the Convention "would recoutlined a policy by which, he claimed, interests of the oncile its principles of justice with the commercial coloand those of the colonists who have properties in the metropole, for the elimination of the worst abuses of slavery, he nies." In exchange down their arms. "Return called on the blacks in Saint-Domingue to lay for misled men, and wait, in respectful silence, immediately to order, > he told them. The proposal he laid the laws which will regenerate you, would have required slaves to purchase their freedom individually out Raimond was as insistent as any white author on the from their masters. before they could be need for the blacks to undergo a civilizing process learn the trusted with their freedom. Among other things, they needed to of society, which he called "the customs of behaviorial habits European various the class of free and well-disciplined men; these customs require You will realize, then, that in order to be put on kinds of consumption. will have to work, after receivthe same level as the free population, you all the luxuries and ing your freedom, in order to procure for yourselves >18 Raimond's conveniences that distinguish the free man from the slave. had been, to secure the rights of the main concern remained, as it always D of color. His second pamphlet, Lettre au citoyen free population of the alliance député à la Convention nationale, was a justification Sonthonax had made with them in Saint-Domingue." for With Raimond willing to make only the most gradualist proposals and the colonial lobbyists determined to avoid even eliminating slavery, the violent confrontation between the two parmentioning the subject, about Sonthonax's and Polverel's treatties took the form of an argument than about the freedom of ment of the whites in Saint-Domingue, rather but the blacks. The colonists had never trusted Sonthonax and Polverel, of denunciation against the two men really took off with their campaign Réflexions Sur les véritables causes des troubles et des désastres :8 Julien Raymond [sic), avec les moyens à employer de nos colonies, notamment sur ceux de Saint-Domingue; adressés à la Convention nationale; pour préserver cette colonie d'une ruine totale; 1793, "l'an second de la par Julien Raymond, colon de Saint-Domingue be dated (Paris, by a reference n.p., at the end to articles République"), 19, 28. The pamphlet can that appeared in Patriote français of IO February IO, Convention 1793. par Julien 19 Julien Raimond, Lettre au citoyen D député à des la divers nationale, de cette colonie, et Raymond, colon de Saint-Domingue, sur l'état second de la partis The text is Sur le caractère des déportés (Paris: 1793, *l'an République"). dated February 24, 1793. ., at the end to articles République"), 19, 28. The pamphlet can that appeared in Patriote français of IO February IO, Convention 1793. par Julien 19 Julien Raimond, Lettre au citoyen D député à des la divers nationale, de cette colonie, et Raymond, colon de Saint-Domingue, sur l'état second de la partis The text is Sur le caractère des déportés (Paris: 1793, *l'an République"). dated February 24, 1793. --- Page 353 --- You Are All Free the arrival of the white "patriots" journée of December deported from Cap Français after the 2, 1792. One of the unintended Sonthonax's hardline policy toward the white consequences of that he provided the lobbyists agitators in Le Cap was ments: the Page and Brulley with valuable more suspects he sent to France, the reinforceitants bent on destroying him became. larger the number of milallies, such as Brissot, While Sonthonax's were increasingly metropolitan the exiled colons had distracted by other problems, nothing else to do of vengeance. except pursue their campaign The first group of arrestees reached Paris of the king on January just before the execution tion lined the 21, 1793; while the rest of the streets to observe that capital's populaday meeting with members of the event, Page and Brulley spent the denounce the mistreatment of their Convention's colonial committee to onists were allowed friends. 20 A month later, the four colto address the Convention that "in violation of the laws, without personally and complain taken from his domicile on the any formalities, each of us was morning. >21 The night of last 6 December, at 3 a.m. in the legislators were sufficiently provisional freedom. At this early impressed to grant the men date, was still at least as however, Raimond's influence powerful as that of the He met with the colonial committee Saint-Domingue lobbyists. early February, several times in late January and lobbying for a Convention decree that sanction Sonthonax's initiative in would officially creating "free exclusively of men of color. The result companies" composed Convention on March was a measure voted by the by the 5, 1793, in response to a long deputy Simon Camboulas, which report presented ments of Sonthonax and Raimond faithfully reproduced the argucolor were "the real friends to the effect that the free men of count to of France . e the men on whom carry out your laws, and to you can nies."' 99 In addition to preserve the most valuable of coloauthorizing the free civil commissioners the companies, the decree gave the power to "make whatever they judge necessary to the police provisional alterations slave regulations and the gangs ("atteliers") for the maintenance discipline of the colonies." In view of Raimond's of domestic peace in the generally drafting of the decree, it is hardly acknowledged influence in the likely that this clause was intended to 10 Page and Brulley, 21 "Discours prononcé register, à la barre entry de for la January 21, 1793, in AN, D XXV 64, d. 640. Gervais, Baillo jeune et Convention nationale, par les Minutes of Colonial Fournier," in AN, D XXV 80, d.784. Citoyens Verneuil, 1793, in AN, D* XVI3-4-s. Committee, January 25, 1793, February 4, 1793, February 8, was intended to 10 Page and Brulley, 21 "Discours prononcé register, à la barre entry de for la January 21, 1793, in AN, D XXV 64, d. 640. Gervais, Baillo jeune et Convention nationale, par les Minutes of Colonial Fournier," in AN, D XXV 80, d.784. Citoyens Verneuil, 1793, in AN, D* XVI3-4-s. Committee, January 25, 1793, February 4, 1793, February 8, --- Page 354 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II the abolition of but when they decided to proopen the way to slavery, and Polverel would cite it as the Sonthonax claim general emancipation, basis of their authority.*s be Raimond's last victory. Its The decree of March 5, 1793 proved to and the free endorsement of the alliance between the civil commissioners the white colonists. On March 19, their protest men of color enraged led the Convention to suspend campaign, organized by Page and Brulley, Raimond and the March 5, 1793 decree and to order a debate between of heart The Convention's change the whites from Saint-Domingue.-" the of the news of repeal had no impact on events in Saint-Domingue: and Polverel. But the decree of March 5, 1793 never reached Sonthonax reversal in the Convention's attitude toward colonial policy. it marked a discussion between Raimond and the coloTwo sessions of angry public after which the Convention, nists took place on March 26 and 27, 1793, the Vendée, overwhelmed with urgent domestic crises - the revolt in of violence in the Dumouriez's treason, and the growing atmosphere sessions until mid-May. By that time, French provinces - adjourned the nearing its climax, against the Girondins was the sans-culotte campaign than and now received a much more favorable hearing and Page Brulley wrote, the deputies they had initially. At the outset of the hearings, Page in against the commissioners of Saint-Domingue had been "prejudiced the white colonists in general, because of intriguparticular, and against discussion that would expose ers who had an interest in preventing a them," 99 but as the debates proceeded, the mood had changed.s between Raimond and the colonial lobbyists received The struggle however, the colonists won little publicity in the press. In April 1793, for public victory, one which set a lethal precedent, not only a major issues but for revolutionary politics in general. the treatment of their left, the Convention Responding primarily to demands from the Jacobin Tribunal, which went into had voted to establish a Revolutionary (Convention, March 5, 1793). On Raimond's role *3 Moniteur universel, March 7, 1793 denunciation of him, I plu. II, in drawing up the decree, see Larcheveque-Thibauds in AN, D XXV: 73, d. 729. of the March 19, 1793, in AN, D XXV 56, d. 55724 Page and Brulley to minister fact navy, the decree of March S, 1793 is confirmed in That the Convention did in repeal Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4:: des 23, troubles 4:468. et désastres des colonies françaises, présenté 25 Développement des causes les Commissaires de Saint-Domingue, Sur la demande àl laConvention: nationale, par réunis, après en avoir donné communication des comités de Marine et des Colonies, à cet effet, le II juin 1793, l'an 2e de la aux Colons résidens à Paris, C convoqués, République (N. p-, n. p-), 95- port, 4:: des 23, troubles 4:468. et désastres des colonies françaises, présenté 25 Développement des causes les Commissaires de Saint-Domingue, Sur la demande àl laConvention: nationale, par réunis, après en avoir donné communication des comités de Marine et des Colonies, à cet effet, le II juin 1793, l'an 2e de la aux Colons résidens à Paris, C convoqués, République (N. p-, n. p-), 95- --- Page 355 --- You Are All Free operation at the beginning of April 1793. The first were inconsequential, but on April few cases it heard sations against General II, 1793, the court took up the accuBlanchelande, the last royal Domingue. The main witnesses governor of Saintagainst him were white Saint-Domingue, led by Page and Brulley. colonists from knew that Blanchelande had Page announced that "he institutions and gone all over the colony to destroy the local popular societies, the Old Regime, 23 and corrupt public opinion and reestablish several Brulley added that "he had incited the occasions and had them armed," a charge blacks on republican commissioner to repeated by the future Blanchelande, Guadeloupe, Victor Hugues. 26 The guilty at most of indecisiveness and hapless convicted and executed on April incompetence, was the judicial murder of IS, 1793.7 His trial set a precedent for for the show trials that high-ranking would public officials, opening the door Blanchelande's claim SO many lives during the Terror. alone. He condemnation was not the fault of the was an easy target because colonial lobby as the anti-Brissot everyone, including Brissot as well it was the colonists Jacobins, was convinced of his guilt. who insistently pushed for Nevertheless, all the testimony against him. The his trial and provided Blanchelande established success of their campaign a dangerous precedent: it against anyone convicted of having was now clear that his life. sabotaged the colonies would pay with The Montagnard-organized 1793, which resulted in the popular uprising of May 31-June 2, the ouster of the leading Girondin Convention, was primarily the outcome of deputies from disputes, but it ended up greatly metropolitan political tion. In its official strengthening the colonial lobby's address to the national club network posijournée, the Paris Jacobins included justifying the "faction" their "having embroiled among the crimes of the defeated having covered France us in war with the whole of with sufferings, the colonies Europe, the ouster of the Girondins would with ruins. 9928 That was not immediately set back the struggle against clear, because the first slavery an important abolitionist demonstration. consequence of journée was after the expulsion of the Girondins On June 3, 1793, just one day from the men from the "batallion of the Convention, a delegation of colonies, a unit of free men of color who 26 AN, D XXV 47, d. 444bis. 27 Bulletin du Tribunal criminal 18 Address of the Jacobin Club, révolationnaire, June no. IO. Jacobins. Recueil des documents pour 7, I'histoire 1793, in François Aulard, La Société des (Paris: Jouaust, 1889-97), 5: 240. du Club des Jacobins de Paris, 6 vs. men from the "batallion of the Convention, a delegation of colonies, a unit of free men of color who 26 AN, D XXV 47, d. 444bis. 27 Bulletin du Tribunal criminal 18 Address of the Jacobin Club, révolationnaire, June no. IO. Jacobins. Recueil des documents pour 7, I'histoire 1793, in François Aulard, La Société des (Paris: Jouaust, 1889-97), 5: 240. du Club des Jacobins de Paris, 6 vs. --- Page 356 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II had volunteered for military service in accordance with sions of the law of March one of the provi5, 1793, visited the Jacobin the plan had been to send this unit, commanded club. Originally, cian and officer Joseph de by the celebrated musiSaint-Georges, to the Convention had changed its mind in Saint-Domingue, although had accused mid-May, after Page and one of the volunteers of having said that "to Brulley in Saint-Domingue, we need to exterminate and have peace and ordered that it not be expel all the whites," employed in the colonies. 29 The that appeared at the Jacobins on June 3 was led by a free man ofcolor, group Labuissonnière, who had published a petition calling for the Julien tion of the slaves in mid-May emancipa1793.30 They were accompanied Pierre Chaumette, an official ofthe Paris Commune and by of abolition, and one Jeanne Odo, "a a prominent supporter whose citoyenne of color, II4 years presence excited great enthusiasm.: old," The members of the group at the and Odo herself Jacobins were free people of was "une femme color, indicated,: but in the confused mulâtre," as one newspaper account discussion that followed their ance, some Jacobins referred to "blacks" and appearthe tears of the Africans,' > whereas one referred to "drying the resolution finally nothing about slavery. It referred adopted said fact decreed that specifically to "men of color" and in they would not be given any special consideration if they applied for club membership.9 The only speaker who used the word 29 Page and Brulley to Committee of Public Safety, May On the chevalier de Saint-Georges, the mixed-race 5, 1793,in AN, D XXV 5, d. 5o. see Gabriel Banat, The Chevalier de son of a planter from Guadeloupe, Bow (Hillsdale, NY: Pendragon Press, Saint-Georges: Virtuoso of the Sword and the Nemeth, "Un état-civil chargé d'enjeux: 2006), 371-85; on his family origins, see Luc riques de la révolution Saint-George, 1745-1799," Annales histoteer unit composed of free française men of no. color 339 had (200s), 79-97. The idea of creating a volun1792. For the Convention's decision been advanced by Raimond in Perlet, May not to send the unit to the colonies, see September 17, 1793 (Convention, Journal de jo Adresse à la convention nationale, May à 16, 1793). les Nègres détenus tous les clubs et sociétés en esclavage dans les Colonies de patriotiques, pour régime de la République (Paris: Galletti, françaises l'Amérique, sous le l'abolition de l'esclavage (Paris: EDHIS, 1793, reprinted in La Révolution française et 31 Journal des Débats de la société des Amis 1968)), de la t.s. Constitution Paris, June 6-7, 1793 (meeting of the, Jacobin séante aux Jacobins à 32 Le Batave, June 5, 1793, cited in club, June 3, 1793). 33 "La société arrête que les hommes Piquet, de couleur Emancipation des noirs, 257. formes ordinaires" ("The club declares that the seront présenté à la société dans les club [for consideration for membership] men of color will be presented to the des Débats de la société des Amis de la according Constitution to the regular procedures."lJournal June 6-7, 1793 (meeting of the Jacobin club, June séante aux Jacobins à Paris, 3, 1793). club, June 3, 1793). 33 "La société arrête que les hommes Piquet, de couleur Emancipation des noirs, 257. formes ordinaires" ("The club declares that the seront présenté à la société dans les club [for consideration for membership] men of color will be presented to the des Débats de la société des Amis de la according Constitution to the regular procedures."lJournal June 6-7, 1793 (meeting of the Jacobin club, June séante aux Jacobins à Paris, 3, 1793). --- Page 357 --- You Are All Free "slave" did SO in the context of a demand that Brissot in front of the Africans." 99 "be made a slave club that "many Robespierre entered the debate to remind the patriots have been swallowed that is one more of Brissot's crimes. 34 up in the colonies, and who had On June 4, 1793, the men of appeared at the Jacobins went to the National color presented a petition whose content has Convention and the head of their delegation not been preserved; a day later, refused to let him read the complained publicly that the legislators had right abolition of text, which, he claimed, called for the outslavery.3s While the at the appearance oft the free men Jacobins on June 3, 1793 and at the of color does prove that some members of that Convention on June 4, 1793 beyond Raimond's cautious group were willing to go well of the position on slavery and that some Jacobins were willing to support them, the members even listen to them shows that the Convention's refusal to from vague expressions of legislators were still unwilling to move legislation that would sympathy for the sufferings of black slaves to black delegation's actually alter their situation. A few days after the public appearances, its leader, arrested; he seems to have had the unfortunate Labuissonnière, was ables from his friends, habit of stealing valuHisi including Raimond and the journalist imprisonment brought the brief public Milscent,s lition to a halt; there would be campaign for immediate aboin Paris until the no further public discussion of the issue following February. At the end of the hearings between Raimond just prior to the journée of and the white colonists, been told to submit May 31 - June 2, 1793, both parties had memoranda presenting their response repeated the customary positions. Raimond's accusations against the white terrervolutionaries" and "counlier works, by "independentists" and concluded, like his earwhites insisting.that the slave rebellion had and could easily be ended by been incited by the that would allow hardworking announcing an amnesty and a plan he opposed the recall of blacks to earn their freedom. Although commissioners Sonthonax, he suggested that civil could be sent to make sure that the additional Saint-Domingue were in accordance with the policies followed in ernment,37 Page and Brulley wishes of the French govpresented the Convention with the longest 34 Journal des Débats de la société des Amis de la Paris, June 6-7, 1793 (meeting of Constitution séante aux 35 Piquet, Emancipation des the Jacobin club, June 3, 1793). Jacobins à 36 Yves Bénot, *Un anti-esclavagiste noirs, 258-60. huitième siécle 22 (1990), kleptomane? En marge de l'affaire Milscent," Dix37 Julien Raimond, Mémoire 295-300. SUT les causes des troubles Saint-Domingue, présenté aux comités de Marine et des désastres de la Colonie de et des Colonies, dans les premiers iquet, Emancipation des the Jacobin club, June 3, 1793). Jacobins à 36 Yves Bénot, *Un anti-esclavagiste noirs, 258-60. huitième siécle 22 (1990), kleptomane? En marge de l'affaire Milscent," Dix37 Julien Raimond, Mémoire 295-300. SUT les causes des troubles Saint-Domingue, présenté aux comités de Marine et des désastres de la Colonie de et des Colonies, dans les premiers --- Page 358 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II of all their works of propaganda, subsequently published as a pamphlet des causes des troubles et désastres des coloentitled Développement all their arguments. The nies françaises, in which they, too, summarized the result of a troubles in the colonies, Page and Brulley claimed, were organized by French aristocrats, the British govmonstrous conspiracy all of them bent on "using the ashes ernment, Brissot, and Raimond, demanded punof the colonies to bring feudalism back to life." They including Brissot, "this social monster," ishment for all those involved, Roume Raimond, "paid for spreading hatred and discord among us," members of the First Civil Commission sent to Saintand Saint-Léger, and Sonthonax and Polverel. At the moment Domingue in 1791-92, and Brulley did not know of when they compiled this pamphlet, Page the Code noir's the commissioners' decree of May 5, 1793, reinstating in favor of the slaves, but this was irrelevant to their arguprovisions that the two men had committed ment, which was based on accusations list of crimes against the whites in the colony, not on anything a long they had done for the slaves. 38 the of Like Raimond, Page and Brulley claimed to accept principle and they also agreed with him that the slaves needed emancipation, contended, however, that only the coloto be prepared for it. They entail. In the meantime, nists themselves understood what this would had told the the colonists' own rights needed to be respected. As Page Committee during the debates with Raimond, the Convention Colonial declared that man is born free; it cannot legalize his slavery, "has itself in opposition to its own principles. But, if the without putting the rights of man, it cannot ignore the rights Convention has recognized obedience to a law that he has of the people, and since no one owes him or his Or which had been freely consented to by repnot made, the colonies, aside from Cayenne, are not representatives, and since result of the actions of the resented in the National Convention, as a who have prevented the colonists from holding agents of the Republic, the National Convention primary assemblies to name their deputies, law on them, without at the same time legitimatcannot impose any if the law was disastrous for ing the resistance that they might oppose, similar arguments by them." In June 1789, Condorcet had answered of humanthat "any man who violates one of the natural rights writing loses the right to invoke this principle in his own ity, immediately de juin dernier, par les Citoyens de couleur; d'après l'invitation que leur en avoit jours été faite par les comités (Paris: Cercle social, 1793), 65-6. 38 Développement des causes, 67, 72, 38, 139-64. the resistance that they might oppose, similar arguments by them." In June 1789, Condorcet had answered of humanthat "any man who violates one of the natural rights writing loses the right to invoke this principle in his own ity, immediately de juin dernier, par les Citoyens de couleur; d'après l'invitation que leur en avoit jours été faite par les comités (Paris: Cercle social, 1793), 65-6. 38 Développement des causes, 67, 72, 38, 139-64. --- Page 359 --- You Are All Free favor. "39 By June 1793, however, leagues, was in flight from the Condorcet, like his Girondin coland there wrath of the victorious was no one to refute the colonists' Montagnards, Page and Brulley did not limit themselves sophistries. Montagnard deputy and member of the to printed propaganda. The Louis Saint-Just, had been charged Committee of Public Safety, deeds of the Girondins; between with presenting a report on the misists had at least five mid-June and mid-July, the two meetings with him.4 On lobbymet with Jeanbon July I2 and I3, 1793, Saint-André, the member of the they Safety with special Committee of Public also responsibility. for naval and at that moment president of the National colonial affairs, who was proposal to recall Sonthonax and Polverel Convention, to discuss a July IS,. Jeanbon Saint-André from Saint-Domingue. On from them, restating in the transmitted to the Convention an address of the two commissioners. strongest possible terms their denunciations the citizens; "Polverel and Sonthonax have some slavishly bow their heads under alienated all dictators SO as not to fall under the the feet of the two "Others flee into the ax oft their executioners," >> they wrote, mountains, in the midst of now; others, less unfortunate, take forests uninhabited until have been unjustly deported themselves to foreign soil. Some who Polverel and languish here in complete poverty. Here Sonthonaxarmt the slaves to dominate oppress the citizens. There the citizens Saint-Domingue and themselves. Soon, all the armed arm their own slaves to defend will turn this into slaves, set in opposition to each colony a vast field of other, have incited them will carnage and the traitors who and the go enjoy at a distance the fruit of SO leavings of the fortune of this many crimes for all these crimes beautiful colony. > The was simple: "Sonthonax and explanation Brissot, this disorganizer of the colonies, Polverel, creatures of by (Jean-Marie] Roland and were sent to Saint Domingue try," formed when the Clavière, at the time of the first minisin 1792,41 Girondins made their agreement with the king On July 16, 1793, the lobbying efforts of ceeded. Their address was read to the Page and Brulley sucmade to refer it to the Committee Convention. When a motion was the Montagnard of Public Safety for deputy, Jean-Jacques consideration, Bréard, a member of the colonial 39 (Condorcet), Sur l'admission des députés des l'Assemblée nationale (Paris: planteurs de 40 Page and Brulley, register, in EDHIS, 1968 (orig. June 1789), Saint-Domingue, 163. dans 12, 1793. AN, D XXV; 76, entries for June 19 and 41 Page and Brulley, 23,, July 5,9, and register, in AN, D XXV 76, entries for July I2, 13, IS, 1793. Sur l'admission des députés des l'Assemblée nationale (Paris: planteurs de 40 Page and Brulley, register, in EDHIS, 1968 (orig. June 1789), Saint-Domingue, 163. dans 12, 1793. AN, D XXV; 76, entries for June 19 and 41 Page and Brulley, 23,, July 5,9, and register, in AN, D XXV 76, entries for July I2, 13, IS, 1793. --- Page 360 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II committee, objected, saying that the Convention immediately, and that it should not should make a but indict them only recall decision as well, Nicolas Sonthonax and would be added to the Committee Billaud-Varennes, a leading radical Polverel, who supported Bréard and insisted of Public Safety in of Brissot, of that "these commissioners September 1793, Clavière, etc." The are the agents assassination of Marat three days earlier, Convention, preoccupied with the Page and Brulley were not satisfied with hastily approved the motion. .42 lowed, they besieged words: in the weeks that demands that Saint-Just and the folthe recall decree be Committee of Public as sent to Safety with possible and with suggestions of Saint-Domingue as quickly appointed to carry it out. also trustworthy men who could be taken by the officials They drew up several lists of be colony: the dissolution sent to replace Sonthonax and measures to of all the armed Polverel in the complete purge of the administration, groups of free men of color, a arming of "non-libres" for defense and, somewhat unexpectedly, the Realizing what a blow the purposes. 43 Polverel would be for the free news of the dismissal of wrote to his men of color in the colony, Sonthonax and in. correspondents to warn them Julien Raimond response, as the supporters of against doing rash not up to you to judge > the Girondins had in anything France, right. Be them,' he said; "only the "It is careful, frères et amis, not Convention has that some of the departments who to fall into the criminal errors were punished for soon either of them. 744 Jean recognized their mistakes the dispatch of a ship and the Dalbarade, the navy minister, or the decree, and nomination of a ordered as of late August, the commissioner to carry out ment of the Convention's decree only thing holding up the fulfillship's departure.ss The recall was bad weather that had retarded decree of the response to the white colonists' claims July 16, 1793 was, of a abused their that Sonthonax and course, At the authority, not a sign that the Polverel had moment of its passage, the Convention endorsed about that subject most that Page and slavery. was that the Brulley had said rights of slave owners and armed commissioners had interfered with the in France knew about the some slaves; on July 16, 1793, no one journée of June 20, 1793 or its consequences. Moniteur universel, 43 Letters of Page and July 17, 1793 (Convention, July 44 Julien Raimond, Brulley, August II and 28, 1793, 16, in AN, 1793). D XXV Domingue, et les pièces Correspondance lui de Julien Raimond, avec 54, d. 523. 123, letter of qui Ont été adressés par eux ses frères, de Saint45 August I, 1792. (Paris: Cercle Dalbarade to Convention, social, An 2), September S, 1793, in AN, D XXV 56, d. 557. 44 Julien Raimond, Brulley, August II and 28, 1793, 16, in AN, 1793). D XXV Domingue, et les pièces Correspondance lui de Julien Raimond, avec 54, d. 523. 123, letter of qui Ont été adressés par eux ses frères, de Saint45 August I, 1792. (Paris: Cercle Dalbarade to Convention, social, An 2), September S, 1793, in AN, D XXV 56, d. 557. --- Page 361 --- You Are All Free Less than two weeks after Convention also voting to recall the the subsidies voted, on July 27, 1793, to abolish commissioners, the granted to French slave traders.46 longstanding focused on the situation in Page and Brulley, entirely matter in their voluminous Saint-Domingue, did not even mention the register. When the first news of the journée of reached France in late August June 20, 1793 in Cap Français won their political battle 1793, Page and Brulley had thus already Galbaud allowed against Sonthonax and Polverel. Had himselft to be sent back to General his disastrous attack France, instead ofl on the launching the Convention had commissioners, he would have found that sible that he would already voted to remove them, and it is not have gotten his wish and imposout the measures against them been sent back to carry of June 20, 1793 reached Paris personally. The first news of the crisis day, a number of colonists on August 23, 1793. On the following office visited the to discuss the situation. Saint-Domingue commissioners' spared: "According to these men, women, children, old all reports, nothing was the ferocious executors of the people, have been massacred by Page and Brulley noted in their vengeances of Sonthonax and Polverel," Just, who flatly refused register. They hastened to inform Saintister of the to believe the news; the following the navy also dismissed the day, minhowever, more letters from reports. 47 Over the next few days, From refugees in the United States Page's and Brulley's point of view, the arrived in Paris. the villainy of Sonthonax and Polverel. disaster simply underlined to make sure that the Their most urgent concern was On August story was given the proper in 31, they organized a interpretation Paris. abolitionist journalist Claude protest against the newspaper of the reports about the disaster ofLe Milscent, who had cast doubt on the of the colonists Cap and written that "the against the national denunciations opposing sans-culottes. What commissioners are those of nobles the short run, their demand for importance should one give to them?"48 In the closing of Milscent's newspaper was 46 Moniteur universel, July 29, 1793 silent in the debates about the (Convention, July 27). Grégoire, who had remained to a broader law regarding economic commissioners, proposed the measure as an the abolition of the slave trade subsidies. No one seems to have amendment objected to the matter moot for the time subsidies, although the British blockade had rendered on the French Revolution and being. slavery, Contrary to the assertions in some slave trading; it only ended the decree of July 27 did not scholarship 47 AN, D XXV 76, August government subsidies to the traders. prohibit French 48 Créole patriote, 24 and 25, 1793. 1793August 29, 1793; AN, D XXV 76, 3I August 3I and September I, subsidies. No one seems to have amendment objected to the matter moot for the time subsidies, although the British blockade had rendered on the French Revolution and being. slavery, Contrary to the assertions in some slave trading; it only ended the decree of July 27 did not scholarship 47 AN, D XXV 76, August government subsidies to the traders. prohibit French 48 Créole patriote, 24 and 25, 1793. 1793August 29, 1793; AN, D XXV 76, 3I August 3I and September I, --- Page 362 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II unsuccessful, but he would a result of their efforts.4 eventually be sent to the guillotine, largely as They had better luck with their September 3, 1793, after a visit to Jeanbon Saint-André. to the Convention. meeting with them, he On As one delivered the bad news of Le Cap has been newspaper summarized his speech: *The Sonthonax have burned; the national commissioners city criminal usurped a dictatorial Polverel and ambition is the cause of these authority in the island, and their Saint-André insisted on the need for latest misfortunes." has suffered considerable quick action. "The whole Jeanbon calamities, if there is still losses; it needs to think of ways to Republic time I demand remedy these itself, for the huge this for the sake of quantity of workers who commerce support themselves and their families." it provides with work to gave the navy. minister twenty-four At his urging, the Convention carry out the recall decree of July hours to explain what he had done to was charged to present its 16, 1793, and the colonial committee Domingue as soon as possible.so long-awaited The report on the situation in Saintwas now publicly committed entire advanced to the version of the revolutionary government by the events of June 20, The news did not Saint-Domingue lobbyists. expected. The create as great a public sensation as Convention was more might have been pation of Toulon, which had preoccupied with the British and with the CoSt France its occuongoing siege of the rebellious Mediterranean war fleet, 5, 1793, two days after Jeanbon city of Lyon. On of sans-culottes surrounded Saint-André's speech, a massive September made the order of the the Convention, demanding that "terror crowd the deputies day." Overwhelmed with these be Sonthonax's barely paid any attention to colonial domestic crises, delegation arrived in matters again until public, Page and Brulley were February 1794. Among the had sounded the alarm perhaps victims of their own general that about the success: they no one could disastrous state of the colony SO distinguish the new often Only a few newspapers, catastrophe from earlier to a banned notably the Nowvelles politiques, the events. newspaper that had been successor published significant stories about closely tied to the Club The journalist the destruction of Massiac, Milscent, the most persistent Cap Français.s opponent of the 49 AN, DXXV 56, ds. pro-slavery so Nouvelles politiques, 554, 556. sel, September 4, September. 4, 1793 (Convention, S1 Nouvelles politiques, 1793 (Convention, September 3). September 3); Moniteur univer. September 23, 1793, September August 31, 1793, September 4, 1793, 27, 1793. September II, 1793, Milscent, the most persistent Cap Français.s opponent of the 49 AN, DXXV 56, ds. pro-slavery so Nouvelles politiques, 554, 556. sel, September 4, September. 4, 1793 (Convention, S1 Nouvelles politiques, 1793 (Convention, September 3). September 3); Moniteur univer. September 23, 1793, September August 31, 1793, September 4, 1793, 27, 1793. September II, 1793, --- Page 363 --- You Are All Free colonists, allowed himself to be misled by his reports from ideological views: since the he decided Saint-Domingue seemed SO favorable to his enemies' they must be false. He helped cause, refuse even to listen to the persuade the Jacobin club to at one of its meetings.s reading of a letter about the Le Cap disaster Although there was little public discussion of the 1793 in France, numerous private individuals events of June 20, ily members or acquaintances who received letters from famsier of correspondence had fled to the United States. A dosof 1794 intercepted by the French authorities in gives some idea of how extensive the the spring nies and the contacts between the metropole were. The coloaddressed to individuals in fifteen thirty-nine letters in the collection are only major centers with different French cities, including not Bordeaux, longstanding links to Paris, and Nantes, but also small Saint-Domingue such as Castres, Roanne, Grasse, and towns such as Pontarlier, an elderly pensioner in Paris who Xaintrayss Celestin Guittard de Floriban, he had loaned followed colonial news money to a plantation owner, closely because such letters; his diary allows was one of the recipients of to the news. He did us to see how one private individual reacted not mention the until carly October burning of Le Cap in his 1793, more than a month after the diary appeared in the press; even then, he devoted first reports had Port-au-Prince in April than to the crisis more space to the events in the first of June.s* By eyewitnesses to the events in Cap Français had mid-September, bringing more detailed accounts that reached France, story that the Saint-Domingue contradicted the version of the Brulley met with several of these commissioners were spreading. Page and Guyot, the commander of the survivors, including Captain Duclosparticipated in the attack America, the warship whose crew had not any testimony that did on June 20, 1793, but they not support their conviction simply dismissed Polverel were solely responsible for the that Sonthonax and to have inconvenient witnesses disaster. In some cases, they tried arrested.ss sa Créole patriote, August 53 Archives nationales, D XXV 29, 1793; September 24, 1793 (Jacobins, S4 Célestin Guittard de 81, d. 790. September 23). de Paris sous la Floriban, Journal de Célestin Guittard de Révolution, ed. Raymond Aubert Floriban, bourgeois 1974), entry for October 7, 1793, 283-4. Guittard's (Paris: Editions France-Empire, 55 Clausson, was one of those arrested after the correspondent, a colonist named AN, D XXV 76, September Port-au-Prince: affair. for arrest of Admiral Cambis, 1411793, the naval October 12, 1793, November 18, 1793 (request Duclos-Guyot had reached France on commander in Le Cap on June 20, 1793). ministry of the navy, September 2, 1793, September in AN, D 2, XXV 1793. Letter from Rochefort to 54, d. 523. those arrested after the correspondent, a colonist named AN, D XXV 76, September Port-au-Prince: affair. for arrest of Admiral Cambis, 1411793, the naval October 12, 1793, November 18, 1793 (request Duclos-Guyot had reached France on commander in Le Cap on June 20, 1793). ministry of the navy, September 2, 1793, September in AN, D 2, XXV 1793. Letter from Rochefort to 54, d. 523. --- Page 364 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II the Committee of Public Safety and the Convention Having persuaded the Saint-Domingue lobbyists set out to endorse their version of events, on anyone who contradicted them. On September to wreak vengeance another confrontation with their archenemy, II, 1793, they arranged of the Convention's colonial Julien Raimond, in front of the members told the legislators that "Citizen Raimond has always committee. Page of the colony, by the vigor with which he has showed himself an enemy Polverel and Sonthonax, who always defended its enemies, particularly themhave always been in violation ofthe law and recently distinguished selves by burning down Le Cap. "56 Although this particular confrontation ended badly for Page and Brulley when Raimond demonstrated the committee that the two men had falsified quotations they had to the commissioners kept extracted from his writings,7 Saint-Domingue had the first of what would up the attack. On September 16, 1793, they member of the be nineteen meetings with the deputy André Amar, a key Committee of General Security. Amar was responsible for drawing up the indictment of Brissot and his associates. Page and Brulley were more assist he would become their firmest ally inside the than happy to him; after their embarrevolutionary government. On September 26, 1793, and defeat by Raimond in front of the colonial committee, Page rassing their about him to their new friend; Amar had Brulley took complaints in and unable to Raimond arrested a day later.s8 He remained prison in debates about the colonies for the next fourteen months.s9 intervene the white colonial agitators deported While Raimond was imprisoned, the colonial comby Sonthonax were vindicated. On October 2, 1793, mittee issued a report clearing them of all charges. The report stigmatized the commissioner as "this new Sylla" and proposed the payment the colonists he had deported. 60 The issuance of this of compensation to one of those directly conreport emboldened Larchevesque-Thibaud, cerned, to write a letter to the Committee of Public Safety explicitly something the colonial lobbyists had been careful not defending slavery, He claimed that the planters themselves would gladly to do up till then. s6 AN, D* 16 3-4, entry for September II, 1793. 57 Ibid., entry for September 23, entries 1793. for September 25 and 26, 1793, in AN, D XXV 76. 58 Page and Brulley, register, and 28th day of Ist month of An II, in AN, 59 Raimond, letters of September 2.9, 1793 D XXV 78, d. 765. Général sur les déportés des Colonies Françoises, par 60 [Pourçain] Martel. Rapport membre du comité de Marine (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, s.d. le Citoyen Martel, [October 2, 1793)), 16, 34- , D XXV 76. 58 Page and Brulley, register, and 28th day of Ist month of An II, in AN, 59 Raimond, letters of September 2.9, 1793 D XXV 78, d. 765. Général sur les déportés des Colonies Françoises, par 60 [Pourçain] Martel. Rapport membre du comité de Marine (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, s.d. le Citoyen Martel, [October 2, 1793)), 16, 34- --- Page 365 --- You Are All Free end the slavery system if any other way of possible. "It is only the complete and exploiting their property was any other method to cultivate recognized impossibility of using such a regime, which, in our lands that could make us maintain he itself, is SO unappealing, above wrote. But the revolutionary all for free men,' > wanted to encourage the whites government in should decide whether it ing their lives trying to bring the slaves Saint-Domingue to continue riskLarchevesque-Thiband back under control. Of course, added, if the tion of the slaves, "you will Convention decreed the emancipaond simply have made of Vendée, where these rebels, Saint-Domingue a sechave long been giving strengthened by the aid the Spanish them, will spit on these want to recognize the phantom kindnesses and will only Whereas the king for whom they fight. 961 defenders of slavery now felt safe to the revolutionary in making their case trial of government, the arrest of Raimond, the Brissot, and the colonists' success in impending troubles in pinning the blame for the Saint-Domingue on the abolitionists forced the cautiously. On October 6, Brulley recorded in latter to tread mission's register that the abbé the Saint-Domingue comslavery and racial Grégoire, whose consistent opposition to lutionary inequality had made him one of the most hated figures among the colonists, had revoto discuss the improvement of sought him out, ostensibly Brulley, agriculture in the colonies. Grégoire had expressed "the that According to ters in pain he feels about the disasConstituent Saint-Domingue; he excuses himself for what he wrote the Assembly, admits that he was and during up for his unintentional faults misled, promises to make dance with the more by writing about the colonies in accorAlthough Brulley accurate information that has been given to him.' 62 story is not certainly has to be regarded as a hostile witness, his implausible; Grégoire, facing a priest as the revolutionaries' danger because of his status as may well have wanted to try to de-Christianization ward off campaign heated up, any event, he had never advocated an assault from the colonists. In that had just taken the kind of abrupt abolition of place in Saint-Domingue. slavery A few weeks after Brulley's putative meeting with Domingue colonists had the satisfaction Grégoire, the Saintcolleagues sentenced ofs seeing Brissot and his Girondin to death. The indictment the incorporated the colonists' accusation that against Girondins "Pitt wanted to destroy our 6r Larcheveaque-Thibaud D XXV 80, d. 786. to Committee of Public Safety, October 62 Page and Brulley, 4, 1793, in AN, register, entry for October 6, 1793, in AN, D XXV 76. ue colonists had the satisfaction Grégoire, the Saintcolleagues sentenced ofs seeing Brissot and his Girondin to death. The indictment the incorporated the colonists' accusation that against Girondins "Pitt wanted to destroy our 6r Larcheveaque-Thibaud D XXV 80, d. 786. to Committee of Public Safety, October 62 Page and Brulley, 4, 1793, in AN, register, entry for October 6, 1793, in AN, D XXV 76. --- Page 366 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II colonies; they [the Girondins] destroyed our colonies. Brissot, Guadet, Gensonné, Vergniaud, Ducos, Fonfrède, directed the Pétion, tions concerning our colonies, and our colonies are in the most operasituation. The guilty commissioners who have overturned terrible top to bottom, Sonthonax and them from Polverel, are both their creation and accomplices. 963 To the disappointment oft the colonial their little attention was given to the colonial issue at the Girondins' lobbyists, however, they were never allowed to speak.64 Chaumette, who trial, and demonstration in favor of abolition had organized the at the Jacobin club in testify, but not on behalf of early June, did and Polverel had emancipation: he claimed that Sonthonax "erected a throne on the bleeding skulls ants of the colony, and of the inhabitthem for that you can judge the merits of those who named mission. "65 Page and Brulley were allowed to Antoine Barnave, who had headed the Constituent speak against committee in 1790-91, and noted with satisfaction Assembly's colonial demning him. 66 No attention the judgment conwas paid to Barnave's was guilty of destroying the he protest that if Brissot the colonies, could not also be convicted on same charge, since they had always advocated diametrically policies.57 Under the circumstances, it is understandable that opposing oned Raimond told his interrogators that he had had the impristacts with Brissot and that he made only minimal conno mention of his close with Sonthonax. 68 connection Meanwhile, as additional survivors of the events of June 20, 1793 arrived in Brest, they were interrogated an ally of Page and Brulley, who demanded by Joseph Brudieu, to know whether could provide testimony to the "commissioners having committed they vexatory acts." 99 Those who answered arbitrary and that they risked negatively were given to understand being accused of aristocratic sympathies. 69 By the end of October 1793, Sonthonax and Polverel had the emancipation of the slaves in all parts of proclaimed however, the revolutionary Saint-Domingue. In France, government multiplied its even them, though the ship bearing the named denunciations of and Polverel remained stuck in the Brest agent to arrest Sonthonax harbor. On November I5, 1793, 63 Bulletin du Tribunal 64 AN, D. XXV 76,9 bru. révolutionnaire, II (October no. 40 (n.d.) 6s Bulletin du Tribunal criminel 30, 1793). 66 AN,1 DXXV 76, 6, 7, 8 fri. II. révolutionnaire, no. 41. 67 Gérard Walter, ed., Actes du Tribunal révolutionnaire 1968), 310. (Paris: Mercure de France, 68 Interrogation of Raimond, 4 fri. II, in AN, D 69 AN,D XXV 80, d. 788. Brudieu was a political XXV 56, d. 547. D* XVI 5, entry for February I, 1793. deportee from Port-au-Prince. See. AN, ( 6, 7, 8 fri. II. révolutionnaire, no. 41. 67 Gérard Walter, ed., Actes du Tribunal révolutionnaire 1968), 310. (Paris: Mercure de France, 68 Interrogation of Raimond, 4 fri. II, in AN, D 69 AN,D XXV 80, d. 788. Brudieu was a political XXV 56, d. 547. D* XVI 5, entry for February I, 1793. deportee from Port-au-Prince. See. AN, ( --- Page 367 --- You Are All Free the Committee ofl Public Safety issued its instructions diplomatic commission to the four-member The being sent to the United States new representatives were told to "take to replace Genet. that can shed light on the conduct care to collect all the facts unfortunate events that of Sonthonax and Polverel and the they caused" and to "take sures, together with the government of the all necessary meatwo commissioners and transfer them United States, to arrest these and Brulley had the to France.' "70 Two days later, unexpected experience Page self publicly endorse their of hearing Robespierre himmembers of the Committee position. Despite their contacts with other scrupulously avoided of Public Safety, the two men seem to have most dangerous Robespierre, regarded as the colonial enemy ever since he had uttered slaveholders' the colonies perish rather than the famous words, "Let the legitimacy of slavery in a principle!" during the debate about May 1791. On ever, Page and Brulley were in the audience November I7, 1793, howIncorruptible presented an overview at the Convention when the foreign policy, in which he of the revolutionary government's wanted to reduce the announced that "the same faction which the poor in France to the status of people to submit to the aristocracy of helots, and force and arm all the blacks wealth, wanted to over night to destroy our >71 emancipate Brulley's satisfaction was colonies.' Page's and ered this line in the heightened by the fact that Robespierre delivthe United course of a denunciation of the French States, Edmond Genet, who had added minister to Brulley's list of enemies by endorsing himself to Page and of the events of June Sonthonax and Polverel's version Atthe 20, 1793 rather than that of the white colonists.2 beginning ofDecember 1793, the lobbyists received a report about the indefatigable Saint-Domingue sentatives sent by Sonthonax. pending arrival in France of On December repreasked the municipality of Paris I, 1793, Page and to be on the Brulley names they listed.73 The lookout for six men, whose the six names listed, report was both premature and inaccurate: of only two - Dufay and Réchin - had actually been 70 Instructions for French the Historical representatives, 25 bru. II, in Turner, ed., Seventh 71 Robespierre, Manuscripts Commission), 290. Report of speech of 27 brumaire II IO: 173-4. For the commissioners' pleased (November 17, 1793), in Robespierre, Oeuvres, 27 bru. II. reaction to the speech, see 72 AN D XXV 76, November AN, D XXV76, 73 Page and Brulley, register, entty 19, 1793 for (nominating a replacement for Genet). Brulley's information was not entirely December I, 1793, in AN, D XXV 76. Page and been chosen as one of the inaccurate: a man named Réchin had, in fact, post before leaving the colony. Saint-Domingue Letter of Laforest deputies, but he had withdrawn from the ainé, 19 mess. II, in AN, D I S 39. 76, November AN, D XXV76, 73 Page and Brulley, register, entty 19, 1793 for (nominating a replacement for Genet). Brulley's information was not entirely December I, 1793, in AN, D XXV 76. Page and been chosen as one of the inaccurate: a man named Réchin had, in fact, post before leaving the colony. Saint-Domingue Letter of Laforest deputies, but he had withdrawn from the ainé, 19 mess. II, in AN, D I S 39. --- Page 368 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II Convention and it does not appear that any members elected as deputies, and Brulley were clearly ofthe group had actually made it to France. Page after emissaries from the commissioners when they preparing to go any for the reoccupadid arrive, however. They continued to propose plans that if their tion of the colony, assuring the Committee of Public Safety were followed, "two months would suffice to bring recommendations and annihilate the revolt."' 99 Their allies order back to Saint-Domingue numerous. On December 26, within the revolutionary government were that the Committee of 1793, one of them, Pierre Adet, recommended off the violent riot Public Safety send Verneuil, the agitator who had set Sonthonax in Cap Français on December 2-, 1792, to the United against words of consolation to the Saint-Domingue colonists States to "bring who are refugees there."74 and Brulley were facing the By the end of December, however, Page committees: news first threat to their solid support from the revolutionary and the had finally reached Paris of both the treaty between the colonists and of the surrender of Jérémie and British, signed the previous February, for the Committee Môle. An anonymous report on the situation, prepared what ofPublic Safety, proposed a radical shifti in policy, going even beyond Sonthonax and Polverel had done. Writing soon after the young Napoleon in France's Mediterranean naval base, Bonaparte's success recapturing could be turned into the report's author predicted that Saint-Domingue and "another Toulon" for the British, a trap that would draw in destroy their forces. All that was necessary was to "send [the blacks] arms and confirm the rights granted to the mulattoes and the Negroes, munitions, them the right to choose for themselves the new government that and give French Then the genius of liberty they want to have, under protection feats Proud Albion and will spur these new republicans to prodigious author of this old Spain will pay for their sins." 975 Although the unknown informed about realities in the colony - at the moment report was poorly of the blacks were fighting on the side of the when he wrote, the majority and Polverel had dreamed of simply letSpanish, and not even Sonthonax that the the black population create its own government- - the notion ting in Saint-Domingue would be a powerful proclamation of emancipation win of the abolition against France's enemies would help passage weapon decree of 16 pluviôse. 74 Adet to Committee of Public Safety, 5 niv. II, in AN, AF and II 302. Committee, 7 niv. II 75 Anonymous report to Committee of Public Safety Navy (December 28, 1793), in AN, D XXV 6, d. 54. the black population create its own government- - the notion ting in Saint-Domingue would be a powerful proclamation of emancipation win of the abolition against France's enemies would help passage weapon decree of 16 pluviôse. 74 Adet to Committee of Public Safety, 5 niv. II, in AN, AF and II 302. Committee, 7 niv. II 75 Anonymous report to Committee of Public Safety Navy (December 28, 1793), in AN, D XXV 6, d. 54. --- Page 369 --- You Are All Free To fend off such dangerous of defending their fellow colonists' suggestions, Page and Brulley took the risk brothers in the Grande Anse appeal to the British. "Despair led our were] abandoned and Môle to commit a great by the Republic, torn apart crime; [they forced to choose between death by Sonthonax and Polverel, they wrote to the Committee of or subjection to the king of England," For the moment, the members Public Safety on December 26, 1793.76 and his of the Committee, who had sent colleagues to their deaths on charges of a Brissot spiracy with the British, accepted this purely imaginary conwith the enemy, and Page and justification of very real collusion bying activities. A Brulley were able to continue their lobConvention delegation of colonists was allowed to on December 31, 1793, and members address the Public Safety continued to meet with of the Committee of In early January, they Page and Brulley on a regular basis. list of men they persuaded the War Ministry to circulate a denounced as counterrevolutionaries long committees, with a request for their to the government and Brulley arrests.77 Onj January 2, explained to Committee of Public 1794, Page Lindet why the emancipation of the slaves Safety member Robert freed, they would turn on each other was impossible: if they were continued their in a general massacre. also campaign to have Raimond tried the They Tribunal; Amar and the by Revolutionary of their regular prosecutor Antoine Fouquier-Tinville, another satisfied.,8 White interlocutors, assured them that they would soon colonists throughour the be that they had the backing of the country remained confident one viôse, day after the arrival in revolutionary Paris government. On IO pluof the tri-color Saint-Domingue, one of Page's and Brulley's friends deputation from them, "the National Convention is in Bordeaux wrote of order in about to decree the re-establishment efforts Saint-Domingue, and you will be you have made to explain the compensated for all the the remedy that needs to be state of our unhappy colony, and applied. "79 It was, therefore, only the arrival of the an event that would not have taken Saint-Domingue deputies - of June 20, 1793 and Genet's place had it not been for the crisis provoked the sudden reversal intervention in the United States - that of the revolutionary government's policy 76 Page and Brulley, 77 Page and Brulley, letter register, to War December 26, 1793, in AN, D XXV 76. in SHAT, Xi71, d. "An II." Ministry, 16 niv. II, and War Ministry 78 Page and Brulley, circular, 23 niv, AN, D XXV 76. register, entries for December 31, 1793,January IO and 79 Honoré Guérin to I2, 1794, in Brulley, IO plu. II, from Bordeaux, in AN, D XXV 71, d. 713. , to War December 26, 1793, in AN, D XXV 76. in SHAT, Xi71, d. "An II." Ministry, 16 niv. II, and War Ministry 78 Page and Brulley, circular, 23 niv, AN, D XXV 76. register, entries for December 31, 1793,January IO and 79 Honoré Guérin to I2, 1794, in Brulley, IO plu. II, from Bordeaux, in AN, D XXV 71, d. 713. --- Page 370 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II of the abolition decree on 16 pluviôse An II (February and the passage foreseen when he instructed the captain of the 4, 1794). As Genet had choose his of debarkation ship carrying the deputies to France to port colonists to carefully, the men had to run a gauntlet set up by the white had to Polverel's son, the white colonists reach Paris safely. According them from America to even tried to get the sailors on the ship bringing had a network assassinate them en route,so In France, Page and Brulley in the coastal cities ready to intercept the deputies. Victor of supporters and who was soon to leave on his misHugues, an ally of Page Brulley's them arrested in narrowly missed a chance to have sion to Guadeloupe, ashore.": The three men reached the port of Lorient, where they came and Brulley had learned capital on 4 pluviôse; by the following day, Page them arrested. of their presence and gone to demand that Amar have before the Committee of General Security It took all day on 6 pluviôse executed to issue the arrest warrants, which were not actually was ready In the meantime, the Saint-Domingue depuuntil the night of9 pluviose. Committee of Public Safety. Robert ties had succeeded in contacting the had convinced Lindet told Page and Brulley that Dufay and his colleagues that Sonthonax and Polverel had only erred because of "exaggerthem of poorly applied, and not at all . - with views of ated principles liberty, real- >982 The two colonial lobbyists fully royalism or counterrevolution: their version of events presented. ized the danger that this challenge to that the Committee of warned them On 9 pluviôse, Fouquier-Tinville the indictment of Raimond, Public Safety had intervened to prevent Committee of General Amar was still pushing to have the even though him. This was another ominous Security deliver an accusation against sign from Page and Brulley's point of view. arrested SaintEvents now moved rapidly. On I2 pluviôse, the two had deputies wrote to the Convention, announcing that they Domingue about the colonies and explaining that they were important information that from consecrating "the principle victims of a plot to prevent body the two men of equality, of the fraternity of colors." 83 On I3 pluviose, from the Committee of General were released from prison on orders au Coup d'oeil sur St. Domingue par François Polverel 80 François Polverel, "Supplément commission civile délégué aux isles sous le vent," 19 fri. III, Gi-devant secrétaire de la in AN, D XXV 13, d. 127. letters to Brulley, from Nantes, 5 and 81 Piquet, Emancipation des noirs, 322; Dastugne, 81 plu. II, in AN, D XXV 71, d. 713. pluviose II, in AN, D XXV 76. $1 Page and Brulley, register, 6 and 7 I2 II, in AN, D XXV 57, d. 563. 33 Dufay and Mills to Convention, plu. in AN, D XXV 13, d. 127. letters to Brulley, from Nantes, 5 and 81 Piquet, Emancipation des noirs, 322; Dastugne, 81 plu. II, in AN, D XXV 71, d. 713. pluviose II, in AN, D XXV 76. $1 Page and Brulley, register, 6 and 7 I2 II, in AN, D XXV 57, d. 563. 33 Dufay and Mills to Convention, plu. --- Page 371 --- You Are All Free from the Committee of Security, which apparently yielded to pressure with a member Safety. When Page and Brulley managed to meet Public Bertrand Barère, on 14 pluviôse, he told them of the latter committee, were not happy about the lobin no uncertain terms that his colleagues arrested, and added byists' efforts to have the newly arrived deputies in that colony and that "it is well known that the whites are aristocrats He added that the that the men of color and the negroes are patriots." had written in committee had now seen the letters that Page and Brulley turned their royalist sentiments. The two lobbyists July 1792, affirming with them that "if (the Saint-Domingue to their ally Amar, who agreed they would have general libdeputies] were admitted to the Convention, colonies once and for all. >84 Page decreed, which would lose all the erty their frantic efforts on IS pluviôse, but while they and Brulley continued Mills, and Belley succeeded in were meeting with various allies, Dufay, and were admitted as official presenting themselves to the Convention Province. Several deputies spoke representatives of the colony's North who had overseen the passage on their behalf, including Camboulas, Sonthonax's and Polverel's of the decree of March 5, 1793 endorsing colonists." The and Danton, who denounced the "aristocratic policies, of Danton's, exclaimed, "For a long time, deputy J.-F. Delacroix, an ally in its midst some men of color, who were the assembly wished to have it has two; I ask that their entry be oppressed for SO many years. Today and Belley and Mills were accordmarked with a fraternal accolade," Page and Brulley had been ingly embraced by the assembly's president." outmaneuvered. (See Figure IO.I.) the Convention legend long made it seem as though Historiographical of the tri-color deputation from Saintreacted to the appearance II its decree against slavery Domingue on I5 pluviôse An by passing day. The French burst of unanimous enthusiasm on the following in a careful reconstruction of the actual proceedings scholar Yves Bénot's 86 One fact is that has shown that matters were not SO simple. of Public significant Safety was even none of the eleven members of the Committee one was sick, and for the debate. Three were away on mission, indipresent Robespierre, were closeted with two the remaining seven, including Page and Brulley, who had viduals many of them knew well, namely 14 pluviôse II, in AN, D XXV 76. 84 Page and Brulley, register, 17 plu. II(Convention, 85 Archespatiomenusbven3t plu. II, sest-yMonstrerentenets 15 plu. II). a-t-elle voté l'abolition de l'esclavage en l'an II?" 86 Yves Bénot, "Comment la Convention française, nos. 293-4 (1993), 349-61. Arnales bistoriques de la Révolution knew well, namely 14 pluviôse II, in AN, D XXV 76. 84 Page and Brulley, register, 17 plu. II(Convention, 85 Archespatiomenusbven3t plu. II, sest-yMonstrerentenets 15 plu. II). a-t-elle voté l'abolition de l'esclavage en l'an II?" 86 Yves Bénot, "Comment la Convention française, nos. 293-4 (1993), 349-61. Arnales bistoriques de la Révolution --- Page 372 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II RAYNAT FIGURE IO.I. Deputy The seating Jean-Bapriste Belley, on IS pluviose Roljean-tameer An II Belley, a free black quences free of the events of (February 3, 1794) was man, in the National men of color who June 20, 1793 in one of the Convention ing the defended the Cap Français. epoch-making conseist fighting in the city, At the end commisioners Belley commanded the made Anne-Louis Giroder's of the Sonthonax and in 1798 and for which follength portrait twentieth of century, the Polverel durbecame one of the iconic this pencil drawing Belley in his deputy's French artSource: images of the may be a uniform, Chicago Art Institute. revolationary era. preliminary sketch, demanded a could not be meeting valid. to present their The charges that the [Dufay), an lobbyists complained deputies' been Englishman [Mills) and that "a election presented to you as an African former marquis deputies of Bambara [Belleyl have These FSant-Domingae men have urbecame one of the iconic this pencil drawing Belley in his deputy's French artSource: images of the may be a uniform, Chicago Art Institute. revolationary era. preliminary sketch, demanded a could not be meeting valid. to present their The charges that the [Dufay), an lobbyists complained deputies' been Englishman [Mills) and that "a election presented to you as an African former marquis deputies of Bambara [Belleyl have These FSant-Domingae men have --- Page 373 --- You Are All Free been denounced as guilty of general and to by eyewitnesses." >> specific crimes that are attested According to Page and more sympathetic to them than he had been Brulley's notes, Barère was suggested that action could be taken two days earlier, and Lindet Domingue deputies named when the remaining three SaintBrulley by Sonthonax arrived in Paris. protested that it would then be too Page and that Dufay "proposes to immediately late, since they had heard be damaging for the entire deliver a report whose result could the classic regime of the colonies." The manner of busy men of committee, in prepare a written memorandum. government, told the lobbyists to go colonists ran As the two men left its up to tell them that the Convention offices, other ish slavery.37 had just voted to abolThe reasons for the behavior of the on 16 pluviôse are unclear. At this Committee of Public Safety Convention did not take stage in the reign of Terror, the sudden reversal of major decisions without its approval, and a policy that had been the the legislators and the Committee repeatedly affirmed by both The Committee of Public was hardly an inconsequential action. Committee of Safety had clearly intervened to General Security to release the persuade the from prison three days earlier, and its Saint-Domingue deputies aware of the enthusiastic welcome members were unquestionably Convention the three men had received on IS pluviôse. It is worth from the speakers who had most noting, however, that two of the Domingue vocally supported the admission of the deputies were Danton and Delacroix, Saint- "Indulgent" faction whose public criticism leading members ofthe of terror had shaken the of the Committees' policy previous six weeks. Outside revolutionary of the government's authority for the of abolition was Convention, the strongest supporter member of the Chaumette, the procureur of the Paris Hébertist group that the Committee of Commune, a considered as the radical Public Safety the Committee counterpart to the moderate to openly oppose the abolition of Dantonists. For its members in the awkward slavery risked putting tion that obviously position of seeming to defend an instituwhile contradicted the principles of and allowing the two enemy liberty equality, elimination. factions to take credit for demanding its Faced with this dilemma, decided to let the Convention Robespierre and his colleagues apparently legislators proceed on its own, without any guidance. Perhaps they had concluded providing the that the issue was 87 Page and Brulley, register, 16 pluviôse II, in AN, D XXV 76. avery risked putting tion that obviously position of seeming to defend an instituwhile contradicted the principles of and allowing the two enemy liberty equality, elimination. factions to take credit for demanding its Faced with this dilemma, decided to let the Convention Robespierre and his colleagues apparently legislators proceed on its own, without any guidance. Perhaps they had concluded providing the that the issue was 87 Page and Brulley, register, 16 pluviôse II, in AN, D XXV 76. --- Page 374 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II Dufay was about to explain to the Convention, the slaves moot, since, as been freedom, and there was in Saint-Domingue had already granted the Committee to reverse that decision. Nevertheless, no practical way for the emancipation decree was clearly of Public Safety's enthusiasm months before they finally promulgated limited. It would be nearly two evidence of Page and Brulley's the decree officially. Even though clear in the form of the letters royalist sentiments was now in front of them, action the committee also took no the two men had written in July 1792, continued to meet with Barère against them for nearly a month, and they If the Convention's to undo the effects of the vote of 16 pluviôse. to try to be a decision taken in a moment of vote to outlaw slavery appeared reaction seemed like that enthusiasm, the Committee of Public Safety's which did not want reluctantly acquiescing to a result for they of a group to take responsibility. of Public Safety's decision Whatever the reasons for the Committee the in the Convention's debate, their inaction provided not to intervene Louis Dufay a historic opportunity. While white Saint-Domingue deputy Mills and Belley, gave the moment its the presence of his colleagues, of the three with the oratorical symbolic weight, Dufay was the only one for emancipaskills and political experience to present the argument Convention had the Even after the warm welcome the tion to deputies. task was not easy. As a plantation given the men the day before, Dufay's to make a moral arguowner himself, he was hardly the ideal person he confessed, slavery. It had taken the French Revolution, 4, ment against the needed to be ended, and that a to make him realize that practice be of humanity. 9988 and equality had to also a friend friend of liberty who had voted, six months earlier, to Addressing the same legislators and Polverel arrested for abushave the civil commissioners Sonthonax reverse themselves and their powers, he had to convince them to ing radical action these two supposed criminals had taken. uphold the most brumaire II, the same deputies had Less than three months earlier, on 27 abolitionists for destroywhen Robespierre denounced the applauded asked them to repudiate the Incorruptible's ing the colonies; now Dufay sentiments running high, he argument. With nationalist and patriotic that the abolition of slavery was had to convince the legislators not only despite the fact necessary, but that it was in France's interest, morally the destruction of the colony's major city that it seemed to have led to of key parts of its territory. and to foreign occupation II, in Réimpression de l'ancien Moniteur, 20: 394. 88 Dufay, speech of 16 pluviôse udiate the Incorruptible's ing the colonies; now Dufay sentiments running high, he argument. With nationalist and patriotic that the abolition of slavery was had to convince the legislators not only despite the fact necessary, but that it was in France's interest, morally the destruction of the colony's major city that it seemed to have led to of key parts of its territory. and to foreign occupation II, in Réimpression de l'ancien Moniteur, 20: 394. 88 Dufay, speech of 16 pluviôse --- Page 375 --- You Are All Free Dufay had prepared carefully for this arrived in the United States in moment. As we have seen, he fully written-out November already armed with, if not a speech, at least a list of what would "talking points" to justify Sonthonax's today be called landing in the United and Polverel's actions. States, one ofhis first Upon himself about recent political concerns had been to inform sequences for his mission. In events in France and to assess their conNew York a long letter to on December Sonthonax, written from had 4, 1793, Dufay had sketched out the managed to put together, and in picture he situation created by the defeat of Brissot's particular his understanding of the nificance of the creation of the faction. He recognized the sigwrongly deduced that Danton Committee of Public Safety, although he was now the ment, with Robespierre "in second leading figure in the govérnthere was now greater unity in the place"; he correctly concluded that coming together with a common leadership, and that "the country is obvious fact that the civil desire to save itself." He underlined the association with the Girondins: commissioners were in trouble because of their and it is natural "You were known to be their enough that there should have been friends, you in their disgrace." Although attempts to include cance of the decree Dufay did not underestimate the signifiagainst Sonthonax and Polverel reaffirmed on September voted on July 16 and cal forces behind this 3, 1793, he convinced himself that the measure were probably not politipected that the July decree had been all-powerful. He susinterests in the port cities that had an attempt to pacify the merchant Convention after the ouster oft the supported the uprisings against the given to chew Girondins: "It's a bone that on, [the Convention) they were two men whom it nevertheless feigned to sacrifice for the moment speculation that, he said, seemed undoubtedly did not want to lose,' 9 a been done to implement the recall plausible given that nothing had yet stood a number decree, 89 Although Dufay misunderofaspects of the rapidly scene, he saw that he would have changing revolutionary political commissioners' Girondin to function in a situation in which the patrons had been was convinced that the political forces demonized. Nevertheless, he unbeatable. opposing emancipation were not The long and detailed speech he delivered pluviôse II, which he had certainly to the Convention on 16 was immediately published written out in advance and which in the Moniteur universel, reflected his 89 Dufay, letter to Sonthonax and Polverel, and D XXV 16, d. 158. December 4, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 54, patrons had been was convinced that the political forces demonized. Nevertheless, he unbeatable. opposing emancipation were not The long and detailed speech he delivered pluviôse II, which he had certainly to the Convention on 16 was immediately published written out in advance and which in the Moniteur universel, reflected his 89 Dufay, letter to Sonthonax and Polverel, and D XXV 16, d. 158. December 4, 1793, in AN, D XXV 6, d. 54, --- Page 376 --- The Decree of I6 Pluviôse An II careful preparation.s Dufay decided ments against the institution not to evoke the of principled most radical abolition slavery: the speech that arguLincoln's decree the world would provoked the Emancipation see until ject. Despite his close Proclamation of 1862 barely Abraham ties to mentioned the subnot to mention their Sonthonax and Polverel, Dufay also names, decided "your delegates." 9> This referring only to "your commissioners" approve what the precaution enabled him to the or two men had urge legislators to whether the Convention had erred done, without raising the question of Instead, Dufay, when it condemned them following the in July and Polverel in their strategy already worked out 1793. report to the by Sonthonax 20, 1793, accorded the Convention after the of "the leading role in his speech journée June second-in-command and friend to General the course of an indictment of the perfidious Dumouriez," Galbaud, used by the white relying on the same In also colonists and the conspiratorial logic associated Galbaud with "the gold Montagnards of the themselves, Dufay English," "the [colonial) whites, Spanish Bourbons and the counterevolutionaries who had arrived plantation-owners like himself," "the naval officers, "impure holdovers from France and >9 chants of from the Old s Coblentz," the your principal commercial cities"; Regime, and the "mermalefactors who peopled the in short, the entire cast of The first half of Dufay's revolutionaries' paranoid imagination. the events of June speech was largely devoted to a cal 20, 1793; he had also narrative of account that was later published prepared a longer chronologivengeances of his separately.s caste," was accused "Galbaud, agent of the phe as part of a conscious of having provoked the He had "corrupted, plot to "slaughter" the free men catastro- of merchant seduced, misled the crews of the color. vessels, and made them warships and the his ambition." Dufay into blind instruments of his citizens of color gave all the credit for rage and - the people, the resisting Galbaud to "the who "immediately rallied around true sans-culottes in the colonies," possible criticism of Sonthonax your commissioners." 92 and Polverel for Forestalling any fleeing the city on June 90 The text of Dufay's sér. (Paris: CNRS, 1962), speech in can the be found in vol. 84 of the Archives (Convention, 16 plu.), in the original edition of the Moniteur universel parlementaires, of 18 Ier Compte rendu sur la situation Réimpression de l'Ancien plu. II la partie du nord. 16 plu. II actuelle de Moniteur, 20: 389-95, and in 9: Rélation détaillée des (Paris: Imprimerie Saint-Domingue. nationale, An Par II). Dufey [sic), député de l'arrivée du ci-devant général évnemens malheureux qui se sont et a pris la fuite (Paris: Imprimerie Galbaud, jusqu'au moment oi il passés a fait braler au Cap depuis nationale, An II). cette ville partie du nord. 16 plu. II actuelle de Moniteur, 20: 389-95, and in 9: Rélation détaillée des (Paris: Imprimerie Saint-Domingue. nationale, An Par II). Dufey [sic), député de l'arrivée du ci-devant général évnemens malheureux qui se sont et a pris la fuite (Paris: Imprimerie Galbaud, jusqu'au moment oi il passés a fait braler au Cap depuis nationale, An II). cette ville --- Page 377 --- You Are All Free 21, Dufay insisted that it was the men of color who move to safety. Without even had begged them to tion of June mentioning the commissioners' 2I, 1793, he described the blacks as proclamacome forward to join the struggle against having spontaneously French,' they said; 'we are Galbaud: "We are negroes, ask for freedom.' going to fight for France, but as a reward, we They even added, 'the Rights of Man."" sioners, Dufay indicated, had no choice but The commiswere in confusion; the blacks to accept this offer: "We have turned it understood their strength; they might even against us if we had offended them." Dufay had to explain not only why Sonthonax and offered freedom to the blacks who Polverel had offered to fight for 21, 1793, an action that could be them on June why, justified as a having won the battle, they then took it military necessity, but authorization from the upon themselves, without population. "You will be Convention, to emancipate the rest of the slave itis the force of convinced, I trust, s> he told his events that then led to the listeners, "that North Province, as the great measure of liberty in the only means of saving the even the citizens of 4 April." The black white population and their freedom for two insurgents had been fighting for years, and "one could never return to their duty," he insisted, hope to make them going on to explain necessary to grant legal freedom not why it had been their women and children. only to the fighting men but also to of the Again, rather than emphasizing the initiative commissioners, he stressed the role of the first to sacrifice their free men of color, "the slaves," and he pointed leagues, Mills and Belley, dramatically to his colclaiming that example. 92 In any event, the "they were the first to give the the Spanish and the British commissioners really had no choice, since were also offering the along with money and officers' titles. "Was it insurgents freedom, policy to create new citizens for the not a wise and enlightened enemies?" republic who would Dufay asked. oppose our Having established that "the measure taken the ers was not spontaneous, that by civil commissionthe they were constrained to it sovereignty of the nation," and that it was adopt to save the responsibility for creating the really Galbaud who bore situation that Dufay went on to argue that Sonthonax's compelled them to act, would not harm either the national decree of August 29, 1793 in the colony and the merchants interest or that ofthe property owners who dealt with them. represented only the North Province, he did (Since he officially Polverel had taken in the West.) "The not discuss the measures slaves] free, assigned them to remain proclamation, in declaring [the at their respective plantations, 92 he responsibility for creating the really Galbaud who bore situation that Dufay went on to argue that Sonthonax's compelled them to act, would not harm either the national decree of August 29, 1793 in the colony and the merchants interest or that ofthe property owners who dealt with them. represented only the North Province, he did (Since he officially Polverel had taken in the West.) "The not discuss the measures slaves] free, assigned them to remain proclamation, in declaring [the at their respective plantations, 92 he --- Page 378 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II "and subjected them to severe discipline as well as daily work, noted, are more or less attached to the estate in return for a set salary; they to earn [attachés à la glèbe)." The newly freed slaves were now eager and they would be good customers for French commerce. "You money, of cultivated by free hands, will see that your colony Saint-Domingue, will more for will be more flourishing : that this new colony produce assured in the metropole than before, that your political influence is and that soon it will dominate the entirea archipelago of Saint-Domingue the Gulf of Mexico," Dufay promised the deputies. feared that the To be sure, Dufay went on, some people in France in and uncontrollable. In the account of events blacks were uncivilized a few weeks after his speech, Le Cap in June 1793 that he published described the blacks who had joined the commissioners' he incautiously of whom many even came from forces as "these still savage peoples, colowords that the pro-slavery hordes of cannibals (antbropophages)," On 16 plunists would later seize on to discredit him and Sonthonax., however, Dufay was more careful in his language, emphasizing viose, ferocious men had, until recently, been members that these supposedly ordered around by a sinof work teams that "allowed themselves to be been white and went along with all his whims." If there had gle man, emancipation, it amounted to a certain amount of disorder following than "a few movements of effervescence" that would quickly no more charitable, hospitable, very devoted to pass. "They are naturally sweet, "They love justice and have their parents," Dufay assured the deputies. of the black for their elders." Although in fact most the greatest respect claimed that they insurgents were still fighting for the Spanish, Dufay for French *The story of all that you have done had become patriots. inflamed their hearts; the story of your liberty enlightened, warmed, in them sentiments of patriotism victories raised their souls, and inspired left was for that had previously been unknown to them." All that was the that the population of the French legislators to accept opportunity offered them: "You can : earn a consoling memory Saint-Domingue humanity and in carrying out the great act of for yourselves in honoring world for the second time, or at justice it expects from you. Create a new will least let it be remade thanks to you; be its benefactors; your names deities. You will be another Providence be blessed like those of tutelary for this country," 7 Dufay concluded. détaillée des événemens malbeureux, 55. For the colonists' use of Dufay's 92 Rélation see Débats entre les accusateurs et les accusés, 8: 22. reference to "cannibals," world for the second time, or at justice it expects from you. Create a new will least let it be remade thanks to you; be its benefactors; your names deities. You will be another Providence be blessed like those of tutelary for this country," 7 Dufay concluded. détaillée des événemens malbeureux, 55. For the colonists' use of Dufay's 92 Rélation see Débats entre les accusateurs et les accusés, 8: 22. reference to "cannibals," --- Page 379 --- You Are All Free Since the expulsion of the Girondins Convention debates were at the senting contrasting no longer epic jousts beginning between of June 1793, manifested themselves viewpoints, but differences orators repreDufay's in the form of among the deputies still refer the speech, one deputy tried to parliamentary maneuvers. After question to the Committee sidetrack the debate by Levasseur, an obscure of Public Safety.ss In moving to "not ceding to a movement Montagnard, moved instead that the response, René faithful to the Declaration of fenthusiasm, but to the Convention, that slavery is ofthe Rights of Man, principles ofjustice, abolished decree as oft want all men to be free, throughout the territory of the fthis moment had called for the admission without distinction of color." >> Republic .. I "in of the Delacroix, who carrying out this act of deputies the day before, added colored slaves in the British justice, you will give a that president of the and Spanish colonies." >> He great example to the the assembly to cut off any then called on the Convention to dishonor further debate: to the Moniteur's itself with a longer discussion." "Do not allow president pronounces account, "the Assembly rises in According thousand the abolition of slavery, acclamation. The Convention! repetitions of the cries, 'Long live the amidst applause and a the tribune, Long live the Mountain!" The Republic! Long live the to the they embrace each other. two deputies of color are at embraced president, who gives them the (Applause.) [Dejlacroix takes in turn by all the fraternal embrace. them One deputies. "94 They are then particularly ter be ordered enthusiastic to send legislator moved that the announcing the news. messenger ships to all the colonies navy minis- "The Convention has Danton stepped in to keep immediately gift of done its duty," he said. things under control, liberty, we need to "But after to the committees of be, SO to speak, its having given the means to make this Public Safety and of the moderators. Let us refer it." He added decree useful for colonies, to come up with his famous prediction humanity, without any today, England is dead;" the that, thanks to the danger for their own freedom.s slaves in its colonies decree, "as of last It is ironic that this, would now demand significant interventions in the one of the great tribune's upholding the Convention's would order authority of the same debates, was aimed at him arrested Committee of Public just a few weeks later. Safety that There was another 93 Bénot, "Comment 94 Moniteur la Convention," 354. 95 Moniteur universel, wniversel, 17 plu. II (Convention, 16 17 plu. II plu.). (Convention, 16 plu.). as of last It is ironic that this, would now demand significant interventions in the one of the great tribune's upholding the Convention's would order authority of the same debates, was aimed at him arrested Committee of Public just a few weeks later. Safety that There was another 93 Bénot, "Comment 94 Moniteur la Convention," 354. 95 Moniteur universel, wniversel, 17 plu. II (Convention, 16 17 plu. II plu.). (Convention, 16 plu.). --- Page 380 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II parliamentary squabble when some word "slavery" in a Convention deputies objected to the use of the that the word's absence decree; the abbé Grégoire, islature really might leave room for doubt about recognizing intended, insisted what the ties finally strongly that it be legapproved the phrasing proposed retained.96 The depuConvention declares by Delacroix: "The negro slavery abolished National sequence, it decrees that all in all the colonies; in conin the men, regardless of colonies, are French citizens, color, who are domiciled by the constitution." *97 On the and enjoy all the rights modify the next day, several guaranteed wording of the decree or deputies tried again to more latitude to redact it, but in the give the Committee of Public Safety text it had voted on 16 pluviôse,s end, the Convention stuck with the The decree the Convention ofthe major proponents ofabolition passed was quite different from what advocated. Even the most in revolutionary) France had any edged that it could daring critics of slavery had actually not be phased out always acknowlDufay's speech did not make a principled overnight without grave dangers. himself to asking the Convention case against slavery: he limited Sonthonax had been forced to validate an action that, he tem of virtual forced to take, and he specifically argued, labor that defended the it would provide the Sonthonax had imposed, syshad always guarantees that supporters of asserting that insisted on. It was the gradual decree framed in general Convention that decided emancipation to issue tions terms, with no provisions to a of the functioning, and to apply it to the entire keep the plantaFrench reformers had also French empire, Almost all tem in which the free population explicitly of endorsed the creation of a sysrole. Dufay's specch singled them color would have played a dominant decree ended any hope the out for praise, but the cial recognition. "citizens of 4 April" might have Convention's had for The decree of 16 pluviôse speconcerns of the was equally remote from the most after the insurgent blacks in urgent issuance of Sonthonax's Saint-Domingue. As their behavior former slaves were and Polverel's decrees more interested in showed, the constraints of plantation labor and in liberating themselves from the abstract legal freedom coupled with acquiring access to land than in in the sugar fields. No one in Paris an obligation to continue working considered how the Convention's 97 96 Bénot, "Comment la Convention," 33 98 Moniteur universel, 17 plu. II 353. Bénot, "Comment la Convention," (Convention, I6 plu. II). 356-7. -Domingue. As their behavior former slaves were and Polverel's decrees more interested in showed, the constraints of plantation labor and in liberating themselves from the abstract legal freedom coupled with acquiring access to land than in in the sugar fields. No one in Paris an obligation to continue working considered how the Convention's 97 96 Bénot, "Comment la Convention," 33 98 Moniteur universel, 17 plu. II 353. Bénot, "Comment la Convention," (Convention, I6 plu. II). 356-7. --- Page 381 --- You Are All Free decree granting the freed slaves full onciled with the numerous constitutional rights could be recin Sonthonax's restrictions on their behavior document. Despite the wide incorporated realities that had led to the gap between the political the more ideological emancipation decrees in Saint-Domingue and the two were approach reflected in the Convention's intimately related. The Convention measure, up the issue without the would not have taken Domingue impetus provided by the arrival of the deputies, but both the de facto freedom Saintfor themselves and the measures the slaves had claimed the journée of June Sonthonax and Polverel had taken after tions of uncertain 20, 1793 would have remained local significance if the Convention improvisato be consequences of the French had not declared them though there was no conscious constitution's basic principles. Even involved in the cooperation between the different process, on 16 pluviôse, their parties to produce a result whose actions all came together them could have achieved in consequences were greater than what any of isolation. The absence of any explicit debate about the makes it difficult to assess the motives of decree of 16 pluviôse voted for it. No doubt some of them the Convention deputies who that there was no alternative, simply accepted Dufay's argument hope that, if nothing and others may have shared Danton's else, the decree would British colonies. The memoirs of the encourage unrest in the key role in the debate, offer a deputy Levasseur, who played a man who described himself suggestive insight into the motives of a the as an "obscure Montagnard." > Restoration, when the memory of the Terror Writing under Levasseur admitted that the Convention was still anathema, like himself, who had "devoted had made many mistakes. Men without our life to the Republic could not shuddering the temporary results of our see of the resistance they had energetic measures and of the passage of the abolition excited," he claimed. For him, the memory somber tableau. "I decree was a ray of light in an otherwise never recall this session both sweet and consoling,' >> he without an emotion that is also been a wrote in his memoir. But the issue personal one for him. As an idealistic had had been "disinherited youth, he claimed, he had by one of my uncles, a rich blamed the infamous slave trade in his colonist, because I I have just described, >3 he presence. In the session that tion to the cause of humanity. continued, 999 "I reaped the reward for my devoWhile Levasseur found it consoling to 99 R[ené] Levasseur, Mémoires de R. Levasseur (de la Miçhel Vovelle (Paris: Messidor/Editions: sociales, Sarthe) es-Comuentionnel, ed. 1989 (orig. 1829-31), 422, 426. his colonist, because I I have just described, >3 he presence. In the session that tion to the cause of humanity. continued, 999 "I reaped the reward for my devoWhile Levasseur found it consoling to 99 R[ené] Levasseur, Mémoires de R. Levasseur (de la Miçhel Vovelle (Paris: Messidor/Editions: sociales, Sarthe) es-Comuentionnel, ed. 1989 (orig. 1829-31), 422, 426. --- Page 382 --- The Decree of: 16 Pluviôse An II of slavery at a time when he was havbe able to vote for the elimination that troubled him, the abbé Grégoire, ing to endorse SO many decisions in the Convention, looked back opponent of slavery he the most prominent with certain misgivings. In his memoirs, on the vote of 16 pluviôse members of the Société des amis des noirs recalled how he and the other it was necessary not to emanhad agreed that "with regard to the slaves, to the advantages of them suddenly, but to lead them gradually the emancipation cipate that sudden the social state You can understand An II, which Levasseur had by the decree of 16 pluviôse of a pronounced disastrous to us: it was the political equivalent unlike provoked, seemed the decree had been voted, however, Grégoire, volcano." 9100 Once opposed any attempt to roll of the other deputies, consistently many back the decision. by the Convention on Clear and simple as it was, the decree passed in suspense. One of An II still left some important questions of July 16, 16 pluviôse concerned the status of the earlier decree the most obvious and arrest of Sonthonax and Polverel. Deputy ordering the recall the of the aboli1793 Bourdon de POise raised the issue after passage earlier deciFrançois hesitated to reverse its own tion decree, but the Convention the of Public Safety.o: and instead referred the matter to Committee endorsed sion in which the French government The incongruity of a situation the men who had carried it out the freeing of the slaves but disavowed French diplomatic mission in the striking, as the members of the decree of 16 pluwas out. After receiving news of the the decree United States pointed "One cannot fail to recognize that viôse, they wrote to Paris, and Polverel), and then the failure to of accusation against [Sonthonax misfortunes : This state of indeciexecute it, have caused the greatest has shaken the whole sion, in spite ofthe firmness of the commissioners, after the passage of the emancipasystem." 99102 More than two months an official to promultion decree, as it was finally preparing to the dispatch Committee of Public Safety gate that measure in Saint-Domingue, stand; as we have seen, Sonthonax decided that the recall decree would of being treated as suswere subjected to the indignity and Polverel action officially endorsed. pects even as they saw their most important notes that Robespierre signed the Sonthonax's biographer, Robert Stein, Carnot, intro. Jean-Michel Leniaud ed. Hippolyte 10O Henri Grégoire, Editions de Mémoires, Santé, 1989), 81. Stein, Sonthonax, III. (Paris: 18 plu. II (Convention, 16 plu.); Manuscripts 1OI Nouvelles politiques, II, in Turner, ed., Seventh Report of the Historical 101 Letter of I5 prair. Commission, 366. their most important notes that Robespierre signed the Sonthonax's biographer, Robert Stein, Carnot, intro. Jean-Michel Leniaud ed. Hippolyte 10O Henri Grégoire, Editions de Mémoires, Santé, 1989), 81. Stein, Sonthonax, III. (Paris: 18 plu. II (Convention, 16 plu.); Manuscripts 1OI Nouvelles politiques, II, in Turner, ed., Seventh Report of the Historical 101 Letter of I5 prair. Commission, 366. --- Page 383 --- You Are All Free official paper approving this decision, but not the committee's endorsement the document of the abolition containing was discussing this it decree. As the Committee matter, was also debating the against the Dantonists, who charges to be he were about to be put on brought passed to his colleague trial. In notes that Saint-Just on the "Danton once said to me, It is too bad that subject, Robespierre wrote, our colonies to the Americans; it would we cannot propose to give with them.' Subsequently, be a way to seal an alliance whose likely result Danton and Lacroix have had a decree was the loss of our colonies. >) passed to the matter in the official Saint-Just did not allude vinced that, like the indictment, but Robespierre was clearly conBrissotins, the Dantonists a way of concealing their had seized on abolition as On I7 pluviôse II, the counterevolationary: day after intentions." IO3 decree, Robespierre the passage of the delivered to the Convention emancipation brated speeches, his discourse one of his most celegovernment and the on the moral bases of the revolutionary virtue. He necessity of a policy of terror to support praised the French for being the first republican men to equality and liberty, and people to "summon all made no mention of the to their full rights as citizens,' 3, but he The two uses of the word epoch-making decree passed the day before. entirely abstract and had "slavery" in his speech of 17 pluviôse were mentioned nothing to do with the the subject again in the colonies, and he never throw. 104 After the conclusion remaining months before his overof Ducos tried to link the Robespierre's speech, the deputy Roger with the general previous day's decree against colonial principle of universal human slavery French citizens be forbidden from freedom by proposing that anywhere in the world. His recognizing the legitimacy of slavery Public Safety and buried.10s proposal was referred to the Committee of The unease with the issue of abolition revolutionary government's continuing of Dufay's detailed was reflected in the official version June account of the events leading to 20, 1793, which was prefaced with up the journée of accusations against Brissot for a long diatribe reiterating the he had been responsible for destroying the colony, and a reminder that the choice of the civil commissioners. I06 103 Stein, Sonthonax, III-I2; Albert Mathiez, Georges Lefebvre (Paris: Études sur 104 Robespierre, Éditions sociales, 1958), 146. Robespierre (1758-1794), ed. 1os Moniteur speech of 17 plu. II, in Archives 106 Rélation universel, 19 plu. II (Convention, 17 parlementaires, plu. 84: 331. détaillée des événemens II). the Saint-Domingue deputies and issued malheureux. in the The pamphlet was compiled by publique. name of the Comité d'instruction ebvre (Paris: Études sur 104 Robespierre, Éditions sociales, 1958), 146. Robespierre (1758-1794), ed. 1os Moniteur speech of 17 plu. II, in Archives 106 Rélation universel, 19 plu. II (Convention, 17 parlementaires, plu. 84: 331. détaillée des événemens II). the Saint-Domingue deputies and issued malheureux. in the The pamphlet was compiled by publique. name of the Comité d'instruction --- Page 384 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II the of the recall of the civil commissioners, In addition to question number of other decisions the Committee of Public Safety had to make a of the abolition decree. Amar encouraged Page about thei implementation the decree could be sabotaged, telland Brulley to hope that the intent of what them that it was "unheard of, that the Convention had done ing his faction never dared to do; that it was to go back on what Brissot and that had been done, to protest it had decided, to contradict everything that it was the indictment of the Girondins and against justice, against Danton had lent himself to such a thing." >> He added astounding that of Public Safety, which disapthat "all was not lost; that the Committee measures, would surely make an intelproved of counterrevolutionary the French colonies, which would ligent decision that would preserve Colonial be lost. P107 Members of the Convention's otherwise inevitably that the decree could be shaped SO as to "assure Committee also hoped of the and of the white its execution for the greater interest Republic from the constitutional principle," and they men, without departing from the Indian Ocean colonies, appointed Benoît Gouly, a slave owner 108 That to the Committee of Public Safety.' as one of their representatives down the decree. On 27 committee, however, had decided not to water and Brulley had a lengthy meeting with Barère, who had pluviôse, Page the Committee of Public Safety's report on been tasked with preparing them that the conrmittee had the question. When he made it clear to insisted the emancipation decree, Page and Brulley decided to implement the details to the colonists themthat this could only be done by leaving which Barère that "it is as if one had proposed to let selves, to replied abolish their feudal rights." He the seigneurs in France decide how to could be solved was sure that the problems of carrying out the measure with the sans-culottes who will get along well by sending "some good conversanegroes." Returning to their office after this discouraging Page and Brulley drafted a letter to the Saint-Domingue refugees tion, their efforts and promising that, in the United States, vowing to keep up Governor their would suffer the same fate as sooner or later, opponents "who have paid with their heads for Blanchelande, Brissot, and Barnave, the harm they did to our country."s from to the situation before the arrival of the deputies In contrast the white colonists now faced a counterlobby Saint-Domingue, however, 107 Page and Brulley, register, 18 plu. II, in AN, D XXV 76. 108 AN, D*16 3-4-5, entry for 17 plu. II. 109 AN, D XXV 76, 27 plu. II (February IS, 1794). heads for Blanchelande, Brissot, and Barnave, the harm they did to our country."s from to the situation before the arrival of the deputies In contrast the white colonists now faced a counterlobby Saint-Domingue, however, 107 Page and Brulley, register, 18 plu. II, in AN, D XXV 76. 108 AN, D*16 3-4-5, entry for 17 plu. II. 109 AN, D XXV 76, 27 plu. II (February IS, 1794). --- Page 385 --- You Are All Free that actively opposed their work to turn the tables efforts. Dufay, Mills, and and on Page and Brulley, Belley went to demanding their arrest. In a letter denouncing their activities Domingue deputies urged the written on 6 ters and called for police to seize ventôse II, the Saintall the white the imprisonment of not Page's and Brulley's registhe various colonists, or at least all those just the two lobbyists but of colonial assemblies who had units. IIO On IS ventôse, or served as officers in played any role in just begun their Page, Brulley, and their colonial military register breaks daily meeting when the secretary Legrand had off in police descended on later, the Convention dramatically the middle of a them; their deputies had adopted the broader sentence. III Four days members called for, ordering the arrest measure the of any of the various of all colonists Saine-Domingue who had 1789. One deputy, assemblies created in the been that "every day the obviously aware ofl Page and colonies since Committee colonists in Paris and their Brulley's activities, noted its execution ofPublic Safety that (the emissaries repeat to the is impossible; not emancipation decree] is denounce all the agents having succeeded by these unwise, that prevent their designated to take it to the means, they your just and departure, and to thereby gain time colonies, in order to politically humane law."na The result to turn minds active white colonists was a of against until after the fall of in Paris; they would roundup almost all were ever Robespierre, remain in put on trial. Arrest and although it appears that none of prison them lobbying efforts of the imprisonment did not the Committee of colonists. The imprisoned entirely halt the General colonist Page and Brulley seized Security a long Deraggis sent the emancipation on the execution of denunciation of Dufay, and of decree of 16 Danton, who had for slavery had been promoted pluviôse II, as evidence that the spoken lified, by a traitor and should abolition diminished. Nevertheless, the colonial lobby's therefore be nulpolitical influence In the political culture was greatly called for public of the Revolution, the the manifestations of passage of a major law meaning of the Convention's support and an effort to actions for the articulate IIO Dufay, Mills and broader public. Dufay's Mills et Dufay, députés Belley, de letter of 6 vent. II, in Florence concernant le démantelement Sain-Domineuc, du de Roume et Gauthier, du "Inédits de Belley, 1794," Annales réseau du comité de III Page and historiques de la Révolution lobby esclavagiste en France Salut public, II2 Moniteur Brulley, register, IS vent. II, in AN, française, D no. 4 (1995), février-mars I13 universel, 2I vent. II XXV76. 607-II. Deraggis prair. IL, in to CSG,9 ger. II, in AN, (Convention, F d. 19 vent.). AN, D XXV 81, d. 794. 4685, Dufay; Page and Brulley to Couthon, I6 France Salut public, II2 Moniteur Brulley, register, IS vent. II, in AN, française, D no. 4 (1995), février-mars I13 universel, 2I vent. II XXV76. 607-II. Deraggis prair. IL, in to CSG,9 ger. II, in AN, (Convention, F d. 19 vent.). AN, D XXV 81, d. 794. 4685, Dufay; Page and Brulley to Couthon, I6 --- Page 386 --- The Decree of. 16 Pluviôse An II speech, calculated to persuade the legislators, was less suitable for the purpose of stirring public enthusiasm; as Aimé Césaire wrote in "lacked grandeur. PII4 The task of publicizing and 1960, it 16 pluviôse was taken in hand by the of celebrating the decree of spoken in favor of group free people of color who had abolishing slavery at the Paris Commune in and by their political patron, the Commune official early June the Saint-Domingue Pierre Chaumette; deputies also joined in the effort. self had his limitations as an advocate of universal Chaumette himthe Convention human rights: while was decreeing the abolition of slavery on 16 Commune had been pluviôse, the denying a request from the Jews of Paris for mission to bake matzah for Passover, and just before one of his percelebrating the abolition of slavery, Chaumette had restated his speeches opposition to political rights for women, telling a mother who emphatic her daughter to recite patriotic verse that a girl should be trained had taught stockings instead."5 It was also ironic that to knit the invitation Chaumette, who had declined to go to Saint-Domingue in 1792 because he did not Sonthonax's abolitionisatintentions and who had testified trust the Girondins' trial, became the against Brissot at most emphatic defender of what protégé had done. Nevertheless, it was Brissot's else, who Chaumette, more than managed to put the significance of the Convention's actions anyone words and organize appropriate ceremonies in honor of the into On the evening after the vote, the three deputies from event. were fêted at the Jacobin club. II6 Two days later, the focus Saint-Domingue shifted Commune. "This decree is not the work of to the Commune on 18 pluviôse, "it is men," Chaumette told the more the work of the - wants all men henceforth to be nothing but a family of brothers. Eternal who begin the annals of patriarchal moeurs and the Here Republic. P117 On 20 pluviôse, Chaumette and universality of the the men of at the Convention, praising the deputies for their color appeared them to break up the white colonists' action and urging network. The a tri-color flag they had first displayed in June, with delegation carried figures of a white, 114 AiméCésaire, Toussaint Louverture. La Révolution éd. revue (Paris: Présence Africaine, française et le problème colonial, IrS Journal de la Montagne, 18 plu. II (Commune, 196I), 198. 16 Among the objections raised to the plu.); 23 plu. (Commune, 2I plu.) to official recognition of a religious Jews' request and was the claim that it would amount should eat the same bread. The sect, that equality dictated that all citizens come back with a redrafted request representative of the Jewish community was told to which the matzah was to be used. omitting all mention of the specific purposes for II6 Moniteur universel, 22 plu. II (Jacobins, 16 I17 Journal de la Montagne, 20 plu. II (Commune, plu.). 18 plu.). . (Commune, 2I plu.) to official recognition of a religious Jews' request and was the claim that it would amount should eat the same bread. The sect, that equality dictated that all citizens come back with a redrafted request representative of the Jewish community was told to which the matzah was to be used. omitting all mention of the specific purposes for II6 Moniteur universel, 22 plu. II (Jacobins, 16 I17 Journal de la Montagne, 20 plu. II (Commune, plu.). 18 plu.). --- Page 387 --- You Are All Free a black, and a man of color superimposed on its blue, stripes; just as the original tri-color white, and red king and the people, flag had combined the colors of the banner symbolizing the unity of the French nation, this communicated the message that the three racial now equally united. 118 The next day, the three groups were ties appeared at the Commune, where Chaumette Saint-Domingue depua speech that supplied the emotion that welcomed them with address. He took the had been missing in Dufay's his allies had tried opportunity to remind the audience that he and to get the Convention to end earlier, but "at that time, the Convention slavery seven months energy to "deliver the French was not itself;" it needed all its people from the tyranny of the Addressing the blacks in the colonies, he cried federalists." mothers, obliged to curse out, "Oh you, unhappy will be citizens your fecundity, take courage: .. you will bring them up to enjoy your children their liberators." Finally, he announced freedom, and to bless the of ceremony at Notre Dame cathedral, holding a great public Reason, on the following décadi,"9 recently rebaptized as the temple of brations continued. A In the meantime, the round of celedeputation of men of color on 23 pluviôse and the Commune addressed the Jacobins ing the members that on 26 pluviôse, with a speaker assur- "among the blacks, there are customs that interesting and republican," and the are very again on 30 pluviôse. I20 group appeared at the Convention On that same day, Chaumette presided over the organized at Notre Dame. Whereas ceremony he had two weeks earlier had Dufay's address to the Convention presented the abolition of as a response to the crisis of June 20, 1793 in slavery pragmatic elevated it to an event of world-historical Saint-Domingue, Chaumette replete with references to classical significance. His speech was it made no mention of Sonthonax antiquity and the philosophes, but and and events in Polverel, its only allusion to Saint-Domingue was a vague but the "great whirlwinds of fire and smoke" bloodcurdling evocation of horrible of all wars." Chaumette's marking "the scene oft the most cipation decree would central argument was that the emanlowed man's reverse the centuries of decadence that had folman's emergence from the state of nature. As a result of deviation from the purity of his original primitive injustice replaced patriarchal customs, "brazenness and decisions, force took the place of reason, 118 Moniteur universel, 21 plu. 119 Journal de la (Convention, 20 plu.). 120 Journal de la Montagne, 25 plu. II (Commune, 2I plu.). Montagne, 26 plu. II, 28 plu. II, I vent. II. ence that had folman's emergence from the state of nature. As a result of deviation from the purity of his original primitive injustice replaced patriarchal customs, "brazenness and decisions, force took the place of reason, 118 Moniteur universel, 21 plu. 119 Journal de la (Convention, 20 plu.). 120 Journal de la Montagne, 25 plu. II (Commune, 2I plu.). Montagne, 26 plu. II, 28 plu. II, I vent. II. --- Page 388 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II lust for pleasures gave birth to mine and thine; greed, the overwhelming Arbitrariness having made its laws were required to settle differences law." Now, thanks to force necessarily became the supreme and its appearance, of "this truth, that slavery is the worst of evils, the recognition both for states and for individuals: for abolition the greatest of all goods, that hasten their them from those violent agitations states, in preserving them from the contagion of all the fall, for individuals, in preserving which kills men," 9 a new era of human vices that that are born of slavery, the colowould begin. I2I Despite his connections to pro-slavery He history diarist Guittard found the ceremony impressive. nists, the elderly the committees described the march of "all the sections, revolutionary along with the clubs sent deputations with their banners, of the sections, the members of the city assembly, a deputation women and drummers, accompanied by veterans and grenadiers from the National Assembly from the opera and a procession of of the Convention, the musicians with their three deputies Negroes and Negresses who live in Paris along were to obtain this decree. e Speeches who came from Saint-Domingue There was a big crowd. I was given, odes and appropriate songs sung. festivals were held in almost there and I had a good view." Similar at the behest of local other French cities and towns, sometimes twenty but sometimes as the result of an apparently sponMontagnard leaders, the enthusiasm manifested at these taneous initiative." In some cases, celebration held in the gatherings was forced, as in the case of the large for the of Le Havre, well known as a stronghold of support port city of the engravings of black men and, colonial lobby, 124 but the popularity French revolutionespecially, attractive young women, shown wearing is a that the cap or the level of equality, sign ary symbols such as liberty chord with part oft the French decree touched a genuine the emancipation public. (See Figure IO.2.) Chaumette, au nom de la Commune de Paris, I2I Discours prononcé par le citoyen une et indivisible, à la le décadi 30 pluviôse, l'an II de la République française, de P'Esclavage (Paris: Imprimerie fête célébrée à Paris, en réjouissance de l'abolition in Révolution française et l'abolition de nationale, (1794)), 17, 2, IO (reprinted l'esclavage, t. s). entry for February 18, 1794, 320-I. 122 Guittard,/ournal, et l'abolition de l'esclavage en l'An 123 Jean-Claude Halpern, "Les Fêtes révolutionnaires abolitions de l'esclavage, de L. F. Sonthonax à V. II," in Marcel Dorigny, ed., Les 187-98. Schoelcher (Paris: Editions UNESCO, Le Havre face 1995), à la traite et à l'esclavage: le mouvement de 124 Lucie Maquerlot, "Rouen et dir. Esclavage, résistances et abolitions l'opinion (1783-1794)," in Marcel Dorigny, (Paris: Editions du CTHS, 1999), 184-6. 'esclavage, de L. F. Sonthonax à V. II," in Marcel Dorigny, ed., Les 187-98. Schoelcher (Paris: Editions UNESCO, Le Havre face 1995), à la traite et à l'esclavage: le mouvement de 124 Lucie Maquerlot, "Rouen et dir. Esclavage, résistances et abolitions l'opinion (1783-1794)," in Marcel Dorigny, (Paris: Editions du CTHS, 1999), 184-6. --- Page 389 --- You Are All Free On 1 - comine tnr 4 / 1 à Hoat fral bt FIGURE IO.2. Four Celebrating the abolition of 16 engravings produced in Paris to slavery, number pluviose An II show blacks commemorate the of engravings wearing symbols of the French emancipation decree of enthusiasm for the measure. produced on this theme Revolution. The nizably Negroid The two images at the suggests that there was too"), figures and a caption in top show figures with genuine two emphasizing the distinct Creole, "Moi libre recogimages at the bottom show non-European of aussi" ("I am free, tions appeal to French women with more identity the freed slaves. The the newly freed blacks. viewers to consider themselves European features; their Source: as brothers and sisters cap- of Bibliothèque nationale de France. enthusiasm for the measure. produced on this theme Revolution. The nizably Negroid The two images at the suggests that there was too"), figures and a caption in top show figures with genuine two emphasizing the distinct Creole, "Moi libre recogimages at the bottom show non-European of aussi" ("I am free, tions appeal to French women with more identity the freed slaves. The the newly freed blacks. viewers to consider themselves European features; their Source: as brothers and sisters cap- of Bibliothèque nationale de France. --- Page 390 --- The Decree of I6 Pluviôse An II The National means the end of Convention's the decree of 16 pluviose An II was of the French struggle against slavery, even within by no empire. Historians of a the context reality, it liberated very few slaves: cynical cast have argued that, parts of the blacks in the in and those Saint-Domingue of Sonthonax were already free thanks to French-controlled their and and Polverel, but neither those own efforts Spanish-occupied parts of the in the BritishGuadeloupe and colony, nor the slave when the decree Martinique, both occupied by the populations of was passed, British at the moment the slaves in the French benefitted from it. Nor did the Convention Indian Ocean colonies: Benoît decree free deputy from the Gouly, a Jacobin application of the decree there Mascareignes, succeeded in getting the slaves in the colony of Cayenne suspended.1s Only the small number of freedom as a direct (today's French Guiana) received consequence of the their imprisonment of most ofits leaders after Convention's action. Despite the colonial lobby in France remained the law of 19 ventôse An II, the Julien Raimond in prison until active. Its allies succeeded in and they claimed the life of some months after the fall of keeping 1794.116 The the journalist Milscent, Robespierre, question ofwhether the guillotined in on 16 pluviose would radical emancipation May birth survive the policy enacted to it was a serious one; after revolutionary conjuncture that tion would lobby thermidor, the opponents of gave achieve vociferously for its abolisuccess under Napoleon, abandonment and would 20, 1802) made slavery legal whose decree of 30 floréal An X finally Despite the ambivalence again in French territory. 127 (May the Convention had of many French revolutionaries slavery done on 16 pluviôse and the about what agitation, Pierre Chaumette was continuation of proepoch-making event. The black right to see the decree as an up against their own insurgents in Saint-Domingue had fied enslavement; Sonthonax and stood these emancipation as a response to an Polverel had justiinitiatives in emergency situation. Without France might well have Saint-Domingue, the revolutionary of the threat it seemed continued to duck the issue of government in interests in the to pose to the nation's slavery because conflict with Britain. It economy and its strategic was the deputies of the French 125 Claude Wanquer, La France et la 126 (Paris: Karthala, 1998), 133. première abolition de AN, D XXV 56, d. l'esclavage 1794-1802 127 On the 554. eds., reimposition of slavery under (Paris: Rétablissement de l'esclavage dans Napoleon, les colonies see Yves Bénot and Marcel Maisonneuve et Larose, 2004). françaises. Aux origines Dorigny, de Haiti conomy and its strategic was the deputies of the French 125 Claude Wanquer, La France et la 126 (Paris: Karthala, 1998), 133. première abolition de AN, D XXV 56, d. l'esclavage 1794-1802 127 On the 554. eds., reimposition of slavery under (Paris: Rétablissement de l'esclavage dans Napoleon, les colonies see Yves Bénot and Marcel Maisonneuve et Larose, 2004). françaises. Aux origines Dorigny, de Haiti --- Page 391 --- You Are All Free National Convention who took the occasion of Sonthonax's actions to of Louis Dufay's defense of elevate the abolition of principle and to make it clear that if the slavery to a matter of the words of the Rights of Man - "all men are born and Declaration rights" - meant anything, they remain free and equal in regardless of required the abolition of the any practical difficulties that institution, limited to French territory, the decree might be involved. Legally itly condemned slavery wherever of 16 pluviôse nevertheless implicit existed. An accepted as normal since the dawn of human institution that had been declared to be illegitimate in history was, in one stroke, ship rights to former black principle. Similarly, by granting full citizenity of the slaves, the Convention asserted races, a principle that even the American the equalemancipation laws in the 178os had hesitated states that adopted Even though the achievement of 16 to endorse. ile one, the principles enunciated in pluviôse An II proved to be a fragthe standards by which the Convention's decree have become However, since it now our contemporary world claims to be and seems obvious to us that the guided. equality proclaimed in 1789 necessarily principles of liberty slavery, it is difficult to understand the entailed the abolition of ies themselves fact that the French managed to avoid that revolutionara half years after the drafting of the drawing conclusion for four and The vital role that the events of Declaration of the Rights of Man. that grew out of conflicts between June 20, 1793 in Cap Français - events intended to bring about the total actors, none of whom consciously played in provoking the decree of abolition of slavery at that moment 4 how easily the men of the French 16 pluviôse An II are a reminder of that step, and how different the Revolution might have avoided taking against slavery might have history of the western world's been if General Galbaud struggle join the sailors in their fateful assault had not decided to free men of color in Le Cap. on the civil commissioners and the Like many milestones in the human Revolution's renunciation of struggle for freedom, the French Thousands of blacks, French slavery came at a high cost in human lives. in Saint-Domingue soldiers, and colonists died in the between August 1791 and the fighting even more would die in the brutal war summer of 1793, and to reimpose white rule there in unleashed by Napoleon's attempt able price to be paid for 1802-03. This was the tragic but unavoidof plantation ending the harshest and most slavery to which the New World had exploitative system however, the decisive blow to given birth. Ironically, the colony's sugarcane slavery in Saint-Domingue came, not in fields, but in the streets of Cap Français. The between August 1791 and the fighting even more would die in the brutal war summer of 1793, and to reimpose white rule there in unleashed by Napoleon's attempt able price to be paid for 1802-03. This was the tragic but unavoidof plantation ending the harshest and most slavery to which the New World had exploitative system however, the decisive blow to given birth. Ironically, the colony's sugarcane slavery in Saint-Domingue came, not in fields, but in the streets of Cap Français. The --- Page 392 --- The Decree of 16 Pluviôse An II destruction of the city was not instigated by the free population of color, but by city's slaves nor by its the sailors of the French outsiders, above all General Galbaud, the navy, and the black insurgents who rallied republican cause. Urban slavery was an unjust to of the city had worked hard to maintain system, and the whites kept free people of color in a subordinate a discriminatory system that behavior before and during the crisis of position. Nevertheless, their the city's blacks and free people of color June 1793 strongly suggests that the destruction of the urban milieu were at least ambivalent about that had offered to shape some aspects of their own lives and to them opportunities atlantic civilization of the late participate in the transby Sonthonax and Polverel in eighteenth century. The banquet hosted free men and women of all Cap Français on June 19, 1793, in which colors, some of them day before, joined together to sing the Marseillaise, emancipated only the resentation of the kind of society that had been was a symbolic repbefore the outbreak of the Revolution. evolving in the city even embodied the hopes of the French The celebration on June 19 also and peaceful reform of antislavery reformers for a controlled slavery that would permit the colonial population into a assimilation of the of June 20, 1793 opened the prosperous door transatlantic empire. The events to the rapid abolition of Saint-Domingue and to the Convention's decree of slavery in but they terminated the experiment in cultural February 4, 1794, taking place in "the Paris of the Antilles." 33 synthesis that had been --- Page 393 --- II Conclusion the shock waves set off by the events of June 20, By the spring of 1794, transformed the situation on both sides of 1793 in Cap Français had of Saint-Domingue was now legally the Atlantic. The black population had fulfilled the promise of the free, and the French revolutionaries that freeDeclaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen by recognizing of resulting from the events of] June 20, 1793 dom. The abolition slavery black in Saint-Domingue had taken forms that neither the insurgents after Sonthonax and the French abolitionists had anticipated. Even nor their appeal to the slaves, most of the blacks continued Polverel issued their goals through the action of a to find it easier to imagine gaining in an abstract entity calling benevolent monarch than from membership of slavery, includitself a republic. For their part, the French opponents abolition to result Sonthonax and Polverel, had consistently expected ing of gradual reform that would preserve from a carefully guided process and respect the financial interthe sugar islands' plantation economy had also expected to create a reformed ests of the white colonists. They of color would have a dominant society in which the free population prevailing in Paris at the circumstances position. The peculiar political deputies dispatched by Sonthonax moment when the Saint-Domingue different result: an emancipation arrived, however, produced a very passed with no concern for decree shaped by abstract notions of liberty, and, ironically, with of its implementation, the practical consequences leader - Robespierre - who had, three no support from the revolutionary it would be better to let the colonies perish years earlier, exclaimed that natural rights. The decree of 16 pluviôse than to violate the principle of of the "citizens of 4 April," whom the II said nothing about the situation --- Page 394 --- Conclusion metropolitan revolutionaries Cates of universal quite wrongly revolutionary freedom for all people of African imagined as selfless advoFrance took such a descent. , and, ironically, with of its implementation, the practical consequences leader - Robespierre - who had, three no support from the revolutionary it would be better to let the colonies perish years earlier, exclaimed that natural rights. The decree of 16 pluviôse than to violate the principle of of the "citizens of 4 April," whom the II said nothing about the situation --- Page 394 --- Conclusion metropolitan revolutionaries Cates of universal quite wrongly revolutionary freedom for all people of African imagined as selfless advoFrance took such a descent. The was entirely due to the strong position against fact that 20, 1793 in Cap unique situation created by the slavery in 1794 The Français. journée of events of 1793 and June simple natural laws and 1794 did not usher in a new promised, but for the "patriarchal moeurs, > as Pierre age based on floréal An X (May next eight years, until the Chaumette had the French IO, 1802) reversing the decree Napoleonic of law of 30 which empire offered the world the first 16 pluviôse An II, slavery had been abolished and example of a rights. From men of all society in 1794 to 1799, black and races enjoyed Domingue sat in France's mixed-race deputies from equal their debates, In national legislatures, Saintdeputy 1796, Etienne Laveaux made participating fully in governor of Toussaint had made himself Saint-Domingue, the de and by the fall of Louverture ony. Under his facto ruler of France's 1797, Toussaint army and aegis, former slaves rose to most important colmixed-race government, and a new propertied important elite positions in the nated military officers largely made up of black and colonial society. Until replaced the whites who the New World could 1793, the notions that had domibut be ended, not at some African slavery in immediately, and that people of far-off date in the legal rights, on the same African descent might future, seemed mere footing with whites, in a enjoy full concrete realities. hypotheses; for a few years in the transatlantic polity, The 1790S, they became remarkable ahd in France achievements of 1793 and trast proved to be more 1794 in to England, where fragile than they appeared. Saine-Domingue In ment, came about abolition, although supported conmechanisms of only after decades of debate and by a mass moverevolutionary government repeated defeats, the Saint-Domingue and in elaborated opposition and make metropolitan France made it independently in sures enacted under sweeping changes with great possible to silence Somewhat these conditions often lacked rapidity, but the measurprisingly, the a firm base of overthrew conservative support. Robespierre and the thermidorian mer of 1794 and Committee of Public Convention that duringthe Year promptly repudiated SO Safety in the sumTwo did uphold the abolition many radical initiatives taken of slavery and the I Bernard equality Dorigny, Gainot, dir., "La députation de Sonthonax, 95-II0. in sures enacted under sweeping changes with great possible to silence Somewhat these conditions often lacked rapidity, but the measurprisingly, the a firm base of overthrew conservative support. Robespierre and the thermidorian mer of 1794 and Committee of Public Convention that duringthe Year promptly repudiated SO Safety in the sumTwo did uphold the abolition many radical initiatives taken of slavery and the I Bernard equality Dorigny, Gainot, dir., "La députation de Sonthonax, 95-II0. Saine-Domingue au corps législatif du Directoire," in --- Page 395 --- You Are All Free of the Directory regime, the government would of the races, as did its successor France's colonies and the metropole law The promise that entirely fulfilled - despite a (1795-99). set of laws was never I, 1798), French civil share a common 12 nivôse An VI (January that effect passed on in Saint-Domingue, to institutions were never fully implanted in the Mascareigne and political effort was made to end slavery official policy. In and no serious adopted in 1794 remained white islands 1 but the principles Louverture tried to encourage itself, Toussaint of their properties, Saint-Domingue return and resume management plantation owners to society, but he maintained Sonthonax's from thereby recreating a multiracial slaves, which generated resentment on the former been promised had turned strict regulations that the freedom they had might blacks who felt How the situation in Saint-Domingue and if the out to be largely a fiction. regime had survived France evolved if the French republican theater of war between have had not continued to be a least possible that a blackCaribbean to know, but it is at ties to France would and Britain is impossible free citizens with continuing dominated society of basis. An established itself on a lasting d'état of 18 brumaire have seizure of power after the coup conditions on both sides of Napoleon's 9, 1799) radically altered of the Year VIII repudiated VIII (November Atlantic. The new constitution the same laws as the French would be governed by declaration that the colonies the document of a the promise and the omission from by reference to the metropole, could no longer be opposed at war with of rights meant that slavery As long as France was still principles." in the Caribbean, basic constitutional unable to intervene directly soon as cirBritain, Napoleon was direct French control as he clearly meant to reassert responded to the looming but Toussaint Louverture of a constitucumstances permitted. intervention by ordering the drafting that "there can be menace of French colony itself, which declared "for tional document for the and established Toussaint as governor the slaves in this territory" with his decision to occupy no life." Together the enactthe rest of his glorious Domingo in the east of the island, meant to Spanish territory of Santo Napoleon that Toussaint of this constitution convinced for a peace settlement government. As negotiations ,Napoleon prepared set up an independent neared completion in late 1801, ment with the British 2I. . (Paris: La Découverte, 1991), Slave La Démence coloniale sous Napoléon n in Dubois and Garrigus, Yves Bénot, of the French Colony of Saint-Domingue," 3 Revolation "Constitution in the Caribbean, 167-70. the island, meant to Spanish territory of Santo Napoleon that Toussaint of this constitution convinced for a peace settlement government. As negotiations ,Napoleon prepared set up an independent neared completion in late 1801, ment with the British 2I. . (Paris: La Découverte, 1991), Slave La Démence coloniale sous Napoléon n in Dubois and Garrigus, Yves Bénot, of the French Colony of Saint-Domingue," 3 Revolation "Constitution in the Caribbean, 167-70. --- Page 396 --- Conclusion a massive expeditionary force under the command of his General Chades-V'ctor-Emanedl brother-in-law, under control. Leclerc, to bring the colony back The arrival ofthe Leclerc expedition in February 1802 and most violent phase of what we now label the opened the final Haitian Although the French did not openly announce their intention Revolution. slavery, they massacred blacks who resisted them and made to restore their determination to re-establish white no secret of struggle that rule. The result was a was much bloodier than any earlier phase of the desperate Haitian Revolution. Henri Christophe, a participant in the fighting.in Le June 1793, set fire to the city again in 1802 to the Cap in occupying it. Although Leclerc prevent French from enjoyed some initial successes and aged to capture and deport Toussaint Louverture himself manhe was unable to subdue resistance in the in June 1802, soon began to suffer countryside, and his army debilitating losses from yellow fever. By October 1802, Leclerc was dead, and command of the French the same General Rochambeau who had forces passed to his authority in the fall of helped Sonthonax establish 1792. Rochambeau, who had port for the idea of the abolition of expressed supincreasingly brutal slavery at that time, now waged an the campaign, terrorizing not only the blacks men of color and even the colonial whites but also insufficiently who, in his view, were supportive of his efforts. In response, black and colored soldiers and officers who had initially many free rejoined the fight against them. Once the submitted to the French March 1803, war with Britain resumed in Napoleon realized that the French effort in the was doomed. He cut his losses by quickly Caribbean Louisiana negotiating the sale ofthe vast Territory to the United States, thereby it or Spanish hands, and Rochambeau keeping out of British was left to his ated Cap Français in November fate; he finally evacu1803, and he and his men were taken prisoner by the British. OnJ January I, 1804.Jean-Jacques Dessalines, who had leader of the resistance forces after Toussaint emerged as the claimed the independence of the Republic of Haiti. Louverture's arrest, propromulgated in 1805 The constitution he proclaimed that "slavery is abolished that "because all distinctions of color forever" and among children of the must necessarily stop, Haitians will henceforth same family cally-as Blacks." The only be known generiprinciples of liberty and first in the struggles in France and in equality articulated Saint-Domingue in the early 1790S thus Dubois and Garrigus, Slave Revolution in the Caribbean, 191-96. the Republic of Haiti. Louverture's arrest, propromulgated in 1805 The constitution he proclaimed that "slavery is abolished that "because all distinctions of color forever" and among children of the must necessarily stop, Haitians will henceforth same family cally-as Blacks." The only be known generiprinciples of liberty and first in the struggles in France and in equality articulated Saint-Domingue in the early 1790S thus Dubois and Garrigus, Slave Revolution in the Caribbean, 191-96. --- Page 397 --- You Are All Free became part of the heritage of the new nation, although the of 180s also specified that "no white constitution man, regardless of his may set foot in this territory as a master or nationality, lation of Dessalines's landowner," and the instalregime in 1804 was accompanied massacres of most of the remaining whites in the island.s by systematic France, the ideals of racial equality and freedom Meanwhile, in gether. A Napoleonic decree of I3 messidor An X were repudiated altothe entry of blacks and people of color in (July 2, 1802) forbade already living there suffered France, and those who were overtly racist increasing legal discrimination. A spate of literature, claiming that blacks were inherently accompanied these legal measures; the violence in inferior, frequently cited as evidence of their Saint-Domingue was duced in the colony of savage nature. Slavery was reintroabolished in the Guadeloupe and in Cayenne, where it had been 1790S, and it was maintained in been under British Martinique, which had been affected occupation from 1793 to 1802 and thus had never by the law of 16 pluviose. Not until the second abolition decree of April 27, 1848 would the slaves in these French nies gain their freedom.? French coloThe developments in Saint-Domingue and in France Napoleonic era were very different from what the during the events of 1793 and 1794 had hoped to achieve. participants in the tic republican empire based Instead of a transatlanon racial equality, an independent black nation, and France turned Saint-Domingue became state that had abandoned both the into an authoritarian principle of and ment to racial equality. After 1804, France liberty any commitof the western world's debates ceased to be at the center about slavery. Its were small and their economic remaining colonies of pre-revolutionary importance could not compare to that Saint-Domingue. Plantation-based tion expanded to new areas, such as Cuba and sugar produchelp of former Brazil, often with the Saint-Domingue slave owners who ence with them. While brought their experigreat public debates about abolition took place 5 On the Dessalines massacres, see Philippe R. Girard, "Caribbean Haiti, 1802-4," Patterns of Prejudice 39 (2005), genocide: racial war in d'Haiti 6: IO-I7; Peter S. Chazotte, Historical Sketches 138-61; Ardouin, Etudes sur l'histoire and Civil Wars in the Island ofSt. Domingo (New York: of the Revolution and the Foreign in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 345-62. Wm. Applegate, 1840), excerpted de On Napoleonic policy, see Bénot, Démence, and Bénot and l'esclavage dans les colonies Dorigny, eds., Rétablissement 7 Nelly Schmidt, "The Drafting of françaises. the 1848 Decrees: Term Consequences,"in) Dorigny, ed., Abolitions of Slavery, Immediate Application and Long305-13. Domingo (New York: of the Revolution and the Foreign in Popkin, Facing Racial Revolution, 345-62. Wm. Applegate, 1840), excerpted de On Napoleonic policy, see Bénot, Démence, and Bénot and l'esclavage dans les colonies Dorigny, eds., Rétablissement 7 Nelly Schmidt, "The Drafting of françaises. the 1848 Decrees: Term Consequences,"in) Dorigny, ed., Abolitions of Slavery, Immediate Application and Long305-13. --- Page 398 --- Conclusion banned the slave trade in 1807 and began to phase in Britain, which colonies in 1833, and in the United States, out slavery in its Caribbean national life and finally resulted where the issue increasingly dominated attracted little public attention in the Civil War of 1861-65, the subject By this time, in France during the first half of the nineteenth century. linked to slavhad shifted from the "old colonies" French concerns to the new overseas venture in Algeria ery and the plantation system abolition decree, this one providing that was begun in 1830. A second with little debate in April compensation for slave owners, was passed Schoelcher. Unlike thanks to the efforts of the reformer Victor 1848, this measure did not guarantee the nonwhite populathe 1794 decree, Guadeloupe, Martinique, tions of the colonies complete citizen rights; into the French political and Réunion would not be fully integrated system until 1946. in French life after 1804, memory As slavery became less important shrank until all that was recalled about of the events in Saint-Domingue initial slave and perhaps the episode was the violence of the uprising decree of 1794 of Toussaint Louverture. Neither the abolition the name series of events leading up to it were mentioned nor the complicated the Revolution. C. L. R. James's impassioned The in most accounts of in 1938, drew some attention to the Black Jacobins, originally published world, but not in France. In 1960, as the subject in the English-speaking the territories of France's movement of decolonization swept through writer "second in Asia and Africa, the great Martiniquais vast empire" underlined the intimate connection and politician, Aimé Césaire, those of the mid-twentieth century, between the events of the 1790S and The celebration ofthe but his essay had little impact on French memory.9 renewed attenbicentennial of the French Revolution in 1989 brought of man" and more France's claim to be "the country of the rights tion to French abolition edict, even though frequent mentions of the pioneering the subject that appeared historical work devoted to the one important - Yves Bénot's La Révolution franin conjunction with the bicentennial published in 1987 - demonstrated çaise et la fin des colonies, originally legislators had been to convincingly how reluctant the revolutionary tackle the problem of slavery. abolitionist movement in the nineteenth century, see Lawrence C.J Jennings, Ont the French The Movement for the Abolition of Slavery in France, 1802-1848 French Anti-Slavery: Cambridge University Press, 2000). colonial. (Cambridge: Louverture. La Révolution française et le problème 9 Aimé Césaire, Toussaint (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1961). çaise et la fin des colonies, originally legislators had been to convincingly how reluctant the revolutionary tackle the problem of slavery. abolitionist movement in the nineteenth century, see Lawrence C.J Jennings, Ont the French The Movement for the Abolition of Slavery in France, 1802-1848 French Anti-Slavery: Cambridge University Press, 2000). colonial. (Cambridge: Louverture. La Révolution française et le problème 9 Aimé Césaire, Toussaint (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1961). --- Page 399 --- You Are All Free Since the mid-990s, the situation has of slavery, long omitted from changed radically. The issue now discussions of the French recognized as a central aspect of that Revolution, is of the Haitian Revolution have become movement, and the events investigation. In 1998, the United the subject of intense historical ebrate August 23, the date of the Nations urged all countries to celin outbreak of the 1791 slave Saint-Domingue, as an international holiday insurrection struggle against slavery. No longer commemorating the scholar Michel-Rolph "silenced," as the Haitian-American the Haitian Revolution Trouillot eloquently put it in a seminal IO and the French essay, ment have instead been made to bear revolutionary the abolitionist movecerns. There has been a weight of present-day contendency to elevate the struggles to an almost superhuman protagonists in these ery from the other issues of the status, to isolate opposition to slavticipants in these debates time, and to attribute to some of the the views of parhuman rights, while twenty-first-century defenders of condemning other ure to measure up to this anachronistic historical figures for their failand entirely justified standard. For understandable credit reasons, historians have been to the role of Saint-Domingue's urged to give full black slavery, but this has sometimes resulted population in challenging these events. The events of the in a reductionist account of of a binary opposition 1790S are often read through the lens between whites and a race and slavery that comes blacks, way of looking at but that easily to historians from the United States profoundly distorts the nature of whose tri-racial system created a radically Saint-Dominguan society, possible alliances. different set of conflicts and As this detailed examination of the France in 1793 and 1794 has events in Saint-Domingue and were shown, the first total not simply the result of struggles abolitions of slavery istic abolitionists between heroic slaves and on the one hand and vicious idealrevolutionaries on the other. Indeed, it is exploiters and counterabolitionist movement in misleading even to speak of an the model of those that existed revolutionary France orin Saint-Domingue, on during those in Britain or the northern United years. The abolition decrees of States, result of a campaign by "a small 1793 and 1794 were not the zens" out to "change the group of thoughtful, committed citiworld," as Adam Hochschild has described the 1o "An Unthinkable History: the Haitian Revolution Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past: Power and the as a Non-Event," in MichelMA: Beacon Books, 1995), 70-I07. Production of History (Boston, in Saint-Domingue, on during those in Britain or the northern United years. The abolition decrees of States, result of a campaign by "a small 1793 and 1794 were not the zens" out to "change the group of thoughtful, committed citiworld," as Adam Hochschild has described the 1o "An Unthinkable History: the Haitian Revolution Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past: Power and the as a Non-Event," in MichelMA: Beacon Books, 1995), 70-I07. Production of History (Boston, --- Page 400 --- Conclusion nor were they the outcome of mass mobilization." British abolitionists, and uncoordinated actions Instead, they resulted from the unplanned ofindividuals who were often motivated less by dedication to principles those crethan by the pressure of unforeseen circumstances, particularly Some ated by the unanticipated crisis of June 20, 1793 in Cap Français. unfolded of those who played major roles in the sequence of events that Toussaint Louverture, and Pierre after that crisis, such as Sonthonax, the moment when Chaumette, had perhaps hoped that they would see although they did not expect it to be imminent. slavery would disappear, who rouse the slaves of Cap Others, like the free men of color helped the French diplomat Edmond Genet, and Louis Français on June 20, about the issue beforehand or had even Dufay, had shown no concern Furthermore, in maintaining the slavery system. been actively implicated different things to the differthe abolition of slavery clearly meant very of Saintwho helped bring it about. To the black population ent people above all, the right to decide how to live Domingue, freedom meant, and level. For Sonthonax their own lives, on a very concrete practical which the former slaves and Polverel, it meant a system of rules under in republican citizens living would be "regenerated" as hardworking and family units and contributing to the military might monogamous of France. And for the republican legislators in economic prosperity to vindicate the France, the abolition of slavery was a grand gesture in human revolutionary movement and, perhaps, inaugurate a new era in and in France, not in Britain or history. Yet it was Saint-Domingue movements, that the United States with their more coherent antislavery abolished institution of African slavery was first totally the centuries-old of all races were made citizens of a single polity. Recognition and people cautious about assuming that major of this fact should make us more and historical changes must grow out of conscious human intentions, model of political mobilization best explains that the Anglo-American the eventual success of abolition. the Like most human beings in every historical era, participants acted in who often thought and in these events were complicated people for black slaves to be conscious of contradictory ways. It was possible of the consequences of their oppression and att the same time to fear some overthrow the system, or to decide that other matters, such as trying to the Chains, The phrase was originally coined by Mirabeau I1 Adam Hochschild, Bury 7- Revolution. to describe the instigators of the French mobilization best explains that the Anglo-American the eventual success of abolition. the Like most human beings in every historical era, participants acted in who often thought and in these events were complicated people for black slaves to be conscious of contradictory ways. It was possible of the consequences of their oppression and att the same time to fear some overthrow the system, or to decide that other matters, such as trying to the Chains, The phrase was originally coined by Mirabeau I1 Adam Hochschild, Bury 7- Revolution. to describe the instigators of the French --- Page 401 --- You Are All Free living in accordance with the dictates of It was possible for free men of color religion, were more important. necessarily advocating to seek rights for themselves without freedom for the to identify themselves slaves, and for free women more with white men than ofcolor color. And it was possible for white with those of their own ance the obvious injustice of advocates of the rights of man to balslavery with the necessity of defending the national interests equally obvious - to them - proclaimed those rights. of the only country that had dramas of 1793 and 1794 Furthermore, acted all the participants in the great in the face of changing circumstances. When unexpected and constantly Maximilien faced, as he convinced Robespierre found himself royalist-Brissotin himself, with the evidence of a monstrous Britishconspiracy, he put aside his slavery in order to, as he saw it, save his principled opposition to Louis Dufay had to make an country. The plantation owner himself obliged to equally difficult decision when he found persuade the National tution on which his fortune had Convention to abolish the instia free black man depended. And Toussaint and, to all Louverture, tive appearances, a devout Catholic and monarchist, must have wrestled with himself instincleadership role in the slave as he decided to take a spurn their offers of insurrection, to oppose the French forces, to put himself under the emancipation, and then to switch his allegiance and humiliating command of a white general who had defeat on him. inflicted a To see the very specific history of the outcome of the actions of people events of 1793 and 1794 as the understand that confronted with difficult even remarkable dilemmas is to slavery, are brought achievements, such as the abolition of but by about, not by heroes set above the rest ordinary men and women: people who are ofhumanity, mistakes, and who often act out of ambivalent, who make great idealistic ones. To be narrow personal motives as well as tions of all the sure, even if we recognize the human actors in this story, we are limitathe same moral plane. Toussaint hardly obliged to put them on Pierre Louverture, Sonthonax, Pinchinat, as well as the many Polverel, and saved others' lives during the anonymous men and women who ing broader issues in catastrophe of Le Cap, were capable of seemoments of crisis. At the other put individuals such as the racist agitator extreme, one might about the destruction of the Verneuil, who nearly brought Madame city on December 2, 1792, or the Galbaud, unable to see beyond her own ineffable ests of her husband's career. prejudices and the intergenuine evil, Occasionally in this story, we do encounter and particularly in the personages of the colonial Brulley, who strove lobbyists Page cold-bloodedly to send anyone who challenged oments of crisis. At the other put individuals such as the racist agitator extreme, one might about the destruction of the Verneuil, who nearly brought Madame city on December 2, 1792, or the Galbaud, unable to see beyond her own ineffable ests of her husband's career. prejudices and the intergenuine evil, Occasionally in this story, we do encounter and particularly in the personages of the colonial Brulley, who strove lobbyists Page cold-bloodedly to send anyone who challenged --- Page 402 --- Conclusion the slavery system to the guillotine, The pales before that brought about damage they caused, yet it is hard to by the actions of General however, put him in the same moral Galbaud, and Brulley. The general's story reminds category as men like Page and can often cause more destruction us that weakness and bad Galbaud and his disastrous than outright malignity. Yet judgment without 1793, there would have been miscalculation on the morning of very no June 20, likely no abolition law of 16 emancipation decree of June 2I and mysterious ways. pluviôse. History does indeed move in Crises like that ofJune which the direction of historical 20, 1793 in Cap Français are one oft the in to illuminating the circumstances development is determined, In addition ways in the French under which empire, this study of the slavery was abolished an opportunity to consider what events of June 20, 1793 "turning point." 9> The it means to call a historical provides June 1793: that history of the Haitian uprising does event a distinction clearly not begin in 1791 and the organizational belongs to the revolt of August event could be labelled the meeting or mectings that preceded it. 22-23, That but it seems more turning point in the struggle against the sequence of appropriately described as the slavery, events that origin or of of Haiti, eventually beginning even though it is culminated in the in August unlikely that any of those who independence 179I imagined such an took up arms ing, a conflict developed, outcome, As a result of that but, as of June 20, uprisimpossible to predict. If the 1793, its outcome was still point where its success insurgency had by then truly 20, 1793 would was only a matter of reached the not deserve the time, the journée of not the case. At that status of a turning point, but this June nized leader and moment, the black combatants was no articulated program. It still had no recoginsurgency could actually defeat the was still unclear whether the what an insurgent whites, and it was black victory at that point would have equally unclear generals were actually meant. Some of the for example; none of them had selling other blacks to the Spanish as slaves, slavery, and the possibility of announced a determination to abolish dent, black-dominated. nation turning Saint-Domingue into an outcomes. In France, was also beyond the realm of indepentoo, the abolition of imaginable aspiration, and the permanent loss of slavery still seemed a utopian nightmare. the colony a barely conceivable The journée of June 20, sively eliminated certain 1793 was a turning point because it decicontinuation of white colonial plausible historical outcomes, most notably the rule, and moved others from the realm of had selling other blacks to the Spanish as slaves, slavery, and the possibility of announced a determination to abolish dent, black-dominated. nation turning Saint-Domingue into an outcomes. In France, was also beyond the realm of indepentoo, the abolition of imaginable aspiration, and the permanent loss of slavery still seemed a utopian nightmare. the colony a barely conceivable The journée of June 20, sively eliminated certain 1793 was a turning point because it decicontinuation of white colonial plausible historical outcomes, most notably the rule, and moved others from the realm of --- Page 403 --- You Are All Free realities. The elimination of the white colonists as remote possibilities to massive breach in the institution of slavery factor and the a significant led in less than four months to the abolition that the journée opened parts of the island. Three of slavery throughout the French-controlled endorsed this result and extended months later, the National Convention of an alliabolition to the rest of the French empire. The new possibility cause crebetween the black insurgency and the French republican ance the "opening, 9 the "ouverture," by which ated by the journée providing himself from Spanish-backed warToussaint Louverture would convert The journée of June 20, 1793 ruler of the colony. lord to recognized because its outcome was not foreordained. was also true turning point between General Galbaud and At the microhistorical level, the contest have failed to take place, if commissioners could easily the republican his intention of returning to France, or could have Galbaud had stuck to reconstruction ofevents had a completely different outcome, as a detailed had happened, some 1793 shows. If either of these things of June 20-21, that followed from the actual outcome of the of the major consequences proclamation, journée would not have materialized: no emancipation French abolielimination of the white colonists, and no no overnight that, we enter the realm of hypothetical speculation decree. Beyond Louverture have found another route to power? tion. Would Toussaint to turn the entire colony over Would the colonial whites have managed those occupying powers have to the British and the Spanish, and would the British did in the managed to maintain the institution of slavery, as to argue French colony of Martinique? It is surely implausible occupied slavery would never have that, without the journée of June 2.0, 1793, abolition would have been been abolished, but it is clear that the road to a very different one. then, we can derive a definition From the example of June 2.0, 1793, not to the study of of the concept of turning point that is relevant only To truly Haitian Revolution but to historical analysis more generally. the of point, an event must (a) decisively alter deserve the status a turning existing conflict or process the direction in which things in some already also had previously been moving; (b) it must significantly of development that were previously present, change the range of historical possibilities others plausible in a way that they ruling out some of them and making there must have been a realistic poshad not been beforehand; and (c) differently, the large-scale sibility that if the details ofthé event had gone different in significant consequences of the event would also have been 1793 was the storming of the Bastille, the journée of June 20, ways. Like the direction in which things in some already also had previously been moving; (b) it must significantly of development that were previously present, change the range of historical possibilities others plausible in a way that they ruling out some of them and making there must have been a realistic poshad not been beforehand; and (c) differently, the large-scale sibility that if the details ofthé event had gone different in significant consequences of the event would also have been 1793 was the storming of the Bastille, the journée of June 20, ways. Like --- Page 404 --- Conclusion such an event. The usefulness of analyzing it in these terms much of a contribution the study of the Haitian shows how not only to our understanding of the "age of Revolution can make, struggle against but revolutions" and of the slavery, to our understanding of how and contingency combine to shape the human agency Fate dealt very differently with the past. individuals who roles in the dramatic events of June played the key Toussaint 20, 1793 and their aftermath. Louverture, who had SO eloquently denounced of the French revolutionaries after the the hypocrisy insisted that he fought for "another journée of June 20, 1793 and politician liberty," was a sufficiently flexible to change his mind when circumstances changed. After himself with the French in 1794 and assuring the allying and Polverel's efforts, he success of Sonthonax rose to become the ruler of before falling victim to Napoleon's invasion in 1802. He Saint-Domingue died in France in 1803, but his memory has lived in prison dom on as an inspiration for freemovements throughout the non-European world. Etienne died only a few months after his return to France, in the middle of Polverel the months ofhearings ordered by the thermidorian Convention six the responsibility for the "disasters" of to determine Saint-Domingue. These brought Polverel and Sonthonax face to face, for the first hearings their enemies Page and Brulley, time, with civil supported by many of the colonists the commissioners had deported from Saint-Domingue in a long battle, Sonthonax was vindicated by that 1793. After the fight for freedom for the former inquiry. He continued slaves, first in member of the Third Civil Commission in Saint-Domingue as a during the last years of the 1796-97 and then in France from Directory. Under Napoleon, he was excluded political life; he died in obscurity in his home town in France in 1813.1 Etienne Laveaux, who had made southeastern tion to the survival of Sonthonax and an essential contribuPolverel, took ment of Saint-Domingue when over the governthey were recalled and had his troops swear an oath "to die at our posts rather than surrender, remaining 13 He forged a strong personal relationship with Toussaint together they warded off the British and Spanish Louverture, and As his ambitions invasions of the colony. increased, Toussaint eventually eased the colony by appointing him as a Laveaux out of In deputy to the Directorial 1799, just before Napoleon's coup d'état, Laveaux legislature. a mission in Guadeloupe, volunteered for hoping to help consolidate the rights of the 12 See Stein, Sonthonax, and the contributions 13 Laveaux, letter of June 28, 1794, in CAOM, in F: Dorigny, dir., Sonthonax. 3 198 (Moreau de Saint-Méry papers). aint eventually eased the colony by appointing him as a Laveaux out of In deputy to the Directorial 1799, just before Napoleon's coup d'état, Laveaux legislature. a mission in Guadeloupe, volunteered for hoping to help consolidate the rights of the 12 See Stein, Sonthonax, and the contributions 13 Laveaux, letter of June 28, 1794, in CAOM, in F: Dorigny, dir., Sonthonax. 3 198 (Moreau de Saint-Méry papers). --- Page 405 --- You Are All Free blacks there, only to be arrested and who were confident that expelled by his own colleagues policy. They charged Laveaux Napoleon would reverse the Directory's racial with having price of miserable adulations, the title "sought and obtained, at the Louis Dufay, whose of Papa oftbe blacks. >14 Convention to pass its lengthy speech persuaded the National his term as deputy ended emancipation in decree, remained in France after Louverture, 1798. In 1796, he wrote to asking the black general to Toussaint for his plantation; he also offered help him find a new manager and see that they received to adopt the black leader's a proper French education.' children league, Jean-Baptiste Belley, served for four His black coldorian Convention and then in the years, first in the thermispoke on several occasions to defend Directory's Council of 500, and remembered today above all because the abolition of slavery. He is striking full-length of the artist Anne-Louis Girodet's which has 1798 portrait showing him in his now become one of the iconic of deputy's uniform, period. Under Napoleon, images the revolutionary died in prison in France in however, he was treated with suspicion; he Guillaume 180516, Dufay's close associate, Castaing, the leader of Le Charles to France with the members of the Cap's free men of color, came stayed there. After the death of his first "tricolor" deputation and also the Beauharnais family, thus wife in 1797, he married into Josephine. His descendants becoming an in-law of Napoleon's wife Antillean eventually managed to disguise the ancestry."7 Edmond Genet, who enabled family's Castaing to reach France at the Dufay, Belley, and his native country. By 1831, beginning of 1794, never returned to remarried, the former having outlived his beloved Cornelia and New York, where he was revolutionary visited diplomat was living near Albany, stand the workings of American by a young Frenchman eager to underTocqueville anything about his role democracy. Whether he told Alexis de in France possible is unknown, in making the abolition of slavery 14 Letter of 9 vent. VIII, in 15 Dufay, letters to Toussaint SHAT,7 YD 137, d. 2. Culture, New York Public Library, Louverture, Toussaint in Schomberg Center for Research in Black 16 to thank Claire Payton for furnishing me with Louverture correspondence. I would like On Girodet's portrait and Belley's photocopies of these documents. Painting Empire in fate, see Darcy Grimaldo Grigsby, Extremities: Press, 2002), 9-63. Post-Revolationary France (New Haven, CT: Yale 17 Noel, "Le sang noir des University 18 George C. Genet, Washingtom, Castaing." Jefferson, and 1899), SL "Citizen" Genet, 1793 (New York: n.p., for furnishing me with Louverture correspondence. I would like On Girodet's portrait and Belley's photocopies of these documents. Painting Empire in fate, see Darcy Grimaldo Grigsby, Extremities: Press, 2002), 9-63. Post-Revolationary France (New Haven, CT: Yale 17 Noel, "Le sang noir des University 18 George C. Genet, Washingtom, Castaing." Jefferson, and 1899), SL "Citizen" Genet, 1793 (New York: n.p., --- Page 406 --- Conclusion Brissot, the founder of the Société des force behind the French abolitionist amis des noirs and the driving Revolution, was executed in October movement in the early years of the politics of the Reign of Terror. 1793, a victim of the who had played such Julien Raimond, the free murderous and a crucial role in man of color colonial policy, survived the revolutionary debates about race nists to send him to the guillotine. strenuous attempts of the white colohe returned to Released from prison after Commission, Saint-Domingue in 1796 as a member of thermidor, accepted Toussaint the Third Civil enriched himself by acquiring Louverture's dominant position, and ers. He died in 1801, before the plantations abandoned by their white ownConvention arrival ofi the Leclerc deputies who played the key roles expedition." Ofthe pluviôse II, one, Levasseur, in passing the decree His colleague Delacroix was fortunate enough to fade into of 16 crucial intervention and the far more famous obscurity. in the debate, Danton, who made on 17 pluviôse II foreshadowed were not SO lucky. a attack the Robespierre's speech on the Indulgent Committee of Public group of which Safety's coming 1794, Danton and Delacroix Danton was the leader; on went to the April 5, Chaumette, the organizer of the Notre guillotine. Eight days later, Pierre lowed him; he was convicted because Dame celebration of fabolition, fol- "Père Duchêne." > The of his association with accusations Hébert, the no reference to their role in against Danton and Chaumette made mon fate demonstrated the promoting the abolition decree, but their limelight dangers faced by comduring the Terror. everyone who occupied the in the first years of the Robespierre, an eloquent opponent of less than four months. Revolution, outlived Danton and slavery claim that, After his death, the Chaumette by thanks to Sonthonax-and advocates of slavery would reigns in Saint-Domingue." >20 Polverel, the "system of tures of Brissor" Finding himself associated Robespierre terly was an indignity that the with two "crearesented. Of the two men who Incorruptible would have bitto convince the Committee had worked harder than of Public anyone else ery was a "Brissotin" Safety that the plot, one - Page - abolition of slavby the new Napoleonic changed his views: consulted in any attempt to undo the administration, he recommended against league Brulley, however, emancipation remained edicts of 1793 and 1794. His colhis death during the Restoration, a steadfast proponent of slavery until 19 Garrigus, "Raimond." > 21 20 Journal Bénot, historique et politique de la marine et des Démence, SI-3, 290. colonies, 5 vend. V. Safety that the plot, one - Page - abolition of slavby the new Napoleonic changed his views: consulted in any attempt to undo the administration, he recommended against league Brulley, however, emancipation remained edicts of 1793 and 1794. His colhis death during the Restoration, a steadfast proponent of slavery until 19 Garrigus, "Raimond." > 21 20 Journal Bénot, historique et politique de la marine et des Démence, SI-3, 290. colonies, 5 vend. V. --- Page 407 --- You Are All Free Nothing better illustrates the politics and the ironies of strange workings of revolutionary Galbaud and his family. history, however, than the fate of General After his long struggle with opportunity to return to France, the Genet for an tion of the richest city in the French man who had caused the destrucspring of 1794. He was colonies finally reached Paris in the His wife and children promptly incarcerated in the Abbaye were thoroughly prison. officials in France; even his interrogated by revolutionary what he knew about the eight-year-old son Jean was solemnly asked that afflicted the "origin, the causes and the course of the evils had colony," a question to which he always stayed with his mama, that he responded "that he tion to what was on was too young to pay attenand that after going 9 that he saw the fire in the of three days, the convoy sailed. >22 city Le Cap, the white colonists had been launched The campaign against many of them had taken a few weeks earlier, and, since have been considered up Galbaud's defense, he ought a leading The logically to wrote from suspect. letter Galbaud prison on 4 floréal An II himself was one more reckless act in a demanding an immediate trial sions. Fortunately for career repeatedly marked by such decithermidor, his Galbaud, no one paid any attention to him. After aide-de-camp André to Dufay's denunciation of Conscience published a response dom again, him, and the general demanded his freecomplaining that Sonthonax and Paris, would "succeed in Polverel, now also back in was not allowed to consummating their colonicidal crimes" if he expose them. As herself into action, soliciting always, Madame Galbaud threw and drafting letters and testimonials on her husband's behalf months in prison, Galbaud memoranda justifying his actions. After ordered was finally given a eight to remain in Paris. conditional release but during the lengthy Although his name came up hearings about Sonthonax and repeatedly Galbaud's request to testify on his own behalf Polverel in 1795, because he was under was rejected, ostensibly sion thus spent six months suspicion of being an émigré. 24 The commisof investigating the reasons for the Saint-Domingue while the man most destruction result was working in a directly responsible for that government office: unable to rejoin the army, 2a Interrogation of Galbaud family, chemise. 30 mess. II, in AN, D XXV 56, 23 André document hors Conscience, André Conscience à la nemens de Saint-Domingue (N.p.: n.p., Convention nationale, sur les derniers ÉvéPublic Safety, 4 flor. Il and 2I July 1794); Galbaud, letters to 24 Galbaud to colonial ther. II, in AN, D XXV 48, d.. 46s. Committee of commission, 29 mess. III, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 465. . II, in AN, D XXV 56, 23 André document hors Conscience, André Conscience à la nemens de Saint-Domingue (N.p.: n.p., Convention nationale, sur les derniers ÉvéPublic Safety, 4 flor. Il and 2I July 1794); Galbaud, letters to 24 Galbaud to colonial ther. II, in AN, D XXV 48, d.. 46s. Committee of commission, 29 mess. III, in AN, D XXV 48, d. 465. --- Page 408 --- Conclusion Galbaud had found ian Committee of Public employment in the bureaus of the The transition Safety. post-thermidorfrom the was accompanied thermidorian Convention Galbaud by an amnesty for all to the Directory found himself in bureaucratic remaining political danger of being punished, but limbo: he was no suspects. SO that he could be he also could not get longer in reinstated in the himself cleared throughout the Directory, army. He continued when another former without success. Galbaud's luck petitioning Within a month of artillery officer took over the French changed to join the French forces Napoleon's coup, he was back in the government. he returned in Egypt that army, assigned to France. As always, Bonaparte had left behind when husband. The man who had done Madame Galbaud accompanied her empire in one day than any other more damage to France's ing to acquire a new possession person in history gave his colonial life in Cairo in r801. In 1810, for his country: he died of the tryhad all followed their citing the patriotism of her plague Napoleon, father into the army, Madame three sons who brother César requesting an increase in her pension.:s Galbaud wrote to and remained in Galbaud's a halfafter the events prison in Cap Français for at younger writing several of June 20, 1793, where he least a year long memoranda occupied himself Eventually he returned to France insisting on the legitimacy of promotion in 1805.16 and rejoined the army, slavery. While the individuals receiving a destruction in whose lives had been Cap June 1793 pursued their irrevocably altered by its Français struggled to personal destinies, the Third Civil Commission emerge from its ashes. In 1797, officials city of varied hues, compiled two elegant of the showing the six-colored not be reproduced progress of maps whose here. These reconstruction, half of the buildings maps indicate that, by unfortunately May candestroyed in the fire had 1797, about reconstruction had been undertaken been rebuilt; most of the December 1796 (see Figure II.I). "There before the commission arrived in occupy them," one observer wrote in are not even enough tenants to July 1793, but not much 1798. "It is something the authorities compared to '92. 59 To compared to promised that encourage use of it for three anyone who rebuilt a house reconstruction, years, after which the former would have the owner of the a5 property SHAT, 4 Yd. 3912, dossier Galbaud-Dufort," Galbaud; H. 26 AN, D XXV 48, ds. Dictionnaire de biographie Duchène-Marulles, and 463 465; SHAT, 4 Yd. française. "Frangois-Thomas 3912. --- Page 409 --- PLAN DELA VILLE BU CAP DANS SON ETAT ACTUEL. Raur FIGURE II.I. Map of Cap Drawn up during the Third Français in its present state (May that had been made in Civil Commission's mission 1797). revolutionary names, such reconstructing as the city after the fire to Saint-Domingue of June in 1797, this Source: Bibliothèque nationale "Quai des Sans-Culottes." 1793. Streets and public elegant six-color map shows the de France, section squares were given progress "Cartes et estampes." appropriate French ANS SON ETAT ACTUEL. Raur FIGURE II.I. Map of Cap Drawn up during the Third Français in its present state (May that had been made in Civil Commission's mission 1797). revolutionary names, such reconstructing as the city after the fire to Saint-Domingue of June in 1797, this Source: Bibliothèque nationale "Quai des Sans-Culottes." 1793. Streets and public elegant six-color map shows the de France, section squares were given progress "Cartes et estampes." appropriate French --- Page 410 --- Conclusion could buy it; otherwise, it would become state not the black population had property. 27 Whether or thoroughly absorbed the French principles of republicanism, they now lived in a city whose street claimed its values: Cap names proFrançais now had its rues de la Liberté and l'Egalité and its quais des Sans-Culottes and des de Port-au-Prince occupied by the British until Républicains.s With function 1798, Le Cap as the colony's capital, and American regained its merchant to visit its port, encouraged by Toussaint ships continued fact that France was Louverture, who ignored the virtually at war with the United States to 1800.29 For a few years, Cap Français offered the from 1796 of a European-style world the spectacle city inhabited and run by black citizens. Le Cap's rapid recovery came to a sudden halt with the arrival of the Leclerc expedition in February 1802. Toussaint Louverture's Henri Christophe, warned Leclerc that if the French tried lieutenant, force, "You will enter the town of Le to take it by to ashes, and Cap only once it has been reduced even on these ashes I will fight you. 930 When ignored his threat, Christophe personally took the lead in Leclerc that once again consumed the city. The French starting fires despite the renewed reoccupied the site and, devastation, within a few months, began to revert to its colonial Cap Français in, from France and past. Large numbers of whites flooded from the United States. The returnees town a heap of ruins," the novelist Leonora *found the 1802-03, later Sansay, who lived there in wrote in her novel, Secret History, O7, The Horrors Saint-Domingue. "A more terrible picture of desolation of ined." Nevertheless, the thick cannot be imagmasonry walls of the possible to start reconstruction buildings made it again fairly quickly. *The tents, or make a kind of shelter, people live in consumed by laying a few boards across the halfbeams; for the buildings being here of hewn three feet thick, only the roofs and floors stone, with walls have been destroyed, 72 explained.3: Sansay's novel, based on her own experience, Sansay described the 27 Letter of Pierre-Paul Morange, July 3, 1798, cited in de la ville historique du Cap Haitien (Cap Haitien: Christian Goguet, L'Architecture publication is a report on the state of the city's architectural Projet L.S.P.A.N., 1989), 36. This pared under the sponsorship heritage, as of 1989, pre28 "Plan de l'état actual de la ville ofUNESCO. du Cap, servant à structions" and "Plan de la ville du dans indiquer les progrès de ses reconin Bibliothèque nationale, Cap son état actuel,' 3 dated 20 prair. An V, and 23/I. département des cartes et plans, SH 18 pf 149, d.4, nos. 23 29 Brown, Toussaint's Clause, 137. 30 Dubois, Avengers, 264. 31 Leonora Sansay ("Mary Hassal"], Secret History, OT, The Michael J. Drexler, ed. (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Horrors of St. Domingo, Books, 2007), 61. que nationale, Cap son état actuel,' 3 dated 20 prair. An V, and 23/I. département des cartes et plans, SH 18 pf 149, d.4, nos. 23 29 Brown, Toussaint's Clause, 137. 30 Dubois, Avengers, 264. 31 Leonora Sansay ("Mary Hassal"], Secret History, OT, The Michael J. Drexler, ed. (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Horrors of St. Domingo, Books, 2007), 61. --- Page 411 --- You Are All Free revival of social and elaborate life, as the military garrison dinners. The also entertained itself with pattern. A French merchant, cconomy began to revert to its balls that "I have definitively J-J. Borie, wrote to Bordeaux colonial the most commercial rented . a large and beautiful to announce in a sections of Le house, in one of position to receive whatever Cap. Excellent send me. "32 Once consignments my warehouses put me under again, however, as in several friends may siege, with black insurgents 1791-93, the city found letter, Sansay wrote that camped in the itself tion beyond it without "there is no means of surrounding hills. In a Sansay I chose to make going a mile in any direcwas among the fortunate a sortie on the the city fell to Dessalines whites who were able brigands. "33 remained fell victim in November 1803. The to escape before demonstrate to the implacable black French colonists who survivors once and for all that white rule general's determination to violence left an account as was ended. One of the of June 20, chilling as any of the few Armed barges 1793: "A cordon of sentinels testimonies about the the cruised the harbor to make surrounded the town. American ships there. Free sure that no white tims, these to do as they could reach and sabers, monsters, thirsty for human blood pleased, sure of their vicwent from house to and armed with whites." "34 house to take the life of the daggers After his victory, unfortunate state in Port-au-Prince. Dessalines In established the capita! of the in 1806, the the aftermath of new Haitian mer Cap country was split in two. Renamed Dessalines's assassination northern Français became the capital of Henri Cap Haitien, the forHaiti, while for the southern Port-au-Prince remained Christophe's the kingdom in Pétion. republic headed by the mixed-race seat of government Christophe's defeat in 1820 leader country and made Port-au-Prince allowed his enemies to Alexandre 1842, Cap Haitien its definitive seat reunite the the fires of was struck by a disaster even of government. In 1793 and 1802: an more ings SO earthquake devastating than thoroughly that the entire destroyed the city's buildpopulation was evacuated for a 32 Borie to year. Pennsylvania, Domecq, ms. 29 vent. XI, in Borie 33 Leonora Sansay, coll. 1602. family papers, Historical Revolation, 318-9. letter to Aaron Burr, May 6, Society of 34 Antoine Frinquier, 1803, cited in Popkin, Facing Racial de l'armée de Général "Relation des événemens arrivés à Cap général des Blancs de cette Rochambeau jusqu'au 20 mai Français depuis l'évacuation Gaffield far permission to cite colonie," from in SHAT, I M 597. 1804, I would jour après le massacre her transcription of this document. like to thank Julia Revolation, 318-9. letter to Aaron Burr, May 6, Society of 34 Antoine Frinquier, 1803, cited in Popkin, Facing Racial de l'armée de Général "Relation des événemens arrivés à Cap général des Blancs de cette Rochambeau jusqu'au 20 mai Français depuis l'évacuation Gaffield far permission to cite colonie," from in SHAT, I M 597. 1804, I would jour après le massacre her transcription of this document. like to thank Julia --- Page 412 --- Conclusion The stone walls that had stood up to the conflagrations olutionary years collapsed; none of the during the revHaitien date back to that buildings in present-day Cap period.35 The city was rebuilt in years that followed. During the American slowly the streets, which had reverted occupation of 1915-34, the to their prerevolutionary names were relabeled with numbers and letters of the after 1804, scheme that hardly fit with the "raffish charm" alphabet, an arbitrary and the "air of civility" that struck a late gracious twentieth-century travel writer, city's increasingly dilapidated condition.J despite the In November 2008, I had the opportunity to visit Cap O'Kap as it is called in Creole, and to walk the Haitien, or dinary events of June took streets where the extraor1793 place. The Morne du over the city. Although the buildings from the colonial Cap still towers standing, the edifices constructed era are no longer on their foundations often those depicted in Moreau de Saint-Méry's resemble engravings. The tionary street names are still visible on some of the buildings, pre-revolu- and graceful public squares laid out in the I700S still attract strollers the afternoon. The Place Clugny, home of the in the noirs, is still a bustling street market. One pre-revolutionary of the marché des the site of the Government city's lycées occupies House, where free men of color defended the Jean-Baptiste Belley and the commissioners Sonthonax and on June 20, 1793. The Hôpital Saint-Julien, Polverel stands on the site of the O'Kap's main hospital, confrontation casernes, or army barracks, in front of which the of December 2, 1792 took place. Along the largely deserted, the waterline has been somewhat harbor, now projects, and a long jetty that did not exist in altered by landfill extends water. Armed with the out into the 1795 map reproduced in this book, Elizabeth Colwill, Aletha Stahl, and I located the my colleagues Galbaud made his plunge into the spot where General sea on June 2I, 1793; it is appropriate that it is now a trash dump. perhaps Despite the rundown condition of Cap Haitien, the inhabitants are today free people, as the black insurgents of city's and commissioners the French hoped they would be. Present-day Haiti's social nomic problems are all too evident in the city's and ecohope for a better future streets, but so, too, is the represented by the of their neatly pressed uniforms, who crowd the groups sidewalks schoolchildren, in in the mornings. 35 Goguet, Architecture, 41. 36 Ian Thomson, Bonjour Blanc: A Journey Through Haiti (orig. 1992)), 340-I. (London: Vintage, 2004 people, as the black insurgents of city's and commissioners the French hoped they would be. Present-day Haiti's social nomic problems are all too evident in the city's and ecohope for a better future streets, but so, too, is the represented by the of their neatly pressed uniforms, who crowd the groups sidewalks schoolchildren, in in the mornings. 35 Goguet, Architecture, 41. 36 Ian Thomson, Bonjour Blanc: A Journey Through Haiti (orig. 1992)), 340-I. (London: Vintage, 2004 --- Page 413 --- You Are All Free That hope first blossomed amid the ruins of the nalist H. D. de city in 1793. The jourla Saint-Maurice, the editor of the Moniteur partie française de général de the destruction of the Saint-Domingue, sensed it, even as he lamented city whose life he had chronicled for years. In the long two intense that is manuscript account of the events of now bound with the copy of that June 20, 1793 nationale de France, Saint-Maurice newspaper in the Bibliothèque had fled the city, them addressed himself to the whites who it urging to accept the fact or not, "this black individual is that, whether they liked the Supreme free, because neither the nation nor Being created slaves. He is your equal, He is a citizen, because he because he is a man. that the former serves the country. >9 Saint-Maurice residents of the city would return, and that hoped "practice the love of equality.' 99 If the whites would they would [the blacks], embrace them, show them that "open [their) soul to ters, like tyrants,' >2 the races could live (they] no longer act like masSaint-Maurice together for their mutual was one of the few colonial whites who benefit.37 the destruction of their world was a result of the understood that History dashed Saint-Maurice's dreams injustice of slavery. in Le Cap, but we can still for a racially integrated society and those hope for a world in which the of the rest of the world will be able people of Haiti and share the benefits of that freedom to live together peacefully to which the conflicts in Domingue more than 200 years ago made a crucial contribution. Saint37 Saint-Maurice, "Récit historique du malheureux s Racial Revolution, 206-7. événement,' cited in Popkin, Facing History dashed Saint-Maurice's dreams injustice of slavery. in Le Cap, but we can still for a racially integrated society and those hope for a world in which the of the rest of the world will be able people of Haiti and share the benefits of that freedom to live together peacefully to which the conflicts in Domingue more than 200 years ago made a crucial contribution. Saint37 Saint-Maurice, "Récit historique du malheureux s Racial Revolution, 206-7. événement,' cited in Popkin, Facing --- Page 414 --- Bibliography A. Archival Sources Archives nationales (Paris) AA 53,54, 55, 61 AFII 302 CC9A8 D:S39 D XVI3 D* XVI 4, 5 D XXV I,4, 5, 6,7, II, I2, I3, 14, I5, 16, 19, 20, 23, 25,3 38,3 39,40,41,42, 43, 46, 47, 48, 49, 5I, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 63, 64, 68, 69, 70, 71,73,7 76,77, 78,8 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, IIO, II2, II3, IIS F74685 IO7 AP 28 (Gallifet papers) 446. AP 13 (Brissot papers) Centre des Archives d'Outre-Mer (Aix) F3 141, 193, 197-198 (Moreau de Saint-Méry papers) Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de Nantes Baltimore 8 Philadelphia IO, I3, IS New York 63, 64 1 This archival series can also be consulted at the Centre des Archives d'Outre-Mer. This archival series can also be consulted on microfilm at the Archives nationales in Paris. --- Page 415 --- Bibliography de PArmée de la Terre (Vincennes) Service Historique I M 597 4 Yd. 3912 (Galbaud) 7 Yd. 137 (Laveaux) Xi 71 Service Historique de la Marine (Vincennes) BB 4 24 Library of Congress Genet papers, microfilm reels 5, 6,7 colonial de St. Domingue" (1788), ms. MMC "Journal historique du Comité 2671. Bibliothèque nationale de France Ms. N.a.f. 6846 (Sonthonax papers) "Considérations politiques sur la Révolution des Dufresne, Guillaume Thomas, sur celle de Saint Domingue," colonies françaises mais particulièrement (1805), ms. n.a.f. 4372. Newberry Library (Chicago) Rochambeau papers (Ms. Ruggles 410) Historic New Orleans Collection (Ms. 85-117-L, "Mon Odyssée") Puech Parham family papers Carter Brown Library (Providence, Rhode Island) John à la Havanne et aux Unis "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France à Saint-Domingue, s Codex fr. 2.0. états [sic] d'Amérique," New-York Historical Society Journal of Alexandre-Mauricel Hauterive American Philosophical Society Stephen Girard papers' ochambeau papers (Ms. Ruggles 410) Historic New Orleans Collection (Ms. 85-117-L, "Mon Odyssée") Puech Parham family papers Carter Brown Library (Providence, Rhode Island) John à la Havanne et aux Unis "Manuscrit d'un voyage de France à Saint-Domingue, s Codex fr. 2.0. états [sic] d'Amérique," New-York Historical Society Journal of Alexandre-Mauricel Hauterive American Philosophical Society Stephen Girard papers' shared with me by to the Girard papers are based on notes generously 3 References Stephen the Girard are from transcripts prepared Ashli White. Translations from correspondence by the American Philosophical Society staff. --- Page 416 --- Bibliograpby B. Printed Primary Sources I. Newspapers a. Published in Saint-Domingue Affiches américaines (Port-au-Prince and Cap Ami de l'égalité (Port-au-Prince) Français) Courrier politique et littéraire (Cap Français) Journal des Révolutions de la Partie Française de Français) Saint-Domingue (Cap Journal politique de Saint-Domingue (Cap Français) Moniteur générale de la partie française de b. Published in France (in Paris unless otherwise Saint-Domingue (Cap Français) Annales patriotiques et littéraires noted) Bulletin du tribunal criminel révolutionnaire Créole patriote Feuille villageoise Gazette universelle Indicateur politique, mercantile et littéraire, par le Petit Journal de la Montagne Citoyen (Rouen) Journal de Perlet Journal des Débats de la société des Amis de la Constitution à Paris séante aux Jacobins Journal historique et politique de la marine et des colonies Moniteur universel Nouvelles politiques Patriote françois Révolutions de Paris C. Published in the United States Baltimore Evening Post Federal Gazette (Philadelphia) Gazette of the United States (Philadelphia) New York Daily Advertiser New York Daily Gazette New York Diary, or Loudon's Register Philadelphia General Advertiser Radoteur (Philadelphia) Virginia Chronicle and Norfolk and Plymouth General Advertiser 2. Books and Pamphlets Anon., Adresse des Négocians de la ville du missaires Nationaux-Civils, à bord de Port-au-Prince, aux citoyens com- (Port-au-Prince: F Chaidron & l'Amérique en rade du Port-au-Prince Concordat Cie, April 8, 1793). passé entre les citoyens du Port-au-Prince 6 de la même partie de Saint-Domingue les citoyens de couleur Débats qui ont eu lieu entre les accusateurs (N. P., September II, 1791). Colonies, C les accusés, dans imprimés en exécution del laloidust l'affaire des nationale, 1795). pluviôse,9 VS. (Paris-Imprimerie rade du Port-au-Prince Concordat Cie, April 8, 1793). passé entre les citoyens du Port-au-Prince 6 de la même partie de Saint-Domingue les citoyens de couleur Débats qui ont eu lieu entre les accusateurs (N. P., September II, 1791). Colonies, C les accusés, dans imprimés en exécution del laloidust l'affaire des nationale, 1795). pluviôse,9 VS. (Paris-Imprimerie --- Page 417 --- Bibliographry Extrait d'une lettre, sur les malbeurs de cipalement sur l'incendie de la ville du Saint-Domingue en général, et prin- [1793)). Cap Français (Paris: Pain, An II Extrait des minutes de la municipalité du Extrait du procès-verbal de l'Assemblée Cap, (Cap Français, April 29, 1792). couleur des Isles et Colonies des citoyens-libres et propriétaires de américains (N. P., 1789). Françoises, constituée sous le titre de Colons Extrait du registre des délibérations de la de Bordeaux, et adresses du Chambre du Commerce de la ville P'Assemblée nationale; de la Société Directoire des du département de la Gironde à du café national de la ville de Amis de la Constitution; du Club décret rendu par Elle le 14 Mai Bordeaux, à P'Assemblée nationale: relatifs au nationale, May 24, 179I). 1791, au sujet des colonies (Paris, Imprimerie Lettres des diverses sociétés des Amis de la les droits de citoyen actif en faveur des hommes Constitution, qui réclament (Paris: Imprimerie du Patriote françois, de couleur des colonies My Odyssey, trans. Althéa de Puech Parham 1791). State University Press, 1959). (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana Nouvelles arrivées de l'ambassadeur d'Angleterre Saint-Domingue, depuis celles officielles venues par Procès-verbaux de l'Assemblée (Paris: Didot, 1791). 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Saint-Domingue (Bordeaux: PellierChaumette, Pierre (Anaxagoras), Discours nom de la Commune de Paris, le décadi prononcé par le citoyen Chaumette, au française, une et indivisible, à la 30 pluviose, l'an II de la République l'abolition de l'Esclavage (Paris: fête célébrée à Paris, en réjouissance de Imprimerie nationale, 1794). --- Page 418 --- Bibliography Conscience, André, André Conscience à la Convention événemens de Saint-Domingue (N.p.: nationale, sur les derniers Corméré, Guillaume François Mahy de, Histoire n.p.,July de la 1794). révolution çaise de St. Domingue. de la partie franrévolution. Manoeuvres, Développement exact des causes et principes de cette MD: Samuel and John Adams, intrigues employés pour son exécution (Baltimore, Dalmas, Antoine, Histoire de la Révolution 1794). de mencement des troubles, jusqu'à la prise de Saint-Domingue, depuis le compar les Anglais, 2 VS. 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States, 1791-1797 Tyson, George F., Toussaint L'Ouverture (New York: Prentice Wanquet, Claude, La France et la première abolition de Hall, 1973). (Paris: Karthala, 1998). l'esclavage 1794-1802 White, Ashli, "A Flood ofImpure Lava': States, 1791-1820., s Ph. D. diss., Columbia Saint-Dominguan Refugees in the United Encountering Revolution: Haiti and the University, 2003. (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Making of the Early Republic Press, 2010). --- Page 427 --- York: Prentice Wanquet, Claude, La France et la première abolition de Hall, 1973). (Paris: Karthala, 1998). l'esclavage 1794-1802 White, Ashli, "A Flood ofImpure Lava': States, 1791-1820., s Ph. D. diss., Columbia Saint-Dominguan Refugees in the United Encountering Revolution: Haiti and the University, 2003. (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Making of the Early Republic Press, 2010). --- Page 427 --- --- Page 428 --- Index abolition of slave trade, 344, 381 Ami de l'Egalité, 173 abolition of slavery; in British empire, 38x April 4, 1792, law of, in France, 2, 12, 16, 20, 87, 287, 333-4, reaction to in Cap Français, 45-6,51,328 356-65, 370-3, 376, 380, 383 81, IOI, in Saint-Domingue, I, 20, 270-2, 274, Second Civil Commission and, 85 277-9,360, 376,383 Archives nationales (Paris), xii in United States, 19, 289, 374, 381. army, French, in See also emancipation edicts, 16 pluII8, Saint-Domingue, 99, I07, viôse An II, decree of August 195, 279 abolitionist IO, 1792, journée of (in Paris), 2, movements; in Britain, IS-6, 97, 103-4, 329, 331 382-3 impact in Saint-Domingue, in France, 89-90, 38z August 13-14, 1792, crisis of (in 103-4 in United States, IS-16, 382 Français), 82-4 Cap Adet, Pierre (French politician), 351 "affaire Galbaud," P 9. See also June 20, Baillio, Jean (white agitator), II6 1793,journée of Baltimore, refugces from Saint-Domingue Affiches américaines, 79, 145, 259 in, 293-4, 301. See also Moissonnier, Africa, cultural influence in SaintJ.F. Domingue, I30 Barbé-Marbois, François (French official), Alilhaud,jean-Antoine (member of Second Civil Commission in Saint-Domingue), Barère, Bertrand (French politician), 354, 88,98, IIO,137 356-7,367 Algeria, 2 Barnave, Antoine (French All. Souls' Rising (by Madison Smartt Bell), 5 politician), Amar,. André (French politician), 347, Bastille Day, celebration of; in Saint352-4, 367 Domingue, 264-5 America (French warship), 23, I0O, 136, in United States, 301 139, 256, 266, 346 Batilliot (printer), 79, role in crisis of June 20, 1793, 191, 237, "Battalion of the Colonies," 194, 313 338-9 Beaumont, Chevalier de (white militia American traders (in Saint-Domingue), commander), 202 168-9, 18I, 293, 319, 326,393. Bellecombe, Guillaume Léonard de (French See also Perkins, Samuel official), 34 4II - 256, 266, 346 Batilliot (printer), 79, role in crisis of June 20, 1793, 191, 237, "Battalion of the Colonies," 194, 313 338-9 Beaumont, Chevalier de (white militia American traders (in Saint-Domingue), commander), 202 168-9, 18I, 293, 319, 326,393. Bellecombe, Guillaume Léonard de (French See also Perkins, Samuel official), 34 4II - --- Page 429 --- Index Belley,Jean-Bapriste (black deputy to Brissot, Jacques-Pierre (French politician), I2, French National Convention), I6, 35,44-6, 86, 89-90,93, 175, 247-8, 194, 201-2, 278-9,320-1,323. 317,328,331,333,: 336,358,366 327-8,355 (illus.),388 and Second Civil Commission, 86-90,96 portrait of, 355 (illus.), 388 trial of, 348-9, 389 Bénot, Yves (historian), 354, 381 Britain; occupation of Saint-Domingue by, Biassou, Georges (black insurgent leader), 190, 279, 284, 286-7, 317 47-50, I04, 127-33, 252, 286 war against France, 124, I36, 147, alliance with Spanish, 253-6 378-9 rejects French emancipation offers, 236, Brudieu,, Joseph (French official), 349 Brulley, Augustin-Jean (colonial lobbyist), 25I, 253 royalist sentiments of, 104, 129-32 261, 384, 389 sale of slaves by, 128. See also Jeanand abbé Grégoire, 348 François and crisis of June 20, 344, 1793 Billaud-Varennes, Nicolas (French arrest of, 368 politician), 343 mission to France, 329-30,332-4, also coloblack insurrection (in Saint-Domingue 337-54, 356-7, 367.See 1792-4) 127-9 nial lobby (in France), Page, Pierrealliance with Spanish, 250, 253-4 François rejection of French emancipation offers Brunswick, Duke of (military commander), by, 249-51, 274-6, 282. nes, Nicolas (French arrest of, 368 politician), 343 mission to France, 329-30,332-4, also coloblack insurrection (in Saint-Domingue 337-54, 356-7, 367.See 1792-4) 127-9 nial lobby (in France), Page, Pierrealliance with Spanish, 250, 253-4 François rejection of French emancipation offers Brunswick, Duke of (military commander), by, 249-51, 274-6, 282. See also IS7 Biassou, Georges, Jean-François Bullet, Jeannot (black insurgent leader), 41 slave uprising (August 22-23, 1791), Bush, George W. (president of United Toussaint Louverture. States), x-xi Black Jacobins, The (by C.L.R. James), 7, Cabon, Alphonse (historian), 129 Blackburn, Robin (historian), 6 Cadusch, Paul de (colonial politician), 77 Blanchelande, Philibert-François Rouxel de Cairou (commander of free men of color in (French official), 23-5,38, 43, 49, 52, Cap-Français), I07, 162 72,75,77, 83, IO5, 127-8, 332 Cambefort, Joseph (military officer), 80, colonists' accusations against, 80, IO5 83, IO7-9, I3I trial of, 25, 261, 337-8 Cambis,Joseph (naval commander), I5, Boerner, Captain (army officer), 200, 231 35, IOO, 152-3, 163,346n Bois Caïman ceremony, 9 role in crisis of June 20, 1793, 184-7, Boisrond, Louis (representative of free men 190-I, 193, 222, 233-4, 236, 238-40, of color in Saint-Domingue), 106, 126, 153, 258 role in United States, 292-3, 299, Bompard,jcan-Baptiste François (naval 30I-3, 305-7.See also June 20, 1793, crisis of; Jupiter, sailors, role in Cap captain), 307, 317 Bonne (mutiny leader), 305, 307-8 Français Bordeaux, 72 Camboulas, Simon (French politician), Borel, Auguste (white agitator), 137, 336,354 139-40 Canada, 308-9 Boucher (political figure in SaintCap Français, 53-84 Domingue), 157, 161, 165, I70-I, 258 after crisis of June 20, 1793,267-8, 279, Boukman (black insurgent leader), 47 391-2 (illus.), 393 Bourdon de l'Oise, François (French black population of, 55, 58, 64-7,74, politician), 365 81-2, II8-9, 267-8 Boyer, Jean-Paul (president of Haiti), 18 climate, 56-8 Bréard,Jean-jacques (French politician), crisis of December I-8, 1792, II3-9 cultural institutions of, 54, 56, 59, 62 342-3 --- Page 430 --- Index destruction of (1793), 2-229 -30, 236-7 Cayenne, 373, 380 (illus.), 240-4, 246 Cercle des destruction of(1802), 4, 379, 393 Césaire, Aimé Philadelphes, 54 earthquake in (1793), I7I (author), 36 369,381 economy of, 60, 67, 70 Chanlatte, Antoine (free colored military impact of French Revolution leader), 194, 275 journée of August I3-14, 1792. 236-7 Cayenne, 373, 380 (illus.), 240-4, 246 Cercle des destruction of(1802), 4, 379, 393 Césaire, Aimé Philadelphes, 54 earthquake in (1793), I7I (author), 36 369,381 economy of, 60, 67, 70 Chanlatte, Antoine (free colored military impact of French Revolution leader), 194, 275 journée of August I3-14, 1792. on, See 68-70 Charlestown, Saint-Domingue refugees in, under August 1792, 82-4, II7 294, 301, 309. See also Mangourit, journée of October 19, 1792, 108-9,331-2 Michel-Ange merchants in, 168-70, 18r Chaumette, Pierre (French politician), militia units in, 78 91-2,339, 349, 389 population of, 58, 147-8 and abolition of and falavew3s636-1.373 press in, 68-70, 79 Sonthonax, 91-2, 370. See also 16 public mood in (1793), pluviôse An II, decree of 145-7,149-50, Chesnu, Toussaint I6I-3, 169, 183 (sailor), 190 Second Civil Commission and, Christophe, Henri (black leader in Saintslave uprising of 22-23 August 23-4, IOI Domingue), 194, 379, 393-4 and, 73-6,78-9 179I "citizens of June 20, 1793," 3, 257,268-9 white population of, 58, 62, 68-9,73, Civil Commission (1792-3). See Second 78. See also Cap Français, free popula- Civil Civil Commission tion of color in, Cap Commission (179I). See First Civil Haitien,June 20, Commission 1793 crisis of Civil War (U.S.), Cap Français, free population of color in, 58, 62-4, 65 (illus.), Clavière, Etienne (French politician), 164 76-7, 81-2, 84, 68-71,73-4, Clinton, Cornelia (wife of Edmond Genet), I52-3, 259 creation of"free companies"by, 125-6,195 Club 320,326 crisis of August 13-14, 1792 and, 82-4, See Massiac, also 35, 329-30, 333. II7 colonial lobby (in France) crisis ofJune 20, 1793 and, 18I-2, Code noir, 28-30, 33,95 184-8, 194-6, 200-I, 206, 208-II, reissue of, by Sonthonax and Polverel, 219, 223, 226-7, 239,360 Colonial 142-4, 166 crisis of December I-8, 1792 and, II4-7 Assembly (1790, known as General Galbaud and, 162, 181-2 Assembly of Saint-Marc), 32-3, 70-I role in campaign against black insurColonial Assembly (1791-92), 45, 49, gents, 133-4 72-8, 83-4 Sonthonax and, II2, I20, 122-3, 125. 239,360 Colonial 142-4, 166 crisis of December I-8, 1792 and, II4-7 Assembly (1790, known as General Galbaud and, 162, 181-2 Assembly of Saint-Marc), 32-3, 70-I role in campaign against black insurColonial Assembly (1791-92), 45, 49, gents, 133-4 72-8, 83-4 Sonthonax and, II2, I20, 122-3, 125. dissolution free of, IO6 See also Cairou, Cap Français, Castapeople of color and, 76-7, 80 ing, Charles Guillaume, free people of sends Page and Brulley to France, color (in Saint-Domingue), Pinchinat, slave 329-30 Pierre uprising of August 22-23, 1791, Carteaux, François (pro-slavery author), and, 73-4 Sonthonax and Polverel 49, 229 colonial and, IOI Cassasola (Spanish official), 254 lobby (in France), 327-9,332-3, Castaing, Charles Guillaume 340, 352, 368, 373 (representative of free population of accusations against Sonthonax and color in Saint-Domingue), Polverel by, 335-7,341-2, 345 9,76-7, crisis of June 20, I03, I53, 186, 258-9,311,318,388 law of 1793, and, 344 appointed to Interim Commission, I06 April 4, 1792, and, 328-9 General Galbaud and, slavery and, 333, 347-8. See also BrulSonthonax and, I7I-3 ley, Augustin-Jean, Club 122-3 Massiac, Castries edicts (1784-85),30 Larcheresque-Thibaud, Jean-Gabriel, Page, Pierre-François --- Page 431 --- Index Colony of Citizens, A (by Laurent Dubois), 7 Critical Examination of the Prophecies Colwill, Elizabeth (historian), 260 Jérémie, and of the Gospel of Committee of General Security, to Saint-Marc (by according and deputies from 327, 347,. 368 Cul-de-Sac, slave revolt Polverel), in, Saint-Domingue, 137-8, I41-2, 353-4, 356. See also Amar, André Committee of Public Safety, 14, 342, 358, Dalbarade,Jean (French politician), and abolition of slavery, 98, 366-7 354, 357,362, Dalmas, Antoine (white colonist), and deputies from Saint-Domingue, 2II 202, 353-4 Danton, Georges (French politician), and Genet, 317 354,356,358, 362, 331, and Sonthonax and Polverel, See also "Indulgents" 366-8,389. 365-6. See also Barère, Bertrand, 350, Daugy (white colonist), 125 Robespierre, Maximilien, Saint-Just, Debray, Colonel (military officer), 204-6 Louis Declaration of the Rights of Man, 13-4, communism, 270 18n, 32, 5I, 271, 278, 374, 376 Concorde (French warship), 187, 239, 291 impact on slave uprising of August 1791 Condorcet, (French politician), 333, 341-2 18n, 40-I, SI, 360, 1791 Conscience, André (aide-de-camp to Delacroix,J J.-F (French politician), 354, General Galbaud), I61, 174-5, 197, 356,389 2II, 307-8, 324, 390 Delpech, Olivier (member of Second Civil Constituent Assembly Commission), IOI, I04, 256, and colonies, 32-3, (1789-1791), 36-8 13,36 Deputies to Convention, from Saint 278 and slavery, 32, 36-7, I3I. -de-camp to Delacroix,J J.-F (French politician), 354, General Galbaud), I61, 174-5, 197, 356,389 2II, 307-8, 324, 390 Delpech, Olivier (member of Second Civil Constituent Assembly Commission), IOI, I04, 256, and colonies, 32-3, (1789-1791), 36-8 13,36 Deputies to Convention, from Saint 278 and slavery, 32, 36-7, I3I. See also May arrival Domingue, 290, 320-3, 326-8,370 IS, 1791, law of in Paris, 327-8, 350, 352-5 Constitution of 1793, (in France), 14 campaign against white colonists, 368. consuls, French, 295, 309. See also Belley,, J.-B., Dufay, Louis, See also Hauterive, Alexandre, Garnot, Pierre Nicolas, Mills, JeanMangourit, Michel-Ange, Moissonnier, Baptiste, Rechin J.-F. Description topographique, phrysique, Convention (1792-1795), 14,98,320, civile, politique et historique de 331-2 la partie française de l'isle Saintand abolition of slavery, 21, I35, 328, Domingue (by Moreau de Saint340,363,374, 377 Méry),53 after 9 thermidor An II, 377 Desparbès, Jean-Jacques-Pierre colonial committee of, 336,3 347,367 98-9, IO5, 107-9. See also (general), March 5, 1793 decree of, 212, 272, Français, journée of October Cap 336-7,3 354 19,1792 16 pluviose An II, decree of, 356-65 Dessalines,, Jean-Jacques (general), recall of Sonthonax and Polverel 379-80, by, 280-1, 287, 328, 342-3,345. Développement des causes des troubles et See also Committee of General Secudésastres des colonies françaises (by rity, Committee of Public Safety, 16 Page and Brulley), 341 pluviôse An II, decree of; Robespierre, Devèze, Jean (doctor), 312 Maximilien Diderot, Denis (writer), 29-30 Cordon de l'Ouest, 43, 49 Directory, 378 Council of Peace and Union, 52, IOY, II5 Drescher, Seymour (historian), I5 creole language, proclamations issued in, Dubois, Laurent (historian), 7, II 143,258, 260 Duclos-Guyot (naval captain), 346 Ducos, Roger (French politician), 366 --- Page 432 --- Index Dufay, Louis (deputy from Saint-Domingue), crisis of June 9, 123, 258, 278-9, 320-3,368,388 20, 1793, and, 194-6, 200-1, abolition of slavery and, 206, 208-II, 219, 223, 2267, 248 356-61,369, Interim Commission and, 106 arrival in France (1794), insurrection launched by, 36,38, 43-4,76 César Galbaud and, 172-3 327-8,350,354 political rights of, I3, 34-7, 45-6,76, I3I events of June 20, 1793, and, 223, "pompon blanc" faction and, 43-4, 52 359-60 situation after crisis of June 20, 1793, General Galbaud and, 166, 265, 281. (1794), insurrection launched by, 36,38, 43-4,76 César Galbaud and, 172-3 327-8,350,354 political rights of, I3, 34-7, 45-6,76, I3I events of June 20, 1793, and, 223, "pompon blanc" faction and, 43-4, 52 359-60 situation after crisis of June 20, 1793, General Galbaud and, 166, 265, 281. See also Boisrond, Louis, 359-60 I7I-2, Cap Français, free population of Dumouriez, Charles-François color in, Castaing, Charles Guillaume, (general), Pinchinat, Pierre, 157-8, 174, 261,359 Raimond, François, Dunmore, Lord (British military officer), Raimond, Julien Freemasons, 54, 198 (illus.) Dutty, Boukman. See Boukman French Revolution, 38r and Saint-Domingue, 31-2, 40-I. earthquakes, in Haiti; Cap Français See also April 4, 1792 law of, Com- (1793), mittee of Public Constituent I7I Safety, Cap Français (1842), 394 Assembly, Convention, Declaration Haiti (2010), xiv of the Rights of Man, Directory, 16 emancipation edicts, 376 pluviose An II, decree of August 29, 1793, 98, 248, 269-72, 274, Galbaud, César (military 277-9 officer), 159--60, June 20, 1793, 195, 208-13, 245, 248 role 170, in 172-3, crisis 176, of 179 16 pluviôse An II, 287 June 20, 1793 190-I, Polverel's, in West and South Provinces, views 197, 203-4, 220, 229, 233 277-8, 284. See also abolition of slavon slavery, 160 Galbaud, ery, I6 pluviôse An II, decree of François-Thomas (general), 7,9, Eole (warship), 77, IOO, ISI (illus.), 291. arrival 136, in 153-5, 344,. 385-6 See also sailors, role in Cap Français, Cap Français, 153-4, I61-3 Sercey, Pietre-César-Charles career after 1794, 390-I crisis of June 20, 1793 and, 183, 187, Facing Racial Revolution (by Jeremy D. 189-92, 196-7, 199, 202-7, 213, Popkin), ix 215-8, 220-2, 229, 232-4, 238-40, Fauchet,, Joseph (French diplomat), 246, 300, 359-60 February 4, 1794, abolition decree of, 324 flight to Canada, 308-9 14. See also 16 pluviôse An II, 2, free people of color and, 169-71 decree of French Revolution and, 156 Fick, Carolyn (historian), 8 Genet and, 302-4, 323-4 Fine (warship), 191, 239-40. -4, 238-40, Fauchet,, Joseph (French diplomat), 246, 300, 359-60 February 4, 1794, abolition decree of, 324 flight to Canada, 308-9 14. See also 16 pluviôse An II, 2, free people of color and, 169-71 decree of French Revolution and, 156 Fick, Carolyn (historian), 8 Genet and, 302-4, 323-4 Fine (warship), 191, 239-40. mission to Saint-Domingue, 159 See also Truguet, Augustin policies in Cap Français (May-June First Civil Commission 1793), 168-9 (1791-92), 38,41, political ideas of, 49, 77. See also Mirbeck, Frédéric, 162-6, 17I-2, 176, Saint-Léger, Edmond de, Roume, pre-revolutionary Philippe career, I55-6, 177-8 Fouquier-Tinville, Antoine (French relations with Sonthonax and Polverel, politician), 352-3 165-6, 170, 174-9, 262-3 Fournier, Claude (white agitator), II6 Galbaud, Madame (Marie-Alexis Tobin), free people of color, in Saint-Domingue, IS6, 160-I, 179, 384, 389-91 II-2, 33-4, 138-40, 145, 2, crisis ofJune 20, 1793 and, 222, 233 adherence to republicanism, 247,343,384 in United States, 300, 305-9, 31I Galineau de Gascq (military officer), 258 --- Page 433 --- Index Garnot, Pierre-Nicolas (deputy from Histoire philosophique des Deux Indes (by Saint-Domingue), 123-4, 259, 279, Raynal), 29-30 320, 322. See also Castaing, Charles Hochschild, Adam (author), 382 Guillaume, Robquin, Pierre Charles Hugues, Victor (French Gaterau (colonial journalist), 309 politician), 338, Gauthier, Florence (historian), I3n human rights, Haitian Revolution Geggus, David (historian), 5, 5o 13-4n, 17-18n, 383 and, IO, Genet, Edmond (French diplomat), 4, 261, French Revolution and, 13-4 289, 295, 298-9,318,3 325-6,388 Hyacinthe (black General Galbaud and,302-4, insurgent leader), I4I 307,323-4 recall of, 317,350 Inconstante (warship), 266 relations with Saint-Domingue refugees, "Indulgents," 35,389. See also Danton, 290, 301-2, 306, 310-I, 314,321 Georges sailors and, 301, 303-4,306,317 Interim Commission, I06, IIS, 126, 136, slavery and, 296-7, 320-3,383 145-6, 282-3 support for Sonthonax and Polverel, establishment of, I06 247, 290, 295-7, 323 Iraq war, x-xi United States government and, 297-8, Isnard,. Jean Nicolas Martin (merchant), 316, 318 225-6 Gervais, Charles (white agitator), II6 Gignoux (Saint-Domingue politician), 258 Jacmel, 137, 141, 166 Girard, Jean (colonial merchant), 134, Jacobin movement, I3-4, 29-3, 87-8,338, , establishment of, I06 247, 290, 295-7, 323 Iraq war, x-xi United States government and, 297-8, Isnard,. Jean Nicolas Martin (merchant), 316, 318 225-6 Gervais, Charles (white agitator), II6 Gignoux (Saint-Domingue politician), 258 Jacmel, 137, 141, 166 Girard, Jean (colonial merchant), 134, Jacobin movement, I3-4, 29-3, 87-8,338, Girodet, Anne-Louis (artist), 355, 388 and free people of color, Girondins 14, 86, 337-8, 342, 349, 358. General Galbaud and, 94-5,369 See also Brissot, Jacques-Pierre and issue of slavery 156 Gouly, Benoît (French politician), 367, See also Brissot, 334, 339-40, 369. Jacques-Pierre, Committee of Public Safety, Danton, Grégoire, Henri (French abolitionist),36, Georges, Robespierre, Maximilien 13*,331,333,343,3 362,365 Jamaica, 2, ISI Gros (white colonist and author), 80 Jamaica convoy (1793), 298-9,302 Guadeloupe, 373, 380, 387 James, C.L.R. (historian), 7, Guittard de Floriban, Célestin (diarist), Jean-François (black insurgent 381 leader), 346,371 47-50, 127-8, I3I, 133, 208, 252, 255, 286 Haiti; American occupation of, 395 alliance with Spanish, 250, 253-6 independence of, 4,9 rejection of French Haitian Revolution, 5, 9-I0, 20, 387 by, 252-3, 256 emancipation offers free people of color and, II-2 royalist sentiments of, slavery and, I2 sale of slaves by, 128. See 130, also 250 sources for study of, 5-6 Georges Biassou, Hanus de Jumécourt (colonial politician), Jeanbon Saint-André (French politician), Haut 43 du Cap, 342, 345 II4-5, II7 Jefferson, Thomas role in crisis of June 20, 1793, 219-20, (American politician), 228, 297, 312,3 316, 318 Hauterive, 235 Alexandre Jérémie, 190, 279, 302, 3II,317, 351-2 (French diplomat), Jews, 227,369 296, 320-2, 323-4 Journal des Révolutions de la partie Havre, Le, 371 française de Saint-Domingue, Hébertistes, 389. See also Chaumette, See also Tanguy-Laboisière, Claude- 310. Pierre Corentin 3 316, 318 Hauterive, 235 Alexandre Jérémie, 190, 279, 302, 3II,317, 351-2 (French diplomat), Jews, 227,369 296, 320-2, 323-4 Journal des Révolutions de la partie Havre, Le, 371 française de Saint-Domingue, Hébertistes, 389. See also Chaumette, See also Tanguy-Laboisière, Claude- 310. Pierre Corentin --- Page 434 --- Index Journal politique de June 20, 1793, journée Sain-Domingue,79 of, I-2, 4,7, leads campaign against black 190-216 (illus. 201), 385-6 132-3 insurgents, background to, 183-8 and politics in Cap black insurgents' role in, 228, 149, 153 Français, 107-8, II4, death toll, 240, 242 234-5 role in crisis of June 20, 1793, emancipation proclamation of, I, 3, IS, 184, 195, 195, 209-I1, 248 and situation after crisis of events ofJune 21-24, 1793 217-45 1793,258, 268, 279-80, June 20, looting, 204, 214-5, 230-1,235 282-3, 286, outbreak of fire, 229-30 and Sonthonax and Polverel, significance of, 6-15, 19-20, 374, Lazzary, Bramante (black sources, S-6. See also Cap Français, 376-7 military officer), Galbaud, François-Thomas, Polverel, Leblanc, Lieutenant-Colonel Etienne, slaves, role in events of June 207, 3II (army officer), 20, 1793 Leclerc, Chade-ViesorEmmanued July Sonthonax, Léger-Félicité (general), 379 16, 1793, Convention decree of, Legislative. Assembly 98, 280-I, 287, 323, 342-3, 14, 97,330 (1791-92), 44, 86, 365. See also Brulley, 345,358, response to slave insurrection colonial lobby (in Paris), Augustin-jean, Page, 1791, 44-5, I3I. See also April of August Pierre-François, Polverel, Étienne, 1792 law of 4, Jeanbon Saint-André, Sonthonax, Second Civil Bismon.jaecguesFerts, Commission Léger-Félicité Léopard (warship), 7I Jupiter role in (warship), 1OO, ISI-2 Léopardins,71 crisis of June 20, 1793 184, Lequinio, Joseph (French 190-4, 196, 207, 222, 232, 238-40, Lettre au citoyen D politician), à 334 Convention nationale député la and Saint-Domingue Raimond), (by Julien in United States, 303-7 refugees, (illus. 291-3 "Lettre de Jean-François, 335 Biassou 305) 17n-18n, 50-I, 128 et Belair," Kentucky, ix Levasseur, René (French Kina, Jean (black military commander), 364,389 politician), 362, 283 Lincoln, Abraham, 359 Labuisionnière, Julien (free colored Lindet, Robert (French activist), 339-40 356. See also Committee politician), of Public 352-3, Lacoste,Jean de (French politician), 86, Safety 95-6 Louis XVI of La Forest (free colored Louisiana (king France), 45, 86, 130-I La Haye, Guillaume de activist), 76-7 Purchase, 379 132, 134, 259 (priest), 129-30, Macaya (black La Salle, Adrien de (general), insurgent leader), 235-6, 137-41, 179, 280 133-4, Mahé de Corméré (colonial Larchexesque-fhiband Jean-Gabriel r83, 199, 252, 258, 264 politician), (white agitator),78, I05-6, IIO, Maistral, David (naval captain), 125-6, 330-1, 347-8 Makandal (priest), 129-30, Macaya (black La Salle, Adrien de (general), insurgent leader), 235-6, 137-41, 179, 280 133-4, Mahé de Corméré (colonial Larchexesque-fhiband Jean-Gabriel r83, 199, 252, 258, 264 politician), (white agitator),78, I05-6, IIO, Maistral, David (naval captain), 125-6, 330-1, 347-8 Makandal and Sonthonax and Making ofHaiti, conspiracy, Laurent, Gérard Polverel, IO2 The (by Carolyn Fitch), 8 Laveaux, Etienne (historian), 8 Mangourit, consul), Michel-Ange (French II2, 132-3,136, (general), 99-100, I07-8, See also 232, 261, 294-5, 309, 316. 377,387 146, 149, 161,242, refugees Charlestown, from South Carolina, Carolina Saint-Domingue, South --- Page 435 --- Index Marat, Jean-Paul (French politician and Moreau de Saint-Méry, Médéric Louis Elie journalist), 93, 343 (author), 37, 53-5 marronage, 28, 67 Mossut (plantation manager), IO5, II9, "Marseillaise coloniale," 132 I2I, 134 Martinique, 104, 158, 373, 380 My Odyssey (anonymous work), 18n, 199, Mascareigne islands, 373, 378 203, 223-5,291-2, 325 Masse, Jean-Pierre (colonial official), I61-2, 168-9, 175, 265-6 Napoleon (French politician), Mauduit, Thomas-Antoine (military restoration of slavery by, 377 379-80,387 officer), 25 seizure of power by, 378 May I5, 1791, law of, 36-8, 5I, 54, 72, National Guard, 99 74, 77, 81, 88 Navy, in Saint-Domingue, IOO, American reactions to, 293 15O-2, revocation of, 76,328 role in crisis of June 20, 1793, May 31-June 2, 1793, journée of (in Paris), See also America, Cambis,, Joseph, 237-8. I4. See also Brissot, Jacques-Pierre, Eole,) Jupiter, sailors, role in Cap Girondins Français Meadows, Darrell (historian), 62 Nesbitt, Nick (historian), IO Mercier, Louis-Sébastien (author), SS New York; and refugees from SaintMilhet (militia commander), 201, 203 Domingue, 4, 231, 303-4 Millet, Thomas (white agitator), 143, 163, slavery in, 321. See also Hauterive, 173, 183, 304 Alexandre Mills, Jean-Baptiste (deputy from Noel, Bien-Aimé (free man of color), 226 Saint-Domingue), 279, 323,327-8. Norfolk, Virginia; Saint-Domingue See also deputies from Saintin, 293-4, 301 refugees Domingue Normande, La (warship), 180, 183, Milscent, Claude (journalist), 91, 135, 190, 234 185, North Province and and Page Brulley, 333, 344-6 abolition of (Saint-Domingue); slavery in, 248 Mirabeau, Honoré Gabriel de Riqueti, provincial assembly IOI Count of, 32 slave insurrection in, of,33, IO-23, Mirbeck, Frédéric (member of First Civil See also Cap Français, slave 38,47. warship), 180, 183, Milscent, Claude (journalist), 91, 135, 190, 234 185, North Province and and Page Brulley, 333, 344-6 abolition of (Saint-Domingue); slavery in, 248 Mirabeau, Honoré Gabriel de Riqueti, provincial assembly IOI Count of, 32 slave insurrection in, of,33, IO-23, Mirbeck, Frédéric (member of First Civil See also Cap Français, slave 38,47. uprising Commission), 38. See also First Civil (August 22-23, 1791) Commission Nowvelles politiques, 345 Moissonnier, J.-F. (French diplomat), Nully (military officer), 251, 256 293, 296, 298-9, 301, 309-I0. See also Baltimore, Genet, Edmond, Odo,Jeanne (free woman of color), 339 Jamaica convoy Ogé rebellion, 35-6,71-2, I22 Môle Saint-Nicolas, 190, 279, 317, 351-2 Ogé, Vincent (free colored "Mon Odyssée" (anonymous manuscript). militant), 35-6, 71--2 See My Odyssey Monge, Gaspard (French politician), 94, Pache, Jean-Nicolas (French politician), 158 98, 104, 136, 158-9, 164, 331 Page, Pierre-François (colonial Moniteur général de la partie française de 261, 384, 389 lobbyist), Saint-Domingue, 79, 8I, III, 146, arrest of, 368 197-8 (illus. 198) and crisis of June and crisis of June 20 1793 187-8, 197 ideas of, 341, 20, 1793, 344 and journée of October 19, 1792, I09. mission to France, 343, 389 See also Batilliot, Saint-Maurice, H. D. de 356-7,367. See 329-34,336-54, also Brulley, Montagnards. See Jacobin movement Augustin-Jean, colonial lobby (in Montesquieu (author), 142 France) --- Page 436 --- Index Pageot, François (military officer), 256 free men of color Paris Commune, 369-I0. and, 95, 174, 18I-2, See also Chaumette, Pierre 186, 265 Patriote français, 333 and General Galbaud, 166, 170-I, 174, Penman, Edward (British agent), 309 mission 176-81, 232-3 Père Duchêne, 310 to South Province, 137 Perkins, Samuel (American merchant), mission to West Province, 267, 271, 68, 193, 195, 215, 223, 231,236-7 65, and 277-8, 283 (illus.), 242, 267-8 navy, IOO, ISI-2 Pérotin-Dumon, Anne (historian), 67 proclamation of fJuly 2, 1793, 257-8 Pétion, Alexandre (free colored leader), proclamation of July II, 1793, 260 recall of, 98, 280, 287-8" Philadelphia, 297 relations with Genet, 295, 349 and refugees from Saint-Domingue, and situation after crisis of June 20, 293-5, 309, 312, 320 4, 1793, 246, 257-8, 260-6, 284-6. historian), 67 proclamation of fJuly 2, 1793, 257-8 Pétion, Alexandre (free colored leader), proclamation of July II, 1793, 260 recall of, 98, 280, 287-8" Philadelphia, 297 relations with Genet, 295, 349 and refugees from Saint-Domingue, and situation after crisis of June 20, 293-5, 309, 312, 320 4, 1793, 246, 257-8, 260-6, 284-6. yellow fever epidemic in, See also Second Civil Commission, Sonthonax, Picquenard,, Jean-Baptiste (secretary to Polverel, François Léger-Félicité Second Civil Commission), (son of Etienne Polverel), 123, 194, 206, 143-4, 165, 174 233-4, 306, 3II Pierrot (black insurgent leader), 208-9, Popkin, Juliet, xiv-xv 234-6, 251, 255 Port-au-Prince, 25, 39, 43, 282, 284, Pinchinat, Pierre (free colored leader), 106, destruction 393-4 of 122, I37-8, 140, 194, 247, 384 revolt against Sonthonax (1791), 43 and crisis of December I-8, 1792, and Polverel, II5-8, 194 137-40 Piquet, Jean-Daniel (historian), Port-de-Paix, 281 plantations, 13n, 334 Préjugés détruits, Les (by slavery on, II Préty, Arnaud Lequinio), 334 Platons, slave insurrection of, 25, 52, (policeman), 307-8 16 pluviôse An II, decree of, 333-4, Raboteau, P.J. (colonial politician), IO2-3, 354,356-65, 369, 374, 376. Radoteur, 106, 125 See also abolition of slavery, Committee of Public Safety, Raimond, François (free man of color), Convention, Delacroix, J.-F, deputies I06, II7 from Saint-Domingue, Dufay, Louis, Raimond, Julien (representative of free Levasseur, René men of color in France), I2, 34-5,37, political history, X 86-7,92,94-5, IOI, IIO, 126, 159, Polverel, Etienne (member of Second Civil arrest 328,389 of, Commission), 9, 85, 88-9,92,97-8, attitude toward 347, 349, 352-3, 373 328,384 slavery, IOI, IIO, 212, attitude toward slavery, I02-24, 141-4, and 248,335 General 167, 209, 212-3, 247-9, 257-60, role in debates Galbaud, about colonies I58 264-5,376 (1793), career beforer792, 88 334-7, 340-I, 343, 347 conflicts with Sonthonax, and Sonthonax, 89-90. See also free III-2, 125, people of color (in 137, 269-I, 283 Raynal, Saint-Domingue) and Convention, 262-4, 266-7 Guluse-Thonusinmyois crisis of June 20, 1793 and, 183, 185-7, Réchin (author), (deputy 29-30 from 193-5, 200-I, 206-13, 215-7, 219, Réflexions SUr les véritables Saint-Domingue), 350 228-30, 234, 236-7, 240, 360 troubles et désastres causes des death of, 387 de nos colonies (by Raimond), 335 -7 Guluse-Thonusinmyois crisis of June 20, 1793 and, 183, 185-7, Réchin (author), (deputy 29-30 from 193-5, 200-I, 206-13, 215-7, 219, Réflexions SUr les véritables Saint-Domingue), 350 228-30, 234, 236-7, 240, 360 troubles et désastres causes des death of, 387 de nos colonies (by Raimond), 335 --- Page 437 --- Index United Roume, Philippe (member of First Civil refugees from Saint-Domingue (in Commission), 38 States), 289-97, 309, 324-5 royalists (in Saint-Domingue), I2I, black and mixed-race refugees, 314-6 279, 310, 324. denunciations of Sonthonax and Polverel 189-90, 192, 196, See also slave uprising (August 22-23, by, 290, 310, 321 1791), royalist sentiments of and Genet, 290-301-2, 306, 310-I, 321 influence in France, 290 role in Cap Français, 58, 77, IOO, influence in United States, 289, 293-4, sailors, I07, III, I18, I50 living 296,301, conditions 325 in United States, 311 I-4, British, 218 and General Galbaud, 300, 302-6 and Genet, 301, 303, 306,317 numbers, 291, 294 racial attitudes of, IOO, ISI-2 voyage to United States, 290-2. role in crisis of June 20, 1793, 184-5, See also Baltimore, Charlestown, 187, 190, 196-7, 199-200, 202-7, South Carolina, Genet, Edmond, My Odyssey, New York, Philadelphia 217, 220-3, 229-30, 35, 237-40, régiment du Cap,13 243, 246, 262-3 Révolution française et la fin des colonies, in United States, 289, 299-302, 317. See also Cambis, Joseph,. Jupiter, navy, La (by Yves Bénot), 381 revolutionary government, practice of,97, in Saint-Domingue Saint-Domingue, 2 of, Sonthonax and Polverel's version of, economic importance 26,29 map of, 27 (illus.) 124, 140 of, 26 Révolutions de Paris, 87,91-2 population slave insurrection in, I7-9 Rewbell,, Jean-François (French 26, 28-9 politician), 37. See also May I5, slavery in, 16, law of white colonists in, 2, 24, 26, 28-33,43, 1791, figure), 270. 45. See also Cap Français, free people Richebourg (colonial political of color (in Saint-Domingue) See also communism SaintChevalier Joseph de Rigaud, André (free colored military Georges, (musician and military officer), 339 leader), 194, 208, 247 Saint-Just, Louis (French politician), 317, Robespierre, Maximilien (French politician), 14n, 36-7.317,333,354, Saint-Léger, 342-3,366 Edmond de (member of First 358, 384, 389 Civil Commission), 38 and abolition of slavery, 356-7, Saint-Maurice, H.-D. de (journalist), 27, free colored military Georges, (musician and military officer), 339 leader), 194, 208, 247 Saint-Just, Louis (French politician), 317, Robespierre, Maximilien (French politician), 14n, 36-7.317,333,354, Saint-Léger, 342-3,366 Edmond de (member of First 358, 384, 389 Civil Commission), 38 and abolition of slavery, 356-7, Saint-Maurice, H.-D. de (journalist), 27, overthrow of, 288, 389 and crisis of June 20, 1793, 197-8, and Sonthonax and Polverel, 350, 205, 207, 21I, 222-3, 235. 365-6 See also Moniteur général de la partie views on slavery of, 334, 340, 366. de Saint-Domingue See also Committee of Public Safety, française 16 pluviôse. An II, decree of Sansay, Leonora (author), 393-4 378. Robquin, Pierre Charles (military officer), Santo Domingo (Spanish colony), 2-, See also Castaing, See also Spain 124, 173, 259,321. Pierre Schoelcher, Victor (French politician), Charles Guillaume Garnot, Nicolas Rochambeau, D. M.] J. Vimeur de (general), Second Civil Commission, 23, 85-6, I03-4, 131,330. See also Ailhaud, 104-9-12, 132, 158, 379 Jean-Antoine, Delpech, Olivier, and crisis of December I-8, II5,I18, Polverel, Etienne, Sonthonax, Léger-Félicité Rogers, Dominque (historian), 64 --- Page 438 --- Index 42I Secret History, or the Horrors of. Saintand Domingue (by Sansay), 393 crisis of June 20, 1793, 183, 185-7, Seguin (merchant), 226 193-5, 200-I, 206-13, 215-7, 219, September 5, 1793, journée of (in Paris), and 228-30, 234-7, 240, 360 emancipation decree of August 29, September massacres (in Paris), 2 and 1793,98, 269-72, 277-8, 360, 363 Sercey, Pierre-César-Charles (naval officer), free men of color, 95, II2, 125-6, 174, 184, 238, 299, 302-3, 317 174, 18I-2, 186, 265 Sixteenth Dragoons (Dragoons of Orléans), and General Galbaud, 166, 170-I, 174, 176-81, 232-3 slave uprising of. August and Genet, 295 9-10,38, 22-23, 1791, 4, and journée of Octobér French 41-3, 46-8, 127, 293 Français, 19, 1792 in Cap government's response to, 44-6 and I08-I0 goals of, 17-9, 46-8, 5o-I navy, I0O, ISI-2 image of, 42 (illus.) proclamation ofJuly 2, 1793, 257-8 outbreak of, 41,73 proclamation of July II, 1793, 260 religion and, 129-30 recall of, 98, 280-1, 287-8, 340, 349 royalist sentiments 0f,94, and situation after crisis of June 129-30, 20, 135. , 17-9, 46-8, 5o-I navy, I0O, ISI-2 image of, 42 (illus.) proclamation ofJuly 2, 1793, 257-8 outbreak of, 41,73 proclamation of July II, 1793, 260 religion and, 129-30 recall of, 98, 280-1, 287-8, 340, 349 royalist sentiments 0f,94, and situation after crisis of June 129-30, 20, 135. See also Biassou, Georges, black 1793, 246, 257-8, 260-6, 268-72, insurrection (in Saint-Domingue 274, 278, 280-2, 284-6 1792-4), Boukman, Jean-François, and slave insurrection, 127, 132, Toussaint Louverture 134-6 slaves, role in events of June 20, 1793, supporters of, in Cap Français, I2I-4, 195-6, 208-10, 213, 217, 219, 224 (illus.), 225-7, 231, 243-4 voyage to West Province of (Febslavery, 21, 31 ruary-June 1793), 124, 136-9. in Saint-Domingue, II, 39-40 See also Polverel, Etienne, Second Civil urban, II, 40, 64-6 Commission Société des amis de la Convention South Carolina, 4 nationale, 106-9, II3. See also Cap and refugees from Saint-Domingue, Français, journée of October 19, 1792 232, 316. See also Charlestown, Société des amis des noirs, 12, 35, 44, 46, South Carolina, Mangourit, 88-9,331, 333. See also Brissot, South Michel-Ange Jacques-Pierre, Condorcet, Grégoire, white Province, 39, I41, 256 Henri dissidence in, 247. Société des colons américaines, See also Jérémie See also Raimond, Julien 35. Spain; and black insurgents in 285-6, Sonthonax, Léger-Félicité (member of 350-5, 1793 Second Civil Commission), 8, support for slave insurrection by, 20, 90, 92, 97-8, IIO-2, 273 (illus 85-9-, 328,384 war against France, 124, 136 attitude toward slavery, 87, IO2-3, II6, Stein, Robert Louis (historian), 8, 268 124, I41-4, 167, 186, 209, 212-3, Surveillante, La (warship), 182 257-60, 264-5, 272, 274, 282, 347-9, Tableau de Paris (by Mercier), 55 career before 1792, 87 Tanguy-Laboissière, Claude-Corentin career after 1794, 387 (white agitator), 142, 145-6, 163, and club in Cap Français, IO7-8, 306, 309-10,324 173, conflicts with Polverel, III-2, III Thornton, John (historian), 130 269-71, 283 125, Tobin, Marie-Alexis. -9, Tableau de Paris (by Mercier), 55 career before 1792, 87 Tanguy-Laboissière, Claude-Corentin career after 1794, 387 (white agitator), 142, 145-6, 163, and club in Cap Français, IO7-8, 306, 309-10,324 173, conflicts with Polverel, III-2, III Thornton, John (historian), 130 269-71, 283 125, Tobin, Marie-Alexis. See Galbaud, and Convention, 262-4, 266-7, 278 Madame Tocqueville, Alexis de (author), 388 --- Page 439 --- Index Toussaint Louverture, 3, 7, IO, 48, 127, Valmy, battle of,25, I57 133, 220, 377-9, 381, 384, 386-7 Vandongen, Daniel (naval captain), alliance with French, 256, 277, 285-6 205-6, alliance with Spanish, 250, 256 Vanstabel convoy, career from 1794 to 1803,387,393 Vasquez, Josef (priest), 325 254 and crisis of June 20, 1793, 8 Vergniaud, Guillaume Henry (colonial rejection of French emancipation offers official), I2I, 123, 172, 210, 258 by, 251, 253, 255, 274-7 Verneuil, Louis (white agitator), royalist sentiments expressed by, 130, 276 II6, 351, 384. See also Cap II3-4, and struggle against slavery, 21, 48, crisis of December I-8, 1792 Français, 383-4. See also black insurrection (in Villatte, Jean-Louis (free colored military Saint-Domingue 1792-4) officer), 194, 282, 286 Tracy, Antoine Destutt de (French vodou, 129 politician), 36 Trouillot, Michel-Rolph (scholar), 382 Wante, Charles (colonial official), 268, Truguet, Augustin (naval captain), 19I, 280, 291, 319 238, 240 war, between France and Britain and Spain, turning point, concept of, 385-7 124, 136, 145, 246 Tzechouart (naval captain), 182 and black insurgents, 250. See also BritUnited ain, Spain Nations, 382 Washington, George of United United States; abolition of slavery in, 19 States), 297-8 (president and black refugees from SaintWest Province; insurrection of free men of Domingue, 314-6 color in, 36,39 and French republicanism, 289, 298, women; and emancipation decrees in 1793, 301, 304, 322 and mixed-race refugees, 315-6 free women of color, and refugees from Saint-Domingue, 62, 64-5 (illus. 3, 65), 231-2 248, 289, 291, 293-4,314-5 rights of, 369 slavery in, I3, 26. See also Civil War, slave women, 66, 225-6, 231-2 Genet, Edmond, Jefferson, Thomas, Washington, George yellow fever epidemic (1793), 4, 312 --- Page 440 ---